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. ί 

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E. CAPPS, Ph.D., LL.D. T. E. PAGE, Litt.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, Litt.D. 



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•• t* • 






PH.D., LL.D. 







Professor John Robert Sitlington Sterrett, the 
eminent scholar who was originally chosen by the 
Editors of the Loeb Classical Library to prepare this 
edition of Strabo, died suddenly on June 15, 1914. 
His many friends and colleagues in the world of 
scholarship were greatly disappointed that he was 
thus prevented from bringing to a happy completion 
a task which would have been a fitting consummation 
of a long and notable career. In accordance with a 
desire he expressed to me shortly before his death, 
and at the invitation of the Editors, I have ventured, 
not without misgivings, to carry on the work from 
the point where his labours ceased. 

The Introduction and the Bibliography remain 
substantially as they were left by Professor Sterrett ; 
and the translation of the first two lx)oks, contained 
in Volume I., not only is indebted to him for much of 
its diction, but reveals in other elements of style 
many traces of his individuality. Nevertheless the 




present version, a fairly literal one perhaps, is so 
remote from the free rendering of Professor Sterrett, 
above all in the technical passages, that it would be 
unjust to hold him responsible for any mistakes or 
infelicities which the reader may now detect. The 
Editors, it is true, at firist requested me merely to 
revise and see through the press the first two books 
as Professor Sterrett had left them, and then to pro- 
ceed independently with the remaining fifteen ; yet 
upon a closer examination of his work both they and 
I decided that to revise it for publication would be 
impossible without destroying its quality and aim, at 
all events for a new translator of the whole. The 
Editors then decided, in view of the purposes of the 
Loeb Library and for the sake of unity in the work 
as a whole, to proceed as the title-page indicates; 
and hence, in order to avoid the danger of attributing 
to Professor Sterrett a method of interpretation for 
which he should not be held accountable, the pre- 
sent translator has been forced to assume all the 
responsibility from the beginning — for the first two 
liooks as well as the rest. 

In constituting the Greek text I have tried to 
take into account the work that has been done by 
scholars, not only since the appearance of Meineke's 
edition, but prior to that edition as Λν^Ι. The map 



of The Inhabited World according to Strabo (drawn 
by Mr. L. A. Lawrence of Cornell University) is 
adapted partly from the Orbis Terrarnm secufidum 
Strahonem of C. Μ tiller and partly from that of 
W. Sieglin. 

I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness to 
my colleagues^ Professor Lane Cooper and Professor 
Joseph Quincy Adams^ of Cornell University, for 
their criticism of the translation ; and also to Pro- 
fessor Ora M. Leland, for assistance in technical 
problems related to astronomy. But above all, a 
desire to record an incalculable debt of gratitude to 
my lamented friend. Professor Sterrett, who, in the 
relation first of teacher and later of colleague, was 
to me, as to many others, an unfailing source of 
inspiration and encouragement. 

H. L. J. 
April, 1916. 










BOOK II 251 



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What is known about Strabo must be gleaned 
from his own statements scattered up and down the 
pages of his Geography ; this is true not merely of 
his lineage^ for we also learn much by inference 
concerning his career and writings. Dorylaus, sur- 
named Tacticus or the Goieral, is the first of the 
maternal ancestors of Strabo to be mentioned by him, 
in connexion with his account of Cnossus (10. 4. 10). 
This Dorylaus was one of the officers and friends of 
Mithridates Euergetes, who sent him on frequent 
journeys to Thrace and Greece to enlist mercenary 
troops for the royal army. At that time the Romans 
had not yet occupied Crete, and Dorylaus happened 
to put in at Cnossus at the outbreak of a war 
between Cnossus and Gortyna. His prestige as a 
general caused him to be placed in command of the 
Cnossian army ; his operations resulted in a sweeping 
victory for Cnossus, and great honours were heaped 
upon him in consequence. At that juncture Euergetes 
was assassinated at Sinope, and as Doiylaus had 
nothing to hope for from the widowed queen and 
young children of the dead king, he cast in his lot 
permanently with the Cnossians. He married at 



Cnossus^ where were born his one daughter and two 
sons^ Lagetas and Stratarchas. Their very names indi- 
cate the martial proclivities of the family. Stratarchas 
was already an aged man when Strabo saw him. 
Mithridates, surnamed Eupator and the Great, 
succeeded to the throne of Euergetes at the early 
age of eleven years. He had been brought up with 
another Dorylaus, who was the nephew of Dorylaus 
the general. When Mithridates had become king, 
he showed his affection for his playmate Dorylaus, 
by showering honours upon him, and by making him 
priest of Ma at Comana Pontica — a dignity which 
caused Dorylaus to rank immediately after the king. 
But not content with that, Mithridates was desirous 
of conferring benefactions upon the other members 
of his friend's family. Dorylaus, the general, was 
dead, but Lagetas and Stratarchas, his sons, now 
grown to manhood, were summoned to the court of 
Mithridates. ^'The daughter of Lagetas was the 
mother of my mother,'* says Strabo. As long as 
fortune smiled on Dorylaus, Lagetas and Stratarchas 
continued to fare well ; but ambition led Dorylaus to 
become a traitor to his royal master; he was con- 
victed of plotting to surrender the kingdom to the 
Romans, who, it seems, had agreed to make him 
king in return for his treasonable service. The 
details of the sequel are not known ; for all that 
Strabo thinks it worth whil^ to say is that the two 
men went down into obscurity and discredit along 
with Dorylaus (10. 4. 10). These ancestors of Strabo 



were Greeks, but Asiatic blood also flowed in his 
veins. When Mithridates annexed Colchis, he 
realized the importance of appointing as governors of 
the province only liis most faithful officials and 
friends. One of these governors was Moaphemes, 
the uncle of Strabo's mother on her father's side 
(11. 2. 18). Moaphemes did not attain to this exalted 
station until towards the close of the reign of 
Mithridates, and he shared in the ruin of his royal 
master. But other members of the family of Strabo 
escaped that ruin ; for they foresaw the downfall of 
Mithridates, and sought cover from the impending 
storm. One of them was Strabo's paternal grand- 
father, Aeniates by name (if the conjecture of Ettore 
Pais be accepted). Aeniates had private reasons for 
hating Mithridates, and, besides that, Mithridates 
had put to death Tibius, the nephew of Aeniates, 
and Tibius* son Theophilus. Aeniates therefore 
sought to avenge both them and himself; he treason- 
ably surrendered fifteen fortresses to LucuUus, who 
made him promises of great advancement in return 
for this service to the Roman cause. But at this 
juncture LucuUus was superseded by Pompey, who 
hated LucuUus and regarded as his own personal 
enemies all those who had rendered noteworthy 
service to his predecessor. Pompey* s hostility to 
Aeniates was not confined to the persecution of him 
in Asia Minor ; for, when he had returned to Rome 
after the termination of the war, he prevented the 
Senate from conferring the honours promised by 




Lucullus to certain men in Pontus, on the ground that 
the spoils and honours should not be awarded by 
Lucullus, but by himself, the real victor. And so it 
came about that Strabo's grandfather failed of the 
reward of his treason (12. 3. 13). A further proof of 
the existence of Asiatic blood in the veins of Strabo 
is the name of his kinsman Tibius ; for, says Strabo, 
the Athenians gave to their slaves the names of 
the nations from which they came, or else the names 
that were most current in the countries from which 
they came ; for instance, if the slave were, a Paph- 
lagonian, the Athenians would call him Tibius 
(7. 3. 12). Thus it appears that Strabo was of 
mixed lineage, and that he was descended from 
illustrious Greeks and Asiatics who had served the 
kings of Pontus as generals, satraps, and priests of 
Ma. But by language and education he was 
thoroughly Greek. 
I Strabo was bom in Amasia in Pontus in 64 or 63 
^ B.C. (the later date being the year of Cicero's 
/ consulate). It is plain that his family had managed 
\ to amass property, and Strabo must have inherited 
considerable wealth ; for his fortune was sufficient 
to enable him to devote his life to scholarly pursuits 
and to travel somewhat extensively. His education 
was elaborate, and Greek in character. When he 
was still a very young man he studied under Aristo- 
demus in Nysa near Tralles in Caria (14. 1. 48). 
His parents may have removed from Amasia to 
Nysa in consequence of the embarrassing conditions 



brought about by the victories of Pompey, the enemy 
of their house ; but the boy may have been sent to 
study in Nysa before the overthrow of Mithridates 
the Great ; and, if so, he was probably sent thither 
because one of his kinsmen held high office in the 
neighbouring Tralles. Ettore Pais points out that, 
when Mithridates the Great ordered the kilUng of 
the Roman citizens in Asia, Theophilus, a Captain in 
service in Tralles, was employed by the Trallians to 
do the killing. It seems probable that this Theo- 
philus was the kinsman of Strabo, and the same 
person who was afterwards executed by Mithridates, 
an execution that caused Strabo's paternal grand- 
father to betray the king and desert to Lucullus. 

In 44 B.C. Strabo went to Rome by way of 
Corinth. It was at Rome that he met Publius 
Servilius, sumamed Isauricus, and that general died 
in 44 B.C. (This was also the year of the death of 
Caesar.) Strabo was nineteen or twenty years old 
at the time of his first visit to Rome. In connexion 
with his account of Amisus (12. 3. 16) we read that 
Strabo studied) under Tp'annion. That instruction 
must have b^en received at Rcwne ; for in 66 b.c. 
Lucullus had taken Tyrannion as a captive to Rome, 
where he gaye instruction, among others, to the two 
sons of Cicero. It is Cicero {Ad Ait. 2. 6. 1) who 
tells us that Tyrannion was also a distinguished 
geographer, and he may have guided Strabo into the 
paths of geographical study. It was probably also 
at Rome that Strabo had the good fortune to attend 



the lectures of Xenarchus (14. 5.4), the Peripatetic 
philosopher ; for he tells us that Xenarchus abandoned 
Seleucia, his native place, and lived in Alexandria, 
Athens, and Rome, where he followed the profession 
of teacher. He also tells us that he " Aristotelized '* 
along with Boethus (the Stoic philosopher of Sidon), 
or, in other words, under Xenarchus in Rome 
(16. 2. 24). Strabo knew Poseidonius (7. fr. 9a, 
quoted from Athenaeus 14. 75. p. 657), and it has 
been argued from that statement that Poseidonius, 
too, was one of Strabo's teachers. But in spite of 
the fact that his teachers were Peripatetics, there 
can be no doubt that he was himself an adherent of 
Stoicism. He confesses himself a Stoic (7. 3. 4) ; 
he speaks of " our Zeno ** (1. 2. 34) ; again, he 
says : " For in Poseidonius there is much inquiry 
into causes and much imitating of Aristotle — pre- 
cisely what our School avoids, on account of the ob- 
scurity of the causes ** (2. 3. 8). Stephanus Byzantius 
calls him '^the Stoic philosopher.*' Strabo lets his 
adherence to Stoicism appear on many occasions, 
and he even contrasts the doctrines of Stoicism with 
those of the Peripatetic School. What had brought 
about his conversion cannot be ascertained. It may 
have been due to Athenodorus ; for in his account 
of Petra he says that it is well-governed, and " my 
friend Athenodorus, the philosopher, has spoken to 
me of that fact with admiration" (16. 4. 21). This 
philosopher-friend was the Stoic Athenodorus, the 
teacher and friend of Augustus. Strabo makes his 



position in regard to the popular religion quite clear 
in several ^lassages ; he insists that while such 
religion is necessary in order to hold the illiterate in 
check, it is unworthy of the scholar. ** For in deal- 
ing with a crowd of women, at least, or with any 
promiscuous mob, a philosopher cannot influence 
them by reason or exhort them to reverence, piety, 
and faith ; nay, there is need of religious fear also, 
and this cannot be aroused without myths and 
marvels. For thunderbolt, aegis, trident, torches, 
snakes, thyrsus-lances, — arms of the gods — are myths, 
and so is the entire ancient theology'* (1. 2. 8). In 
speaking of the supposed religiosity of the Getans 
(7. 3. 4) he quotes Menander to the effect that the 
observances of public worship are ruining the world 
financially, and he gives a somewhat gleeful picture 
of the absence of real religion behind those same 
observances of public worship. Yet Strabo had 
a religion, and even though he believed that causes 
are past finding out, he nevertheless believed in 
Providence as the great First Cause. He sets forth 
the Stoic doctrine of " conformity to nature " at 
some length in speaking of Egypt (17. 1. 36), and he 
also adverts to it in his account of the river-system 
of France (4. 1. 14). 

As for his political opinions, he seems to have 
followed Polybius in his profound respect for the 
Romans, with whom, apjmrently, he is in entire 
sympathy ; he never fails to show great admiration, 
not only for the political grandeur of the Roman 




Empire^ but for its wise administration as well ; he is 
convinced of the necessity of a central monarchial 
power : " The excellence of the government and of 
the Roman Emperors has prevented Italy (which has 
often been torn by civil war from the very time when 
it became subject to Rome), and even Rome itself, 
from proceeding further in the ways of error and 
corruption. But it would be difficult for the Romans 
to govern so vast an empire in any other way than 
by entrusting it to one person — as it were, to a 
father. And certainly at no other period have the 
Romans and their allies enjoyed such perfect peace 
and prosperity as that which the Emperor Augustus 
gave them from the very moment when he was 
clothed with autocratic power, a peace which 
Tiberius, his son and successor, continues to give 
them at the present moment ; for he makes Augustus 
the pattern in his policy and administration; and 
Germanicus and Drusus, the sons of Tiberius, who 
are now serving in the government of their father, 
also 'make Augustus their pattern" (6. 4. 2). And 
he constantly takes the Roman point of view. For 
instance, in leading up to his account of the de- 
struction of Corinth by Mummius, he tells us that 
the Corinthians had perpetrated manifold outrages 
on the Romans ; he does indeed mention the feeling 
of pity to which Polybius gave expression in telling 
of the sack of Corinth, and says that Polybius was 
horrified at the contempt shown by the Roman 
soldiery for the sacred offerings and the masterpieces 



of art; ^^for Polybius says he personally saw how 
paintings had been thrown to the ground and saw 
the soldiers playing dice on them." But Strabo gives 
us to understand that his own private feeling is that 
the Corinthians were merely paying for the many 
insults they had heaped on the Romans (8. 6. 23), 
He is equally dispassionate in telling of the Roman 
conquest of his own native country (12. 3. 33). He 
seems to be thoroughly Roman at heart; for the 
Romans have united the world under one beneficent 
administration (1. 1. 16) ; by the extinction of the 
pirates the Roman peace has brought prosperity, tran- 
quillity, security to commerce, and safety of travel 
(3. 2. 5; 14. 3. 3; 16. 2. 20); a country becomes 
prosperous just as soon as it comes under the Roman 
sway (3. 3. 8), which opens up means of inter- 
communication (2. 5. 26); friendship and alliance 
with Rome mean prosperity to the people possessing 
them (3. 1. 8 ; 4. 1. 5); so does the establishment of 
a Roman colony in any place (6. 3. 4). 

We have seen that Strabo went to Rome in 44 b.c, 
and that he was nineteen or twenty years old at that 
time. He made several other journeys to Rome : 
we find him there in 35 b.c. ; for that is the date of 
the execution of Selurus (6. 2. 6), which Strabo 
witnessed. He was then twenty-nine years old. 
He was in Rome about 31 b.c. ; for he saw the 
painting of Dionysus by Aristeides (one of those 
paintings seen by Polybius at the sack of Corinth) in 
the temple of Ceres in Rome, and he adds : " But 

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recently the temple was destroyed by fire, and the 
painting perished ** (8. 6. 23). It is known from 
Dio Cassius (50. 10) that the temple of Ceres was 
burned in 31 b.c. He was thirty-two or thirty- three 
years old at that time. We know of still another 
journey to Rome : " I landed on the island of Gyaros, 
where I found a small village inhabited by fisher- 
men ; when we sailed from the island, we took on 
board one of those fishermen who had been sent on 
a mission to Augustus (who was then at Corinth, 
on his way [from Egypt] to celebrate his triumph 
after his victory at Actium). On the voyage we 
questioned this fisherman, and he told us that he 
had been sent to ask for a diminution of the tribute *' 
(10. 5. 3). Here we find Strabo journeying from 
Asia Minor, by way of the island of Gyaros and 
Corinth, and the clear inference is that he was on 
his way to Rome at the time. This was in 29 b.c., 
and Strabo was thirty-four or thirty-five years old. 
Augustus had just founded Nicopolis in honour of 
his victory at Actium (7. 7. 6), and it is not un- 
likely that Strabo visited the new city on that 
voyage. In 25 and 24 b.c. he is in Egypt, and 
accompanies Aelius Gallus up the Nile, proceeding 
as far as Syene and the frontiers of Ethiopia (2. 5. 
12). At that time he was thirty-nine years old. He 
was still in Egypt when Augustus was in Samos in 20 
B.C. (14. 1. 14). He was then forty-four years old. 
Accordingly he lived for more than five years in 
Alexandria, and we may infer that it was in the 




Alexandrian library that he made from the works of 
his predecessors those numerous excerpts with which 
his book is filled. We find him again in Rome about 
7 B.C. ; for in his description of Rome he mentions 
buildings that were erected after 20 b.c., the last of 
them being the portico of Livia, which was dedi- 
cated in 7 B.C. (5, 3. 8). This was perhaps his final 
visit to Rome, and he was then fifty-six or fifty-seven 
years old. It seems that he lived to be eighty-four 1 
years old, for he chronicles the death of Juba in / 
21 A.D., but the last twenty-six or twenty-seven V / 
years of his life were spent far from Rome, and > 
probably in his native Amasia. His residence at this j 
remote place made it impossible for him to follow 
the course of recent political events and to incor- 
porate them in the revised edition of his book. 

Strabo thought that he had travelled much. He 
says : ^' Now I shall tell what part of the land and 
sea I have myself visited and concerning what part I 
have trusted to accounts given by others by word of 
mouth or in writing. I have travelled westward from 
Armenia as far as the coasts of Tyrrhenia opposite 
Sardinia, and in the direction of the South I have 
travelled from the Euxine Sea as far as the frontiers 
of Ethiopia. And you could not find another person 
among the writers on Geography who has travelled 
over much more of the distances just mentioned 
than I ; indeed, those who have travelled more than 
I in the western regions have not covered as much 
ground in the east, and those who have travelled 




more in the eastern countries are behind me in the 
western countries ; and the same holds true in re- 
gard to the regions towards the South and North " 
(2. 5. 11). And yet it cannot be said that he was a 
great traveller ; nor can it be said that he travelled 
for the purpose of scientific research — the real reason 
for his journeys will presently appear. He saw little 
even of Italy, where he seems to have followed 
without much deviation the roads Brindisi-Rome, 
Rome-Naples-Puteoli, and Rome-Populonia. It does 
not appear that he lived for any very long stretch 
of tftne at Rome ; and it cannot be maintained with 
positiveness that in Greece he saw any place other 
than Corinth — not even Athens, strange as this 
may seem. In the South and the £ast his travels 
were more extensive : in the South he visited the Nile 
valley as far as the frontiers of Ethiopia ; he was at 
Comana Aurea for some time ; he saw the river 
Pyramus, Hierapolis in Phrygia, Nysa in Caria, and 
£phesus ; he was acquainted with Pontus ; he visited 
Sinope, Cyzicus, and Nicaea ; he travelled over Ci- 
licia and much of Caria, visiting Mylasa, Alabanda, 
Tralles, and probably also Synnada, Magnesia, 
Smyrna, the shores of the Euxine, and Beirut in 
Syria. Though we may not limit the places he saw to 
the places actually mentioned as having been seen 
by him, still it is clear that his journeys were not so 
wide as we should have expected in the case of a 
man who was travelling in the interest of science. 
- Ettore Pais seems to make good his contention that 



the work of Strabo was not written by a man who 
was travelling on his own account and for scientific 
reasons, but by one who seized every occasion to 
study what circumstances and the pleasure of others 
gave him an opportunity of knowing. He contends, 
further, that it was for the sake of others that 
Strabo made his journeys ; that he was instructor and 
politician, travelling perhaps with, and certainly in 
the interest of, persons of the most exalted rank ; 
that he was the teacher and guide of eminent men. 
Strabo never fails to mention the famous scholars and 
teachers who were bom in the East — the list is a 
long one ; and we are fain to believe that he occu^ 
pied a similar social position. He insists that his ^ ^ 
Geography is political: The greater part of Geo- 
graphy subserves the uses of «tates and their rulers ; 
Geography as a whole is intimately connected with 
the functions of piersons in positions of political 
leadership (1. 1. 16) ; Geography is particularly use- 
ful in the conduct of great military undertakings \ 
(1.1. 17) ; it serves to regulate the conduct and \ 
answer the needs of ruling princes (1. 1. 18). Pre- ! 
sumably it was with just such people that he travelled. 
But Pais joins issue with Niese and others in their 
contention that the men with whom and in whose 
interest he travelled were R(Mnans, and he makes out 
a good case when he argues that Strabo wrote his 
Geography in the interest of Pythodoris, Queen of 
Pontus. Even the great respect shown by Strabo 
for Augustus, Rome, and Tiberius is to be explained 




by the circumstances in which he found himself ; for 
subject-princes had to be obsequious to Rome, 
and as for Pythodoris, she owed her throne to 
Augustus fully as much as to Polemon. It was good 
business, therefore, that necessitated the retouching 
of the book and the insertion in it of the many 
compliments to Tiberius — ^all of which were added 
after the accession of that prince, and for fear of 
him, rather than out of respect for him. 

The question as to when and where Strabo wrote 
his geographical work has long been a burning 
one in circles interested in Strabo criticism. Niese 
seemed to settle the question, when he maintained 
that Strabo wrote his Historical Geography at Rome, 
at the instigation of Roman friends who occupied ex- 
alted positions in the political world of Rome ; and 
that he acted as the companion of those friends, 
accompanying one of them, Aelius Gallus, from 
Rome to Egypt, and returning with him to Rome ; 
and further that it was at Rome that he wrote his 
Geography, between the years 18 and 19 a.d. In the 
main, scholars had accepted the views of Niese, until 
Pais entered the field with his thesis that Strabo 
wrote his work, not at the instigation of politicians at 
Rome, but from the point of view of a Greek from 
Asia Minor, and in the interest of Greeks of that 
region ; that the material for the Geography was 
collected at Alexandria and Rome, but that the 
actual writing of the book and the retouching of it at 
a later period were done at Amasia, far from Rome — 



a fact which accounts for his omissions of events, 
his errors, his misstatements, his lack of information 
concerning, and his failure to mention, occurrences 
that would surely have found a place in his book if 
it had been written in Rome ; it accounts, too, for 
the surprising fact that Strabo*s Geography was not " 
known to the Romans^ — not even to Pliny — ^although C / 
it was well-known in the East, for Josephus quotes 
from it. 

To go somewhat more minutely into this question, 
it may be stated that Strabo mentions Tiberius 
more than twenty times, but the events he describes 
are all connected with the civil wars that occurred 
after the death of Caesar and with the period in 
the life of Augustus that falls between the Battle 
of Actium (in 31 b.c.) and 7 b.c. He rarely mentions 
events in the life of Augustus between 6 b.c. and 
14 A.D., and, as he takes every opportunity to praise 
Augustus and Tiberius, such omissions could not be 
accounted for if he wrote his Geography about 18 
A.D. The conclusion reached by Pais is that Strabo 
wrote the book before 5 ex. and shortly after 9 b.c., 
or, in other words, about 7 b.c. Such matters as the 
defeat of Varus and the triumph of Germanicus 
were not contained in the original publication of the 
work, and were inserted in the revised edition, which 
was made about the year 18 a.d. The list of the 
Roman provinces governed by the Roman Senate, on 
the last page of the book, was written between 22 b.c. 
and 11 B.C., and Strabo himself says that it was 



antiquated ; it was retouched about 7 B.C., not at 
Rome, but far from Rome. The. facts are similar in 
the mention he makes of the liberality of Tiberius 
to the cities of Asia Minor tbat had been, destroyed 
by earthquakes ; in the case of the coronation 
of Zeno as king of Armenia Major (18 a.d.), and^ in 
the case of the death of Juba, which occurred not 
later than 23 a.d.; Strabo made ho use "of .the map 
of Agrippa — ^an omission with which he ha,s been 
reproached — ^for the very good reason that the map 
of Agrippa had not been completed in 7 b.c. 

If Strabo first published his Geography in 7 b.c., 
it appeared when he was fifty-six or fifty-seven years 
old, at a time when he was still in full possession of 
all his physical and mental powers. But if we say, 
with Niese and his followers, that the work was 
written between 18 and 19 a.d., we thereby maintain 
that Strabo began to write his Geography when he 
had passed the eighth decade of his life. He him- 
self compares his book to a colossal statue, and it is 
incredible that he could have carried out such a 
stupendous work after having passed his eightieth 

Strabo is so well-known as a geographer that it 
is often forgotten that he was a historian before 
he was a geographer. Indeed it may be believed 
that he is a geographer because he had been a 
historian, and that the material for his Geography 
was collected along with that for his Historical 
Sketches, which comprised forty-seven books (see 

y Google 


1. 1. 22-23, and 2. 1. 9, and footnotes). But his 
Geography alone has come down to us. In this con- 
nexion it will be useful to read Strabo's own account 
of his Historical Sketches and his Geography : '' In 
short, this book of mine should be generally useful 
— useful alike to the statesman and to the public at 
large — as was my work on History, In this work, 
as in that, I mean by ^ statesman,* not the man who 
is wholly uneducated, but the man who has taken 
the round of courses usual in the case of freemen 
or of students of philosophy. For the man who 
has given no thought to virtue and to practical 
wisdom, and to what has been written about them, 
would not be able even to form a valid opinion 
either in censure or in praise ; nor yet to pass judg- 
ment upon the matters of historical fact that arc 
worthy of being recorded in this treatise. And so, 
after I had written my Historical Sketches, which 
have been useful, I suppose, for moral and political 
philosophy, I determined to write the present treatise 
also ; for this work itself is based on the same plan, 
and is addressed to the same class of readers, and 
particularly to men of exalted stations in life. 
Furthermore, just as in my Historical Sketches only 
the incidents in the lives of distinguished men are 
recorded, while deeds that are petty and ignoble are 
omitted, so in this work also I must leave untouched 
what is petty and inconspicuous, and devote my 
attention to what is noble and great, and to what 
contains the practically useful, or memorable, or 




entertaining. Now just as in judging of the merits 
of colossal statues we do not examine each individual 
part with minute care, but rather consider the 
general effect and endeavour to see it the statue as 
a whole is pleasing, so should this book of mine be 
judged. For it, too, is a colossal work, in that it 
deals with the facts about large things only, and 
wholes, except as some petty thing may stir the 
interest of the studious or the practical man. I 
have said thus much to show that the present work 
is a serious one and one worthy of a philosopher " 
(1. 1. 22-23). 

The Geography of Strabo is far more than a 
mere geography. It is an encyclopaedia of in- 
formation concerning the various countries of the 
Inhabited World as known at the beginning of the 
Christian era ; it is an historical geography ; and, 
as Dubois and Tozer point out, it is a philosophy of 




A. Baumeister : In Fleckeisen's Jahrh. /. PhUol. 1857, 347. 
Th. Bergk : In PhUologua, 1870, 679. 

„ In Rhein, Mu8. 1882, 298. 

,, Emendat, Onomatolog. Halle, 1859. 

„ In Neue Jahrhiicher, 1860, 416. 

G. N. Bernadakis : Symhclae criticae, vd ceiisura Gobeli 

emendationum in Strahonem. Leipzig, ] 877. 
G. N. Bernadakis : Zu Strahon. In Neue JahrbUcheVy 1876, 

G. Bemhardy : AncUecta in Geographos Graecorum minores. 

Halle, 1850. 
F. BUoheler : Gonjectanea. In Neue Jahrhiicher^ 1875, 305. 
C. Bursian : Geographie von Griechenland. Leipzig, 1862-72. 
P. Cascorbi: Ohaeirvationea Strahonianae, Greifswald, 1879. 
C. G. Cobet : Miscellanea critica quibus contineiUur ohaerva- 

tionea critical in scriptores Graecos praesertim Homerum 

et Demoathenem. Ad Strabonem, pp. 104 ff., 169 ff., 

206 flF. Also in Mnemosyne, lS76y 79 ff., 176 ff. 
C. G. Cobet : Syllabus Errorum^ m Mnemosyne, 1876, 213. 
A. Ck>rais ; 'l,'ημuώσiιs ^is rh "Χτράβωνον Teoiypa^iKa, Paris, 

E. Curtius : Peloponnesus. Gotha, 1851-52. 

„ In Zeitschrift f, Alterthumstoissenschafty 1852. 

A. Dederich : In Fleckeisen's Jahrb.f. Philol. 1879, 66. 
M. G. Demiteas: Κριτικοί Αιορθώσ€ΐ5 tis Ι&τράβωνα. In 

Άθ^ναιορ, 1879, 415. 
L. Dindorf : In Neue Jahrbticher, 1869, 11 and 124. 
W. Dittenberger : On *ΟμβρικοΙ in the first article on Ethnica 

und Venoawdtes, In Hermes, 1906, 87. On θρί^κικά. 

In Hermes, 1907, 195. 
A. Forbiger: Strabo*s Erdbeschreibung iibersetzt tind durch 

Anmerkungen erldutert. Stuttgart, published at intervals 

after 1856 (1905-1908). 




C. Frick : Jahresbericht. In Bureian's Jahresbericht, 1880, 

C. Frick : Zur troischen Frage, In Neue Jahrbilcher, 1876, 

289 ff. 
J. Geffcken: Satumia Tdhus, In Hermee, 1892, 381. 
C. G. Groskurd : Strahons Erdheachreihuiig. 4 vols. Berlin 

and Stettin, 1831. 
P. F. J. Gosselin : The Notes signed * * G " in the Translation 

of de la Porte du Theil, Corais, and Letronne. 
A. von Gutschmid : In Neue JahrbUcheVf 1861, 204, and 

1873, 418. 

F. Haase : Emendationesfaciies. Breslau, 1858. 
R. Hercher : In Philoloyus, 1852, 553. 

P. Hirsohfeld : Die Ahkanfi des Mithridates von Pergamou 

(on Strabo 625 0.). In Herrma, 1879, 474. 
A. Jacob : Curae Strahonianae. In Revue de PliUologie, 

1912, 148. It also contains a Collation for Book IV. of 

the Paris MSS. A C and «. 
H. Kallenberg: Strahoniana, Beitrdge zur Textkrkik und 

Eriddrung, In Rhein, Mus. 1912, 174. 
L. Kayser : Review of Meineke's Edition and of his Vindiciae 

Strahonianae^ in Nev£, Jahrbiicher /. Philol. 1854, 258, 

L. Kayser : Review of Cobet's Variae lectiones. In Ne^ιe 

Jahrbucher, 1856, 166. 
A. Kirchhoff : In Hermes, 1866, 420. 

C. Kontos : In Bidl. de Corr, Hdl. 1877, 60, and 1878, 236. 
H. Kothe : In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1888, 826. 

G. Kramer: Strabonis Geographica recensuit commentario 
critico instruxit, 3 vols. Berlin, 1844. 

G. L. Kriegk : Ueher die thessalieche Ebene. In Neue 

Jahrbiicher, 1859, 231 ff. 
R. Kunze: Zu Chriechischen Geographen, In Rhein, Mus, 

1901, 333. 
G. M. Lane: Smymaeorum res gestae et antiquitates, 

(xottingen, 1851. 
C. A. Lobeck : In Konigsberger Ind, Lect. 1828. 
M. Ludecke : De fontibtis quibus usv^ Arrianus Aiuibasin 

composiiit. In Leipziger Studien, xi. 14 (on Strabo 

70 C.). 
I. N. Madvig : Adversaria crilica ad scriptores graecos. Ad 

Strabonem : I., 520. Havn, 1871. 



Α. Meineke : Strabonis Geographica rocopnovit, 3 vols. 
Leipzig, 1866. The Praefatio contains merely a state- 
ment of the points in which his text differs from that of 

A. Meineke : Vimdiciarum Straboniarum liber. Berlin, 1852. 
Contains much that Meineke did not insert in his text. 

C. Meltzer: Jn Fleckeisen'a Jahrh. f, PhUol. 1873, 193. 

L. Mercklin : Zu Strabo (v. 230). In Fhilologus, 1863, 134. 

E. Meyer : Forachungen zxir oUten Geschichte. Halle A/S, 

E. Meyer : NochmaL• der Λ0Γ02 des Kihuge Pamanias, In 
Hermes, 1907, 134. 

P. Meyer : Strdbonig,na. Grimma, 1889-1890. 

A. MUler: EmendcUionum in Strabonis librum I. specimen. 
Bamberg, 1858. 

A. Miller : In Eos, 1865, 25. 

„ In BlaUer fur bayr. Gymn. 1874, 145 and 1878, 


A. Miller: Die Alexandergeschichte nach Strabo. I. Theil. 

Wurzburg, 1852. 
C. Muller : Index variae lectionis to the MuUer-Diibner 

C. Muller : In PhUologus, 1876, 74 ; 1877, 78. In Philol. 

Anzeiger, 1873, 507. 

B. Niese : Emendationes Strahonianae. Marburg, 1878. 

L. Pareti : Di un lucgo Strahoniano su Regio. In Atene 

e Rcma, 1913, 14 ff. 
L. Paul: Das Druidenthum. In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1892, 

N. Piccolos : In PhUologus, 1860, 727. 
L. Kademacher: Observationum et lectionum variarum 

specimen. In Jahrbiicher, 1895, 248. 
M. Rostowzew : Ώυθό\αο5 (Strabo xvi. 4, 14 f.). In Archiv.f. 

PAiZo/. V. 1-2, 181. 
L. Ross : Reisen auf den Inseln des griechischen Meeres. 

Stuttgart and Halle, 1845-49-52. 
L. Ross : Reisen im Peloponnesus. Berlin, 1841. 
G. Rucca : Interpretazione di un luogo di Strabone. Napoli, 

L. Spengel : In Miinchner Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1845, 633 and 

1848, 145. 
A. Schafer : In PhUologus, 1872, 184. 



Η. Schrader : In Neue Jahrhilcher, 1868, 226. 

G. Schultze : Varia. In Hermes, 1893, 31. 

A. Tardieu : In hie TranaluUion of Straho. 

W. Tomaschek : Miscdlen aus der alten Geographic. In 

ZeiUchriftf. dsterr. Oymn. 1867, 691. 
T. Tosi : In Studi itcUiani di flologia claasica, 17, 463. 
H. F. Tozer : Selecti<ms from Strabo, Oxford, 1893. 
Ϊ. G. Tucker: IhnendcUions in Straho and PlutarclCs 

Moralia. In Classical Quarterly, 1909, 99. 
T. Tyrwhitt : Coniecturae in Strahonem, Erlangen, 1788. 
L. Urlichs : In Rhein. Mus. f. PhUol, 1856, 465. 
A. Vogel: Jahresberichte in PhildoguSy 1880, 326, and 1881, 

U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorflf: Griechisches Lesehuch. 

Short selections from Strabo. 
U. V. Wilaraowitz-MoellendorflF : Parerga, In Hermes, 

1878, 168. 


Strabo was not much read in antiquity : in a sense he was 
discovered in Byzantine times ; copies of his work were rare, 
and apparently at one time the only manuscript extant was 
the so-called archetype, from which all the manuscripts now 
extant are descenaed. This seems clear because all the 
mistakes, the changes in the text, the transposed sentences, 
all the gaps, particularly the great sap at the end of the 
seventh book, are reproduced in all tne manuscripts. The 
modern editions, beginning with that of G. Kramer, are 
based on the Paris ihanuscript No. 1397 for the first nine 
books (it contains no more), while books 10 to 17 are based on 
the Vatican manuscript No. 1329, on the Epitome Vaticana, 
and on the Venetian manuscript No. 640. But the Epitome, 
which goes bsusk to the end of the tenth century, was based 
on a manuscript which still contained the end of Book VII. 

J. Groeger : Quaestiones Eustaihianae. De codicibtis Strahonis 
Herodoti Arriani ah Eustathio in comnientario ad 
Dionysii periegemi U8ur2xiti9. Trebnitz, 1911. 

G. Kramer : Commentatio critica de codicibus, qui Strahonis 
geographia continent, manu scriptia. Berlin, 1845. And 
also in the Preface to his large edition, pp. 10-83. 



Α. Jacob: Curoie Strahonianae. In Reviie de Philologie, 

1912, 170. 
E. RoUig: De codicibua Strahoniania qui libroa I-IX 

continent, Halle, 1885. 


G. Cozza-Luzi : DelP antico codice ddla geografia di Strahone 

scoperto net palinseHti delta hadia di Grotto/errata, 

Rome, 1875. 
G. Cozza-Luzi : Del piu antico testo delta geografia di Strahone 

nei frammenti scoperti in membrane palinseste, Rome, 

G. Cozza-Luzi: Frammenti delta geogrc^a di Strahone, 

In Sttidi in Italia^ viL 1. 
D. Detlefsen : In Bert, philol. WochemchHft, 1885, 1122. 
R. Hansen : In PhUologische Rundschau^ v. 517. 
G. Kramer : Fragmenta lihri VII. e codd, prim, ed. Berlin, 

G. Kramer : Zu Straho, Handschrift ana Orottoferrata, 

In Hermes, 1876, 375. 
R. Kunze : Strabohruchatij^he hei Etiatathiua und Stephanua 

Byzantiua. In Rhein, Mus. 1903, 126. 
R. Kunze : Uiiheachtete Strahofragmente, In Rhein, Mua, 

1902, 437. 
P. Otto : Strahonia * Ιστορικών 'ΎχομΛτημάτων fragmenta contegit 

et enarravit adjectia quaestionihua Strahoniania. In 

Leipziger Studien xi. Suppl. 1889, 1. 
I. Partsch : In Deutsche Litteratur-Zeitung, 1886, 646. 
V. Strazzula : Dopo le Strahone Vaticano del Cozza-Luzi. 

Messina, 1901. 
G. L. F. Tafel: Fragmenta nov. curia emend, et Uluatr, 

Tubingen, 1844. 
A. Vogel : In Philologiacher Anzeiger, 1886, 103. 

„ Zu Straho, In Hermea, 1884 (vol. 42), 539. 

The Epitome is best found in C. Mtiller's Geographi Graeci 
Minorca, 88, 529. 


0. Birke : Departicularum μ4\ et oh uau Potyhiano DIonyaiaco 
Diodoreo Strdhoniano, Leipzig, 1907. 




P. Cascorbi : OhservcUiones Strcibonianae, Gobtingen, 1879. 
C. G. Cobet : Syllabus errorum. In Mnemosyne^ 1876, 213. 
H. Kallenberg : Straboniana, Beitrage zur Texthritik und 

ErUarung, In Rhein, Mus, 1912, 174. 
J. Keim : Sprichworter und paromiographische Uώerl^e/erung 

beiStrabo. Tubingen, 1909. 
H. Schindler : De Diodori Siculi et Strabonis enunticUionum 

rdativarum cUtractione, Para Prior : De admiaaa attrac- 

tione. Frankenstein (Silesia), 1909. 

On the Sourcbs from which Strabo drew 

G. Beloch : Le fontidi Strabone ndle deacrizione deUa Cam- 
pania. Rome, 1882. 
H. Berger : IHe geographiachen Fragmente dea Jlipparch. 

Leipzig, 1869. 
H. Berger : Die geographiachen Fragmente dee FratoatJienea, 

Leipzig, 1880. 
H. Berger : Oeachichte der toisaenachafdichen Erdhinde der 

Oriechen, 1887-93. 
G. Bernhardy : Eratosthenica, Berlin, 1822. 
R. Dabritz : De Artemidoro Strabonis av^t9re capita tria. 

Leipzig, 1905. 
A. Dederich : Zu Strabon und SueUmiua. In Neue Jahrb, 

f. PhUol. 1879, 66. 
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„ Strabon et Polybe. In Bevue dea Aiuiea Grecquea, 

1891, 343. 
W. Fabricius : Theophanes aua MytUene und Quintus Delliua 

ala Quelle der Geographie dea Strabo. Strassburg, 1888. 
J. Groeger : Quaeationea Euatathianae. De codicibua Herodoti 

Arriani ab Euatathio in commentario ad Dionyaii perie- 

geain uaurpatia. Trebnitz, 1911. 
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commentaiionea duae. Gottingen, 1825. 

F. Hennicke : De Strabonis Geographia^ fide, ex fontium 

unde hauait auctoritaie aeaUmanda. Gottingen, 1791. 
U. Hofer : Eine gemeinaame Quelle Strahona und dea aog. 
Skymnoa. Saarbriicken, 1901. 

G. Hunrath : Die Quellen Strabo^a im aechaten Buche. 
Cassel, 1879. 



G. Hunrath : In Bursian^e Jahresbericht, 1879, 311, and 

1880, 93. 
A. Klotz : Gaesarstudierif nebat einer Analyse der etrdbon- 

ischen Beachreihung von GcUlien und Brittanien. Leipzig 

and Berlin, 1910. 

A. Miller : Straho's Quellen iiher Qodlien und Brittanien. 
Regensburg, 1878. 

K, J. Neumann : Strahons Quellen im el/ten Bu^he. I. 

Kaukasien. Leipzig, 1881. 
K, J. Neumann: Strabons Landeshinde van Kaukasien, 

Eine Qudlenuntersuchung, Besondere Abdruck aua dem 

dreizehnten Supplb, dea Jahrb.f, claaa. PhUoU Leipzig, 


B. Niese : ApoUodor^s Gommentar zum Schiffakataloge ah 

Quelle Strabo'a, In Bheim Mua. /. PhUoL 1877, 267. 
A. Oddo : 01 ^ Hypomnemata Hiatorica di iStrabone come/onte 

di Appiano, Palermo, 1901. 
G. D. Ohling : Quaeationea Poaidonianae ex Strabmie conlectae, 

Gottingen, 1908. 
E, Pais : Strabonian/i. Gontributo aUo atvdio delle fonti 

della atoria e delta amminiatrazione romana. In Riviata 

di Philologia claaaica, 1887, 97. 
E. Schweder: Beitrdge zur Kritik der Ghorographie dea 

Auguatua, Erster Theil. Kiel, 1878. 

E. Schweder : Ueber die gemeinaame Quelle der geogra^hiac?ien 

Darstellung des Mela und Pliniua, In PhUologuaj 1887, 

F. SoUinia : Le fonti di Strahone nella geografia della Sicilia, 

Messina, 1897. 

C. Steinbriick : Die Quellen dea Strabo im funften Buche 

aeiner Erdbeachreibung, Halle, 1909. 
A. Vogel : De fontibua quibua Strabo in libro quinto decimo 

conacHbendo uaua ait, Gottingen, 1874. 
A. Vogel : Strabona Quellen far daa IX. Buck, In Philo- 

logua, 1884 (vol. 43), 405. 
H. Wilkens : Quaeationea de Strabonia aZiorumqv^ rerum 

gallicarumauctorum fontibua. Marburg, 1886. 
R. Zimmermann : Quibua au^toribua Strabo in libro tertio 

Geographicorum conacribendo uaua ait, quaeritur. Para 

Prior. Halle, 1883. 
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Studies on Stbabo 

D. Bartolini : Pro Sirahone. In Ateneo Vetieto, March, 1884. 
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Gedani, 1889. 
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H. Botger : Wohnaitze der Deutachennach Strabo, Stuttgart, 

H. Butzer: Ueber Straboa Geographical inabeaoiidere iiber 

Plan und Atia/uhrung dea Werkea und Strahoa Stellung 

zu aeintn Vorgangem, Frankfurt a. M., 1887. 
A. Calogiera : Nuova raccolta d^opuaculi acientifici e fildogici. 

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E. Castorchis : IIcpl τών iv "ΝαυττλΙ^, χαναρχαίων τάψωρ κάΙ των 

αυτόθι ύιτλ ^τράβωΡ0$ μρημον€υομ4νων λαβυρίνθων. In 

*Αθ^ναιον, 1879, 515. 
Ε. Curtius : Strabo iiber den Seebund von Kdlauria. In 

Hermea, 1876, 385. 
H. Diels : Herodot und Hecataioa. In Hermea^ 1887, 443. 
W. D6rpfeld : Zum Elaitiachen Qdji In Hermea, 1911, 444. 
A. Enmann*. Oeographiache Homeratudien in Pauaaniaa. 

In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1884, 497. 
L. Erhardt: Der Auazug der Cimbem bei Strabo. In 

PhUologua, 1893, 557. 
H. Fischer: Ueber einige Oegenatdnde der alten Geographic 

bei Strabo, ala Beitrag zur Geachichte der alten Geographic. 

Erster Theil. Wernigerode, 1879. Zweiter Theil. 

Wernigerode, 1892-93. 
C. Frick : Der χωpσypaφικhs Ηναξ dea Strabo. In Neue 

Jahrbuchevy 1881, 650. 
J. Geffcken : Die GrUndung von Tarent. In Neue Jahr- 

biicher, 1893, 177. 
W. Gell : The Itinerary of Greece, with a Commevla/ry on 

Pauaaniaa and Strabo. London, 1810. 
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Principia Moachovia^, etc. On the Rhipaean Mountains. 

Rome, 1525. 



Α. Gronovius : Varia Geographical contt^ining Animadver' 
siones in Strabonia libros novem. Leiden, 1739. 

A. Habler : Die Nord- und Westkilsten HiapanienSt ein Bei- 

trag zur Geachichte der alten Oeographie, Leipzig, 1886. 
G. Hirschfeld : In Geogr, Jahrh, 1888, 253. 
G. Hirschfeld : Die Abhmfl dea Mithridatca von Pergamon, 

In Hermes, 1878, 474. 
E. Hubner : Egeleata, In Hermes, 1867, 456. 

E. Huverstuhl: Die Lupia des Straho. Antwerp, 1910. 

(See H. Nothe in Wochens.f, klass. PhUol, 1911, 345.) 
C. W. F. Jacobs : Was sind σκοΚΛ Kf>ya heim Straho ? Leip- 
zig, 1834. 
W. Judeich: Caetar im Orient, Kritische Uehersicht der 
Ereignisse vom 9 August 48 his Octoher 47. Leipzig, 1885. 

F. Kahler : Strahos Bedeutung fur die modeme Geographic, 

Halle, 1900. 
W. Dittenberger : Methana und Hypaia, In Hermes, 1907, 

B. Keil : Zur Pausaniasfrage, In Hermes, 1890, 317. 

J. Keim : Sprichworter und paromiographische Ueherlieferung 
hei Straho. Tubingen, 1909. 

G. Ejiaack : Zur Sage von Daidalos und Ikaros, In Hermes, 

1902, 598. 
U. Kohler: Der Areopag in A then, (On 1. 4. 8.) In 

Hermes, 1872, 92. 
E. Komemann : Die Diozesen der Provinz Hispania Citerior, 

In Lehmann's Beilrage zur dlten Geachichte, 1884, 323. 
W. J. Law : Some Remarks on the. Alpine Paaaea of Straho. 

London, 1846. 

A. linsmayer : Der Triumphzug dea Germanieua, Miinchen, 


B. de Luca: H Lago di Lesina in Strabone e Plinio, In 

Rassegna Pugliese, 19(X), No. 11. 
G. H. L. Liinemann: Descriptio Caucasi, Gentiumque 

Cavjcasiarum, ex Strabone, Leipzig, 1803. 
G. Mair : Uamoia, (A). Pytheaa^ Fahrten in der Oatsee. (B), 

Ώ\€ύμων θαλάσσιο5 hei Straho, ii, 104. Marburg, 1907. 
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E. Meyer : Nochmala der Α0Γ05 des Koniga Pauaaniaa. 

In Hermea, 1907, 134. 
P. Meyer : Strahoniana. Grimma, 1890. 




F. Meyer : Botaniache ErlatUerungen, Konigsberg, 1852. 

H. Middendorf : Ueher die Gegeiid der Varusschlacht nach 

Vdlejtis und Strabo, etc. Miinster, 1868. 
A. Miller : Der RUckzug des Kraterus aua Indien. Eine 

Strabonische Stvdie. Wurzburg (no date). 

A. Miller : Die Alexandergeechichte nach Strabo, I. Theil. 

Wiirzburg, 1882. 

B. Niese : Strdboniana. Die Erwerbung der Kiisten des 

Pontua durch Mithridates VI. Sonderabdruck aus dem 

Rhein. Mus.f. PhiloL 1887, 567. 
K. J. Neumann : Oesammturtheil uher die homerische 

Geographie. In Hermes ^ 1886, 134. 
K. J. Neumann : Straboiis Landeskunde von Kauhasien. 

Leipzig, 1883. 
K. J. Neumann : PatroUes und der Oxos. In Hermes, 1884, 

P. Otto : Quaestiones Strabonianae. In Leipziger Sttidien, 

ii. Suppl. (vol. 12, 1889), 225. 
L. Paul : Das Ihniidenthum. In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1892, 


E. Petersen : Review of Benndorfs Forschungen in Ephesos. 

In Neue Jahrbucher, 1906, 713. 
A. Philippson : Zur Geographie der unteren Katkos-Ebene in 

Kleinasien. In Hei^meSy 1911, 254. 
A. J. Reinach : Delphes et les Bastames. In Bull. Gorr. 

Hdl. 1910, 249. 
fl. Rid : Die Klimatologie in den Geographica Strabos. Ein 

Beitrag zur physischen Geographie der Griechen. Kaisers - 

lantern, 1903. 
H. Rid : Klimalehre der alien Griechen nach den Geographica 

Strabos. Kaiserslautem, 1904. 
W. Ridgeway : Contributions to Strabo^ s Geography. In 

Classical Review, 1888, 84. 

C. Robert : A thena Skiras und die Skirophorien. In Hermes, 

1885, 349. 

G. Ruge : Quaestiones Strabonianae. Leipzig, 1888. 

A. Schulten : Polybius und Posidonius uber Iberien und die 

iberischen Kriege. In Hermes, 1911, 568. 
A. Serbin : Bemerkungen uber den Vulkanismus und Beschreib- 

ung der den Griechen bekannten mdkanischen Gebiete. 

Berlin, 1893. 

F. M. Schroter : Bemerkungen zu Strabo. Leipzig, 1887. 



Ε. Schweder: Beitrage zur Kritik der Ghorographie dea 

Augustus. Kiel, 1878. 
E. Schweder: Ueber den Ursprung und die urspriingliche 

Beatimmung des sogenannten Straaaennetzes der Peutin- 

gerachen Tafel. In Philologua, 1903, 357. 
J. Sitzler : Zu JCallinoa und Tyrtaeua, In Neue Jahrhuchery 

1880, 358. 
L. V. Sybel : Pauaaniaa und Strabon. In Neue Jahrbucher, 

1885, 177. 
J. Topflfer : Aatakoa. In Hermes, 1896, 124. 
G. F. Unger : FrvMingsanfang. In Neue Jahrbucher, 1890, 

E. Wendling : Zu Poaidonius und Varro. In Hermes , 1893, 

ϋ. V. Wilamowitz-MoellendorfF : Die Herkunft der Magneten 

am Maeander. In Hermes, 1895, 177. 
U. Wilcken ; Ein Theopomp/ragment in den nenen Hellanika. 

In Hermes, 1908, 475. 
E. Ziebarth : Die Strabo-Scholion des Cyriacus von Ankona. 

In MittheU, des Athen. Instil. 1898, 196. 

Early Editions 

The editio princeps was published by Aldus in Venice in 
1516, from a poor manuscript. Par. No. 1395. Then came 
the folio editions of Basle in 1549 and 1571 by G. Xy lander. 
Xylander's work was revised and supplied with a com- 
mentary by Isaac Casaubon in 1587 (folio). In 1620 
Casaubon replaced this with his own edition, which was 
accompanied by Xylander's Latin translation and notes 
by F. Morrellius. Casaubon's edition did much for the 
text of the first three books, and Strabo is usually cited 
by Casaubon's pages (C). Next came the Amsterdam 
edition by T. J. van Almaloveen in 1707, in two folio 
volumes. Strabo is sometimes cited by his pages (A). In 
1763 Broquigny published the first three books (quarto) on 
the basis of a Paris manuscript. In 1796 the Leipzig (octavo) 
edition was begun : the first volume was revised by J. B. 
Siebenkees ; the five following volumes by C. H. Tzschucke ; 
the seventh volume by F. T. Friedmann. The first six volumes 
give the text and a revision of Xylander's Latin translation, 
and the seventh volume contains notes. In 1807 appeared at 



Oxford the edition by T. Falconer in two folio volumes ; 
much criticised. Between the years 1815 and 1819 Corais 
published the Greek text in three volumes, accompanied by 
a fourth volume containing valuable notes in Modern Greek. 

MoDEBN Editions 

A. Corais : :ξτράβωνο5 Tewypa^iKwv ΒιβΚία Έιττακαίδβκα. 

4 vols. Paris, 1815. 
G. Kramer: Strabonia Geographica recensuitf commentario 

critico instruxU. 3 vols. Berlin, 1844. 
A. Meineke: Strabonis Geographica recognovit. 3 vols. 

Leipzig, 1852. Various stereotype reprints since. 
C. Miiller — ^F. Diibner : Strabonis Geographica graece cum 

versione reficta accedit index variantis lectionia et tahula 

rtrum nominumque locupletissima, Paris, 1853. Pars 

C. Miiller — ^F. Diibner : Pare altera, Apparatu critico 

indicibtis rerum nominumque locupletissimis tabulis aeri 

incisia quindecim inatruxit Carolua MiUlerue, Paris, 1858. 

M. Bouquet: Recueil des hiatoriena dea Gavlea. In vol. i. 

Paris, 1738. 
P. Carolides : Τ€α)γραφικών rh τβρί Μικραε *Ασίοϊ ^€τά 2ημ€ΐώ- 

ffeatv *ΕρμηΡ€υτικών. Athens, 1889. 
Ε. Coumy : Extraita dea auteura greca concemant la geographic 

et Chiatoire dea Gaidea. Texte et traduction nouvelle, 

Paris, 1878. 
H. F. Tozer : Sdectiona from Strabo^ with an Introduction on 

Strabo'a Life and Works, Oxford, 1893. 

Early Translations 

The Latin translation by Guarinus Veronensis and Grego- 
rius Tifemas appeared in Rome in 1472 (folio), more than forty 
years before the publication of the Aldine Greek text. The 
translation was made from better manuscripts than that used 
in the Aldine edition, but these have since perished. The 
first ten books were translated by Guarinus and the remainder 
by Tifernas. This translation was revised by J. Andreas 




(Venice 1480) ; edited and republished by A. Mancellinus 
(Venice 1494) ; republished 1510 ; revised by C Heresbach 
(Basle 1523, folio)'; republished in Basle 1539 (folio) ; re- 
published by M. Hopper in Lyons 1559 in two volumes ; 
republished in Amsterdam in 1652 in two volumes; and 
the same translation appeared in the Basle edition of 1571 
as revised by G. Xylander. The Latin of the translation 
was so good that it supplanted, for a time, the Greek text, 
but it has now been superseded by the Latin translation in 
the Didot edition. The translation of the first six books is 
by F. Diibner, and that of the other nine books by 
C. Miiller. At the suggestion of Napoleon I. the 
publication of a translation into French was undertaken 
by the French Government with the advice of the InetittU, 
The first fifteen books are by A. Corais and Laporte du 
Theil, the sixteenth and seventeenth books are by A. 
Letronne ; the notes signed **G" are by Gosselin, and are 
geographical in nature. The work was published in five 
quarto volumes in Paris between the years 1805 and 1819. 
The first German translation was made by A. J. Penzel, 
Lemgo, 1775-1777. There is an Italian translation by 
Ambrosoli, Milan 1834-183^ (I have not been able to 
consult it). 

Translations {used by the present translator) 

The Latin Translation in the MuUer-Diibner edition. 

A. Buonaccivoli : La geografia di Strabone tradotta in volgare 

Itcdiano. La prima parte in Venetia, 1662. La seconda 

parte in Ferrara, 1665. 
E. Uougny : Extraits des auteurs grecs concemant la g4o• 

graphie et Vhistoire des Gavles, Texte et traduction 

nouvelle publios pour la Socioto de I'histoire de France. 

Paris, 1878. 
A. Forbiger: Straho's Erdbeschreibung iibersetzt und durch 

Anmerkungen erldutert, 4 vols. Stuttgart, 1856-1860. 

Stereotype reprints at intervals since (1905-1908). 
C. G. Groskurd : Strabona Brdbeschreihmg in siebenzehn 

Buchem nach berichtigtem grieckischen Texte unter 

Begleitung hritischer erJdarender Anmerkungen verdeutscht, 

4 vols. Berlin and Stettin, 183M834. 




Η. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer : The Geography of Siraho, 

literally translated. 3 vols. London (Bohn's Classical 

Library, fleprint, 1892-93). 
K. Karcher : Straho'a Geographie uheraetzt. Stuttgart, 1851. 
E. Malgeri : II VI. libra ddla geografia (antica ItcUiatSicilia, 

lapigia) tradotto e commentate. Traduzione corredata 

di una indice geografico. Palermo, 1897. 
de la Porte du Theil, A. Coray, et A. Letronne : Giographie 

de StrahoUy traduite du grec en frangaia. 5 vols. Paris, 

G. Sottini : Geografia delV Italia antica tradotta e corredata 

di una introduzione e note per U80 delle acuole clasaiche. 

Pisa, 1882. 
A. Tardieu : Geographie de Strabon. Traduction nouvelle. 

4 vols. Paris,. 1909 (Third Edition). 

Stbabo's Origin, Birth, Life, Teachers, Travels, 
Date of Composition of his Work 

E. H. Bunbury : History of Ancient Geography, 1883, ii. 

A. Forbiger : In his Handbwh der alien Geographie, i. 302. 
G. Fritz : De Strabone Stoicorum disciplinae addicto. 

Munster, 1906. 

A. Habler : Hat Strabo seine Geographie in Rom verfasst ? 

In Hermes, 1884, 235. 
J. Hasenmiiller : De Strabonis geographi vita, Bonn, 1863. 
E. Meyer : Geschichte des Konigreichs Pontus, Leipzig, 

P. Meyer : Quaestiones Strabonianae. In Leipziger Studien, 

ii. 49. 
Th. Momiiisen : Res gestae divi Auguati. Berlin, 1883. 

B. Niese : Beitrage zur Biographie Strabos. In Hermes, 

1878, 33. 
E. Pais : The Time and Place in which Strabo composed his 
Geography, In Ancient Italy (English translation). 
London, 1908, 379. 

E. Pais : Straboniana. In Rivista di Filologia, 1886, 97. 

W. Passow : De Eratosthenis aetate. In Genethliacon 
Gottingeme, 1888, 122. 

F. M. Schroter : De Strabonis itineribiis, Leipzig, 1874. 




G. Siebelis : Dt Strahonis pcUria, genere, aetate, operis insti- 

tuto atque ratione qua vet, descripsit Graeciam, Bautzen, 

E. Stemplinger : Strabons litterarhistorische Notizen. Munchen, 

H. F. Tozer : Selections from Strdbo with an Introduction on 

StraWs Life and Works. Oxford, 1893. 
C. H. Weller : The Evidence for Straho^s Travels in Greece. 

In Classical Philology , 1906, 339 ; see also A.J. A. 1906, 







VOL.. I. 

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C 1 1. Ύή<ζ τον φιλοσόφου πρα'γματβία^ elvac νομί- 
ζομ€ν, βϊττβρ αΧΚην τινά, καΐ την ^βω^ραφίκην, 
fjv νυν Ίτρογρημεθα ίττισκοττβίν. οτι δ' ου φαύ\ω<ζ 
νομίζομβν, ίκ ττοΧλών 8ή\ον. οι τ€ yap πρωτοί 
θαρρήσαντβς αύτή^ αψασθαί toloOtol δη τίϊ/69^ 
ύττήρξαν "Ομηροι τβ και ^Αναξίμανδρος 6 Μί- 
Χήσως καΙ 'Εκαταίος, 6 ττοΧίτης αύτοΰ, καθώς 
καϊ ^Ερατοσθένης φησί' καΐ Αημοκρίτος δε καϊ 

C 2 Ενδοξο? καϊ Αίκαίαρχος καϊ "Εφορος καϊ aWoc 
Ίτλείους' €τι δέ οΐ μβτα τούτους, ^Ερατοσθένης Τ€ 
καϊ ΤΙοΧύβίος καϊ ΐίοσβίδώνίος, άνδρες φιλόσοφοι, 
ή τ€ τΓοΧυμάθβία, δι ^9 μόνης βώικέσθαι τοΰδβ του 
ίρ^ου δυνατόν, ουκ άΧΧου τίνος εστίν, ή του τα 
θεία καϊ τά ανθρώπεια ετηβΧέττοντος, ωνττερ την 
φιΧοσοφίαν εττιστημην φασίν. ως δ' αΰτως καϊ ή 
ώφεΧεια ττοικίΧη τις ούσα, ή μεν ττρος τ ας ττοΧι- 
τικάς^ καΐ τά? η^εμονικίις πράξεις, ή δε προς 
επιστημην των τε ουρανίων καϊ των επΙ <γής και 
θαΧάττης ζφων καϊ φυτών και καρπών καΐ των 

* τοιούτοι δή rivts, Corais, on MS. authority, for τοιουτοΙ 
Ttv€s. ^ rhs troKiTiKds, Spengel, for rh ττολιτικά. 




1. The science of Geography, which I now propose 
to investigate, is, I think, quite as much as any other 
science, a concern of the philosopher; and the cor- 
rectness of my view is clear for many reasons. In 
the first place, those who in earliest times ventured 
to treat the subject were, in their way, philosophers 
— Homer, Anaximander of Miletus, and Anaximan- 
der*s fellow-citizen Hecataeus — just as Eratosthenes 
has already said ; philosophers, too, were Democritus, 
Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus, with several others of 
their times; and further, their successors — Eratos- 
thenes, Polybius, and Poseidonius — were philosophers. 
In the second place, wide learning , which alone makes 
it possible to undertake a work on geography, is pos- 
sessed solely by the man who has investigated things 
both human and divine — knowledge of which, they 
say, constitutes philosophy. And so, too, the utility 
of geography — and its utility is manifold, not only 
as regards the activities of statesmen and comman- 
ders but also as regards knowledge both of the 
heavens and of things on land and sea, animals, 
plants^ fruits, and everything else to be seen in 

Β 2 



άΧΧων, οσα Iheiv τταρ βκάστοί^ εστί, τον αύτον 
ν7Γ0<γράφ€ΐ, άνΒρα, top φροντίζοντα τή<; irepX τον 
βίον τέχνης καϊ €ν8αίμονία<;, 

2. ^Ανάλαβ6ντ€ς Se καθ^ βκαστον βτΓίσκοττωμεν 
των el ρη μένων €τι μαΧΚον, καΧ πρώτον οτι ορθώς 
υτΓβιΚηφαμεν καΧ ημείς καΧ οΐ ττρο ημών, ων €στι 
καΐ '^ΙτΓτταργρς, άρχη^έτην είναι της ^^εω^^ραφικης 
εμττειρίας ^Ομηρον ος ου μόνον εν ττ/ κατά την 
ΤΓοίησιν άρετ'ρ ττάντας ύπερβέβΧηται τους τταΚαι 
καϊ τους ύστερον, άλλα σχεΒόν τι καϊ ττ} κατά τον 
βίον εμττειρία τον ττοΧιτικόν, άφ' ής ου μόνον 
περί τας ττράξεις εσπούΒασεν εκείνος, οττως οτι 
ττΧείστας yvoίη καΐ τταραΒώσει τοις ύστερον εσο- 
μενοις, αλλά καϊ τα ττερί τους τόπους τους τε καθ* 
έκαστα καϊ τους κατά σύμττασαν την οίκουμένην, 
γην τε καϊ θάΚατταν. ου yap αν 'μέχρι των 
εσχάτων αυτής περάτων άφίκετο ttj μνημτ} κύκΧω 

3. ΚαΙ πρώτον μεν τφ ώκεανφ περίκΧυστον, 
ωσπερ εστίν, άπέφαινεν αυτήν έπειτα Βε των 
χωρίων τά μεν ώνόμαζε, τά 8ε υπτινίττετο τεκμη- 
ρίοις τισί, Αιβύην μεν καϊ Αίθιοπίαν καϊ ΧιΒονί- 
ους καϊ ^Έρεμβούς, ους εΙκος Χέγειν Ύρω^γλοΒύτας 
"Αραβας, ρητώς Χέτ/ων, τους Βε προς ταΐς άνατο- 
\αΐς καϊ Βύσεσιν αΐνιττόμενος εκ του τφ ώκεανφ 
κΧύζεσθαι. εντεύθεν yap άνίσχοντα ποιεί τον 

^ For Strabo's definition of Libya see 17. 3. 1. 

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GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 1-3 

various regions — ^the utility of geography, I say, pre- 
supposes in the geographer the same philosopher, 
the man who busies himself with the investigation oif 
the art of life, that is, of happiness. 

2. But I must go back and consider each one of 
these points in greater detail; and, first, I say that 
both I and my predecessors, one of whom was Hip- 
parchus himself, are right in regarding Homer as the 
founder of the science of geography; for. Homer has 
surpassed all men, both of ancient and modern times, 
not only in the excellence of his poetry, but also, I 
might say, in his acquaintance with all that pertains 
to public life. And this acquaintance made him 
busy himself not only about public activities, to the 
end that he might learn of as many of them as 
possible and give an account of them to posterity, 
but also about the geography both of the individual 
countries and of the inhabited world at large, Ijoth 
land and sea ; for otherwise he would not have gone 
to the uttermost bounds of the inhabited world, 
encompassing the whole of it in his description. 

3. In the first place. Homer declares that the 
inhabited world is washed on all sides by Oceanus, 
and this is true ; and then he mentions some of 
the countries by name, while he leaves us to infer 
the other countries from hints ; for instance, he 
expressly mentions Libya,i Ethiopia, Sidonians, and\ 
Erembians— and by Erembians he probably means 
Arabian Troglodjrtes ^ — whereas he only indicates 
in general terms the people who live in the far 
east and the far west by saying that their countries 
are washed by Oceanus. For he makes the sun to 

2 "Cave-dwellers." They lived on the western shores of 
the Red Sea. 




ηλιον καΐ Βυόμβνον eh τούτον, ώ<ζ δ' αυτω? καΐ τα 

η€\ιθ(ζ μβν €7Γ€ίτα νέον ττροσέβαΧΚβν άρούρα^} 
έξ άκαΧαρρβίταο βαθυρρόον ^Ω,κβανοΐο, 

{II. 7. 421) 
iv δ' €ΐΓ€σ* ^ίϊκβανφ Χαμττρον φάος ηέΧίοίο, 
€\κον νύκτα μεΚαίναν} {11, 8. 485) 

καϊ τους αστέρας δέ^ Χέλονμένους έξ ωκβανού 
Xeyecv. {11, 5. 6) 

4. Τάϊ' δ' έσπερίων avSp&v καϊ την βύ^αιμονίαν 
εμφανίζει κα\ την εύκρασίαν τον ττεριέχοντος, 
ττεττυσ μένος, ώς εοικε, τον ^Ιβηρικον ττΧοντον, εφ* 
hv καϊ ΉρακΧής εστράτενσε καΐ οι Φοίνικες ύστε- 
ρον, οΐπερ ap'xjqv^ καΧ κατέσγρν την ττΚείστην* 
μετίί δέ ταύτα Ύωμαΐοι, ενταύθα yap αί του 

C 3 Ζέφυρου ττνοαί, ενταύθα δέ καΐ το ^ϋΧύσίον 
ΊΓΟιεΐ ττε^ίον 6 ποιητής, εις ο ττεμφθησεσθαί φησι 
τον ΙΛενέΧαον υττο των θέων 

αλλά σ ες Ήλυσίοι/ ττεΒίον καϊ πείρατα 'γαίης 

αθάνατοι πέμψουσιν, οθι ξανθός 'ΡαΒάμανθυς, 

Tji ττερ ρη'Ιστη βιοτη πέΧεί' 

ου νιφετός, ούτ αρ χειμων ττοΧύς, 

αλλ' αΐεΐ Ζεφύροιο Xiyif πνείοντος^ άητας 

^Ω,κεανος άνίησι, {Od, 4. 563) 

5. ΚαΙ αΐ των μακάρων δέ νήσοι προ της 
Μαυρουσίας είσΐ της εσ'χάτης προς Βύσιν, καθ* 

^ ίρούραχ, the reading of Β, for ίρούραΐ5. 
2 Meineke deletes both quotations ; C. Miiller, Cobet, 
approving ; A. Miller defends the quotations. 
^ δ€, Cobet inserts, after ά,στ4ρα5. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 3-5 

rise out of Oceanus and to set in Oceanus ; and he 
refers in the same way to the constellations : " Now 
the sun was just beating on the fields as he climbed 
heaven from the deep stream of gently-flowing \l/ 
Oceanus/* ^^And the suns bright light dropped 
into Oceanus, drawing black night across the CMth.** 
And he declares that the stars also rise from Oceanus 
^^ after having bathed in Oceanus." 

4. As for the people of the west. Homer makes 
plain that they were prosperous and that they lived 
in a temperate climate — doubtless having heard of 
the wealth of Iberia,^ and how, in quest of that 
wealth, Heracles invaded the country, and after him 
the Phoenicians also, the people who in earliest 
times became masters of most of the country (it 
was at a later date that the Romans occupied it). 
For in the west the breezes of Zephyrus blow; and 
there it is that Homer places the Elysian Plain itself, 
to which he declares Menelaus will be sent by the 
gods : ^^ But the deathless gods will convey thee to 
the Elysian Plain and the ends of the earth, where 
is Rhadamanthys of the fair hair, where life is easiest. 
No snow is there, nor yet great storm ; but always 
Oceanus sendeth forth the breezes of the clear- 
blowing ^ Zephyrus.** 

5. And, too, the Islands of the Blest* lie to the 
westward of most western Maurusia,^ that is, west 

^ What is now Portugal and Spain. 
2 See page 107. 

' Straoo has in mind the Canary Islands. 
* That is, Morocco, approximately. 

^ apx^y, A. Miller transposes, from its position after r^v 
ir\€iffr7)v, and makes it the adverb. 

* λί7ί» irvciovrosy Sterrett, for X*7uiri'cioi'Tai. 



ο μ6ρο<ζ avvTpeyei καΧ τω^ τή9 ^Ιβηρία^ το ταύτης 
ΤΓβρα?• i/c Be τον ονόματος Βηλον, δτι καΐ ταύτας 
ένομιζον €ν8αίμορας Βία το ττΧησίάζαν τοιούτοις 

6. 'Αλλά μην OTL ye καΐ οΐ ΑΙΘίοττβς €7γΙ τφ 
ώκ€αρφ βσγατοι,, ΒηΧοΐ' δτι μεν έσχατοι, 

Κίθίοττας, τοΧ Βιχθ^ ΒβΒαίαται, έσχατοι άνΒρων» 

(Od, 1. 23) 

ovBk τον "Βνχθα δεδα/αταί" φαύΧως Χε^ομενου, 
ως Βειχθησεται ύστερον οτι δ'-βττΐ τ^ ώκεανφ, 

Ζενς yhp ες ^ίίκεανον μετ άμύμονας ΑΙΘίΌττήας 
χθιζος εβη μετά Βαΐτα, (II. 1. 423) 

δτί δέ καΐ ή ττρος ταΐς αρκτοις εσχατιά πάρω- 
κεανίτίς εστίν, όντως γινίξατο είττών ττερί της 

οϊη δ' αμμορός εστί Χοετρών ^ίϊκεανοΐο, 

(11. 18. 489; Od. 5. 275) 

Βια μ^ν yhp της αρκτον καΐ της αμάξης τον 
αρκτικον ΒηΧοΐ' ον yctp &ν τοσούτων αστέρων εν 
τω αντφ γωρίφ περιφερόμενων τφ άεΧ φανερω 
οϊην άμμορον ειττε Χοετρων ώκεανοΐο. ωστ ονκ 
εύ άπειρίαν αντον κατα<γινώσκονσιν, ώς μίαν 
αρκτον άντΙ Βνεΐν ειΒότος' ονΒε yhp εΙκος fjv ττω 
την ετέραν ηστροθετήσθαι, αλλ' αφ' οδ οι Φοί- 
νικες εσημειώσαντο καΙ εγρωντο προς τον ττΧονν, 
τταρεΧθεΙν κα\ εΙς τονς ΕΧΧηνας την Βιάταξιν 
ταύτην, ωσττερ καί τον Βερενίκης πΧοκαμον, καΐ 
τον Κάρωβον, εχθές και πρώην κατωνομασ μίνον 

' Ttfi, Jones iDserts. 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 5-6 

of the region where the end of Maurusia runs close 
to that of Iberia. And their name shows that 
because those islands were near to blessed countries 
they too were thought to be blessed abodes. 

6. Furthermore, Homer assuredly makes it plain 
that the Ethiopians live at the ends of the earth, on 
the banks of Oceanus : that they live at the end of 
the earth, when he speaks of ^'the Ethiopians that 
are sundered in twain, the farthermost of men " (and 
indeed the words " are sundered in twain " are not 
carelessly used, as will be shown later on) ; and that 
they live on the banks of Oceanus, when he says 
^^ for Zeus went yesterday to Oceanus, unto the noble 
Ethiopians for a feast." And he has left us to infer 
that the farthest land in the north is also bounded 
by Oceanus when he says of the Bear that "She 
alone hath no part in the baths of Oceanus." That 
is, by the terms "Bear" and "Wain" he means the 
" arctic circle " ^ ; for otherwise he would not have 
said of the Bear that " She alone hath no part in the 
baths of Oceanus," since so many stars complete 
their diurnal revolutions in that same quarter of the 
heavens which was always visible to him. So it is 
not well for us to accuse him of ignorance on the 
ground that he knew of but one Bear instead of two ; 
for it is likely that in the time of Homer the other 
Bear had not yet been marked out as a constellation, 
and that the star-group did not become known as 
such to the Greeks until the Phoenicians so desig- 
nated it and used it for purposes of navigation ; the 
same is true of Berenice's Hair and of Canopus, for 
we know that these two constellations have received 

^ For the meaning of the term "arctic circle*' among the 
ancients, see 2. 2. 2 and footnote. 




ϊσμβν,^ 7ΓθΧλ.ού<ξ S* €τι νυν ανωνύμους οντάς, 
καθάτΓβρ καί "Αρατό^ζ φησιν (Phaen, 146). ουδέ 
Κράτης ονν ορθώς ^ράφβι, 

οίος S* αμμορος ίστι Χοετρων 

φεύ^ων τα μη φβνκτά, ββΚτΙων δ' *ΗράκΚ€ίτος 
καϊ ομηρικώτερος, ομοίως άντΙ τον αρκτικού την 
αρκτον ονομάξων " ήοΰς καϊ έσττύρης^ τέρματα η 
άρκτος, καϊ άντιον της άρκτου ουρος αίθριου 
Δί09." ό ^αρ αρκτικός ίστι hύσeως καϊ άνατοΧής 
C 4 ορός, ούχ ή άρκτος. Βιά μεν 8η της άρκτου, ην 
καϊ αμαξαν κα\€Ϊ καϊ τον ^ίϊρίωνα BoKeveiv φησί 
(Od. 5. 274), τον αρκτικον 8η\οΐ' Βιά δέ του 
ωκεανού τον ορίζοντα, εις ον καϊ εξ ου τας Βύσεις 
καϊ τας ανατολάς ττοιεΐ,^ είττων 8ε αυτού στρε- 
φεσθαι καϊ άμοιρεϊν τοΰ ωκεανού οΙΒεν δτι κατίι 
σημεΐον το άρκτικώτατον τοΰ ορίζοντος ^γίνεται 6 
αρκτικός, άκοΧούθως Βη τούτφ το ττοιητικον 
άρμοσαντες τον μ^ν ορίζοντα οφείΧομεν Βέχεσθαι 
τον εττϊ της γης οίκείως τφ ωκεανφ, τον δ' αρκτικον 
της ^γής άτττομενον ώς αν ττρος αϊσθησιν κατά το 
άρκτικώτατον της οικησεως σημεΐον ώστε καϊ 
τούτο το μέρος της γης κΧύζοιτ αν τφ ώκεανω 

1 ίσμ€ν, Α. Miller inserts ; Α. Vogel approving in part. 
* iair4fn\5, Corais, for iavtpas ; Meineke following ; 
0. Miiller, Cobet, approving. 
^ ΐΓοιβΓ, A. Miller, for ποΐ€<τα< ; A. Vogel approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 6 

their names quite recently, and that there are many 
constellations still unnamed, just as Aratus says. 
Therefore Crates is not correct, either, when, in 
seeking to avoid what needs no avoidance, he alters 
the text of Homer so as to make it read, ^' And the 
arctic circle ^ alone hath no part in the baths of 
Oceanus." Better and more Homeric is Heracleitus, 
who likewise employs ^^the Bear'* for ^^the arctic 
circle": "The Bear forms limits of morning and 
evening, and over against the Bear fair breezes blow 
from fair skies " ^ ; for the arctic circle, and not the 
Bear, forms a l>oundary beyond which the stars neither 
rise nor set. Accordingly, by " the Bear," which he 
also calls "the Wain** and describes as keeping watch 
upon Orion, Homer means the "arctic circle,** and 
by Oceanus he means the horizon into which he 
makes the stars to set and from which he makes them 
to rise. And when he says that the Bear makes its 
revolution in that region without having a part in 
Oceanus, he knows that the arctic circle touches the 
most northerly point of the horizon. If we construe 
the poet's verse in this way, then we should interpret 
the terrestrial ^horizon as closely corresponding to 
Oceanus, and the arctic circle as touching the earth 
— ^if we may believe the evidence of our senses — ^at 
its most northerly inhabited point. And so, in the 
opinion of Homer, this part of the earth also is 

^ Crates emended Homer's feminine form of the adjective 
for ** alone'* (οϊη) to the masculine form {oios)^ so as to make 
it agree with *' arctic circle" and not with ** Bear." 

2 Heracleitus, with his usual obscurity, divides the heavens 
roughly into four quarters, viz. : the Bear (north), morning 
(east), evening (west), and the region opposite the Bear 
(south). Strabo's interpretation of Heracleitus as regards 
the ** arctic circle" is altogether reasonable. 




κατ αυτόν, κάΙ τους άνθρώττον^ δέ olSe τους 
ττροσβορρου^^ μαΚιστα, ον^. ονομαστϊ μβν ου 
ΒηΧοΐ (ovSk yctp νυν ττου κοινον αύτοΐ<; όνομα 
Kelrai ττασι), τ§ Βιαίττ) he φράζβι, νομάΒας αυτούς 
υττο^ραφων καΐ " ά'^αυούς ΙτητημοΧ^ούς yaXa/CTO- 
φάρους άβιους^ τε" (/?. 13. 5, β). 

7. ΚαΙ αλλω9 δ' ίμφαίνβι το κύκΚφ ττερικβίσθαι 
τ^ yfi τον ώκεανόν, όταν οΰτω φτ} ή "Ηρα• 

βΐμι yctp οψομένη ττοΧυφόρβου ττβίρατα ^αίης 
*Cl/C€av6v τ€ θβων yeveaiv, {II. 14. 200, cf. 301) 

τοις yctp ττέρασι ττασι, συνηφθαι^ Xeyec τον ωκε- 
ανον Thik πέρατα κύκΧφ irepi/cecTat (11, 18. 607). 
€v τ€ τ^ οττΧοτΓοιία της Άχ^λλβω? άσττίΒος κύκλω 
7Γ€ριτίθησί τον ωκεανον €ττϊ της ϊτυος, εχβται δέ 
τ^9 αύτης φιXo^Γpayμoσύvης καϊ το μη ayvoeiv τά 
irepX τάς ττΧημμυρίΒας του ωκεανού καΐ τίίς άμ- 
ττώτεις, ** άψορροου ^Ω,κεανοΐο^' {II. 18. 399) λ€- 
yovTa^ καΐ 

τρϊς μεν yap τ άνίησιν εττ' ηματί, τρΙς δ' 
άναροφΒεΐ. {Od. 12. 105) 

καΧ yhp εΐ μη τρις, αλλά 8ίς, τάχα της Ιστορίας 
τταρατταίσαντος,^ ή της y ραφής οιημαρτημένης• 
άΧΧ ή yε ττροαίρεσις τοιαύτη, καϊ το " ίξ άκα- 
Χαρρείταο^^ (11. 7. 422) δέ έχει Ttvct εμφασιν της 
πΧημμυρίΒος, εχούσης την έττίβασίν ττραεΐαν καΧ 

1 Ίτροσβόρρουε^ Meineke, for νροσβορΐουχ ; C. Miiller ap- 
proving. * "Αβιοι is a proper name in Homer. 

^ συyηφθalf Madvig, for συρ4ιθη ; Cobet approving. 

** \4yovrat editors before Kramer (who reads X^yovri) ; 
Meineke restores ; C. Miiller approving. 

' iraparalffavros, Cobet, for ταρα'Κ€σόντο5. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 6-η 

washed by Oceanus. Furthermore, Homer knows 
of the men who live farthest north; and while 
he does not mention them by name — ^and even to 
the present day there is no common term that will 
embrace them all — ^he characterises them by their 
mode of life, describing them as "nomads," and as 
'^ proud mare-milkers, curd-eaters, and a resourceless 

7. In other ways, too, Homer indicates that 
Oceanus surrounds the earth, as when Hera says as 
follows : " For I am going to visit the limits of the 
bountiful earth, and Oceanus, father of the gods." 
By these words he means that Oceanus touches all 
the extremities of the earth ; and these extremities 
form a circle round the earth. . Again, in the story of 
the making of the arms of Achilles, Homer places 
Oceanus in a circle round the outer edge of the 
shield of Achilles. It is another proof of the same 
eagerness for knowledge that Homer was not ignor- 
ant about the ebb and flow of the tide of Oceanus ; for 
he speaks of " Oceanus that floweth ever back upon 
himself," and also says: "For thrice a day she^ 
spouts it forth, and thrice a day she sucks it down." 
For even if it be " twice " and not "thrice " — it may 
be that Homer really strayed from the fact on this 
point, or else that there is a corruption in the text^ 
— ^the principle of his assertion remains the same. 
And even the phrase "gently-flowing" contains a 
reference to the flood-tide, which comes with a gentle 

^ Homer here refers to Charybdis. Strabo himself seems 
to be doing Homer an injustice by confusing the behaviour 
of Charybdis with the tides of Oceanus. 

2 See 1. 2. 16, where Polybius is referred to as making a 
similar statement. 




ου Τ€λ€ω9 ροώΒη. ΤΙοσβιΒώνιος δε καΐ βκ του 
σκοττέΚους Xe^yeiv Tore μβν καΧυτττομένου^ζ, τοτβ 
δε ^γυμνουμ€νου<;, καϊ i/c του ττοταμον φάναι τον 
ωκεανον εΐκάζβι το /δοώδ€9 αύτοΰ το irepl τα? 
τΓ\ημμυρί8ας ίμφανίζβσθαί {II. 14. 245). το μ€ν 
ουν πρώτον βύ, το δε Βεύτβρον ουκ βγβι \6yov' ούτε 
yap ΤΓΟταμίφ ρβύματί eot/cev ή τή<ζ ττ\ημμυρί8ο<ζ 
βττίβασι^, ΤΓοΧύ δέ μαλΧον ή άναχώρησι^ ου 
τοιαύτη, ο τ€ του Κράτητο<ζ λόγο? οιοάσκει tl 
πιθανώτ€ρον, βαθύρρουν μλν yap καϊ άψορρον 
{Od, 11. 13 ; 20. 65) Xeyec, ομοίως Be καΐ ττοταμον 
C 5 τον δΧον ώκ€αν6ν Xeyei δέ καΐ μέρο^ του ωκεανού 
τι ττοταμον και ττοταμοΐο ρόον, ου του οΧου, 
άΧΧίί του μέρους, δταν οΰτω φ^• 

αύταρ έττεί ττοταμοΐο Χίττεν ροον ^ϋκεανοΐο 
νηΰς, άττο δ' ΐκετο κΰμα θαΧάσσης εύρυττόροιο. 

(Od. 12. 1) 

ου yhp τον δΧον, αλλά τον εν τφ ώκεανφ του 
ττοταμοϋ ρόον μέρος οντά του ωκεανού, δν φησιν 6 
Κράτης άνάγυσίν τίνα καϊ κόΧττον εττϊ τον νότων 
ττόΧον άττο του χειμερινού τροττικοΰ Βιηκοντα. 
τούτον yhp Βύναιτ αν τις εκΧιττων ετι είναι εν τφ 
ωκεανω* τον δέ δΧον εκΧιττόντα ετι είναι εν τφ 
δΧφ, ούχ οΙόν τε, ^Όμηρος δε ye οΰτω φησί* 

** ττοταμοΐο Χίττεν ροον, άττο δ' Ι^τετο κΰμα 

9ΐτις ουκ αΧΧη τις έστιν, αλλά ωκεανός, yίvετaι 
ουν, εαν αΧΧως Βέγτ}, εκβάς εκ τον ωκεανού, ήΧθεν 
εις τον ώκεανόν, αλλά ταύτα μεν μακροτέρας 
εστί Βια£της. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. ^ 

swell, and not with a violent current. Poseidonius 
conjectures both from Homer*s reference to the head- 
lands as sometimes covered with the waves and some- 
times bare, and from his calling Oceanus a river, that 
by the current of Oceanus Homer is indicating the 
flow of the tides. The first conjecture of Poseidonius is 
correct, but the second is unreasonable. For the 
swell of the tide is not like a stream of a river, and 
still less so is the ebb. The explanation given by 
Crates is more plausible. Homer speaks of the whole 
of Oceanus as " deep-flowing " and "back-flowing," 
and, likewise, as being a river ; he also speaks of a 
part of Oceanus as a river, or as a " river-stream " ; 
and he is speaking of a part of Oceanus, and not 
of the whole, when he says : " Now after the ship 
had left the river-stream of Oceanus, and was come 
to the wave of the wide sea." Not the whole, I 
say, but the stream of the river, which stream is 
in Oceanus, being therefore a part of it; and this 
stream, Crates says, is a sort of estuary or gulf, which 
stretches from the winter tropic^ in the direction of 
the south pole. Indeed, one might leave this estuary 
and still be in Oceanus; but it is not possible for 
a man to leave the whole and still be in the whole. 
At any rate Homer says : *^ The ship had left the 
river-stream, and was come to the wave of the sea," 
where " the sea " is surely nothing other than Ocean- 
us ; if you interpret it otherwise, the assertion be- 
comes : " After Odysseus had gone out of Oceanus, he 
came into Oceanus." But that is a matter to be 
discussed at greater length. 

^ Strabo placed the " summer tropic" and "winter tropic" 
respectively at 24° north and south of the equator. They 
correspond, therefore, pretty closely to our Tropic of Cancer 
and Tropic of Capricorn. 


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8. 'Ότ6 Se ή οικουμένη νήσος έστι, ττρωτον μλν 

i/c τή<ζ αίσθήσβως καί της ττβίρας Χηιττέον, τταν- 

ταχή yap, οττουττοτονν βφικτον yiyovev άνθρώ- 

ΤΓΟί,ς €7γΙ τά ίσχατα της yrj^ ττροβΧβεΐν, ευρίσκεται, 

θάΧαττα, ην 8η καΧοΰμεν ώκεανόν, καΐ διτου δέ 

τ^ αίσθησει Χαβεΐν ούχ ύττήρξεν, 6 λόγο? Βείκνυσι. 

το μεν yhp εωθινον ιτΧενρόν, το κατίί τους ^ΙνΒούς, 

καΐ το εσπεριον, το κατά τους *Ίβηρας κ αϊ τους 

Μαυρουσίους, ττεριττλεΐται ττάν επΙ ττοΧύ του τ€ 

νοτίου μέρους καΐ του βορείου* το 8ε Χειττόμενον 

αττλουν ήμΐν μέχρι νυν τφ μη συμμΖξαι μηΒένας 

άΧΧηΧοις των άντιττερίττΚεοντων ου ττοΧύ, εϊ τις 

συντίθησιν εκ των τταραΧΚήΧων διαστημάτων των 

εφικτών ήμΐν. ουκ εΙκος 8ε ΒιθάΧαττον είναι το 

^riXayoς το ^ΑτΧαντικον, ισθμοΐς 8ιειpy6μεvov 

οΰτω στενοΐς τοις κωΧύουσι τον ττερίττΧουν, αλλά 

μαΧΚον συ ρ ρουν καΧ συνεχές, οί τ ε yap ττερητΧεΐν 

έττιχειρήσαντες} είτα άναστρέψαντες, ούχ υττο 

ήττείρου τίνος άντιττηττούσης καΐ κωΧυούσης τον 

εττέκεινα ττΧούν άνακρουσθήναι φασίν, άΧΧΛ υττο 

άίΓορίας καΐ ερημίας, ού8εν ήττον της θαΧάττης 

εχονσης τον ττόρον. τοις τε ττάθεσι του ωκεανού 

τοις ττερί τάς άμττώτεις καΐ τάς ττΧημμυρίΒας 

6μoXoyεΐ τοΰτο μαΧΧον ττάντη yom 6 αύτος τρο- 

τΓος των^ μεταβοΧων υπάρχει καΧ των αυξήσεων 

^ ^Ίηχ9ΐρ4\σαιη%5, the reading of the MSS., is retained ; 
C. Miiller approving. Dubner and Meineke read iyx^ipii- 

* τβ, A. Miller deletes, before μεταβολών. 

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GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 8 

8. We may learn both from the evidence of our 
senses and from experience that the inhabited world 
is an island ; for wherever it has been possible for man 
to reach the limits of the earth, sea has been found, 
and this sea we call ^^Oceanus." And wherever we 
have not been able to learn by the evidence of our 
senses, there reason points the way. For example, 
as to the eastern (Indian) side of the inhabited 
earth, and the western (Iberian and Maurusian) 
side, one may sail wholly around them and continue 
the voyage for a considerable distance along the 
northern and southern regions ; and as for the rest 
of the distance around the inhabited earth which 
has not been visited by us up to the present time 
(because of the fact that the navigators who sailed 
in opposite directions towards each other never 
met), it is not of very great extent, if we reckon from 
the parallel distances that have been traversed by 
us. It is unlikely that the Atlantic Ocean is divided 
into two seas, thus being separated by isthmuses so 
narrow and that prevent the circumnavigation ; it is 
more likely that it is one confluent and continuous sea. 
For those who undertook circumnavigation, and turn- 
ed back without having achieved their purpose, say 
that they were made to turn back, not because of any 
continent that stood in their way and hindered their 
further advance, inasmuch as the sea still continued 
open as before, but because of their destitution and 
loneliness. This theory accords better, too, with the 
behaviour of the ocean, that is, in respect of the ebb 
and flow of the tides ; everywhere, at all events, the 
same principle, or else one that does not vary much, 
accounts for the changes both of high tide and low 

VOL. I. C 



/cal μ€ίώσ€ων, ή ου ττοΧν τταραΧΚάττων, ώ? αν βφ'^ 
€1/09 Trekwyov^ τη<; κινήσβως αττοΒώομ,ίνη^ καΐ άττο 
/ua9 αΙτία<ζ, 

9. ^^ΙτΓΤΓαρχος δ' ου ττιθανο^ έστιν avriXeywv rfj 
Βοξτ) ταύττ), ώ? οΰθ^ ομοιοτταθοΰντος τον ωκεανού 

C 6 τταντβΚω^, ουτ\ el Βοθείη τούτο, άκό\ουθονντο<ζ 
αντφ τον σνρρονν είναι τταν το κύκΚφ ireXayo^ 
το ^ΑτΧαντίκόν, ττρος το μη ομοιοπαθεΐν μάρτνρι 
γρώμενο^ζ ΧεΧενκφ τφ ΒαβνΧωνίφ. ημεΐς Se τον 
μεν ττλείω XSyov ττερί τον ωκεανον καΧ των 
ττΧημμνρίΒων εΙς ΤΙοσει,Βώνίον άναβαΧΧόμεθα κ αϊ 
^ΑΘηνόΒωρον, Ικανω<; Βιενκρινησαντας^ τον ττερΙ 
τούτων Xoyov ιτρος 8ε τα νυν επΙ τοσούτον λβγο- 
μεν, ΟΤΙ ττρό^ τε την ομοιοπάθειαν οντω βεΧτιον 
νομίσαι* τά τε ουράνια αννεγριτ &ν κρεΐττον ταΐ<ζ 
εντεύθεν άναθνμιάσεσιν, εΐ ττΧεΐον εΐη το vypov 

10. ^Ω,σττερ οΐτν τά εσγατα και τά κνκΧω της 
οίκονμενης οΙΒε και φράξει σαφώς 6 ττοιητης, 
οντω και τά της θαΧάττης της εντός, ιτεριέγει 
γάρ ταντην άττο ΧτηΧών άρξαμενοις Αιβνη τε και 
ΑΙψ)ΐΓτος καΐ Φοινίκη, εξής 8ε ή ττεραία^ της 
Κνπρον, εϊτα ΧόΧνμοι καΐ Ανκίοι καΙ Κάρες, 
μετά δέ τούτου? ή μεταξν ΜνκάΧης και της 
ΎρφάΒος 'ρών^ και αί ττροκείμεναι νήσοι, ων 

^ 4φ', Corais, for ivi ; C. Miiller approving. 

^ BievKpivfiaavras, R. Hercher and Piccolos independently, 
for ^laKpariiaavras ; C. Miiller and A. Vogel approving in 
part. Corais reads Βιακροτ-ίισανταε, C. Miiller approving ; 
Kramer BiaKparovcunas ; Meineke Βιακριβώσαντα^ (Ε. Stemp- 
linger, L. Kayser, approving) or Βιασαφ•(ισαντα$ ; Madvig 

^ vepaiuf Madvig, for πίριξ, "* jjay, Meineke, for ίιιών. 


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GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 8-ιο 

tide,^ as would be the case if their movements were 
produced by one sea and were the result of one 

9. Hipparchus is not convincing when he con- 
tradicts this view on the ground, first, that the ocean 
does not behave uniformly throughout, and, secondly, 
that, even if this be granted, it does not follow that 
the Atlantic Ocean runs round the earth in one un- 
broken circle. In support of his opinion that the 
ocean does not behave uniformly he appeals to the 
authority of Seleucus of Babylon. But for a further 
discussion of the ocean and its tides I refer the reader 
to Poseidonius and Athenodorus, who have examined 
the argument on this subject with thoroughness. For 
my present purpose I merely add that it is better to 
accept this view of the uniform behaviour of the 
ocean ; and that the farther the mass of water may 
extend around the earth, the better the heavenly 
bodies will be held together by the vapours that arise 

10. Homer, then, knows and clearly describes the 
remote ends of the inhabited earth and what surrounds 
it ; and he is just as familiar with the regions of the 
Mediterranean Sea. For if you begin at the Pillars 
of Heracles,^ you will find that the Mediterranean 
Sea is bounded by Libya, Egypt, and Phoenicia, and 
further on by the part of the continent lying over 
against Cyprus ; then by the territory of the Solymi, 
by Lyeia, and by Caria, and next by the seaboard i 
between Mycale and the Troad, together with thej 
islands adjacent thereto; and all these lands are I 

1 See 1. 3. 7. and 1. 3. 12. ^ ^ doctrine of the Stoics. 
' See 3. 5. 5 for the different conceptions of what the 
Pillars were. 

c 2 



άττάντων^ μέμνηταί καΧ βφβξή^ί των ττβρί την 
ΐΙροτΓοντίΒα καΐ του Ευξείνου^ Η'^ΧΡ'' Κολχίδος 
καΙ τή^ ^ Ιάσονος στρατείας, καΐ μην /cat τον 
Κιμμβρικον βόσττορον olSe, τους Κιμμερίους εΙΒώς' 
ου ΒήτΓου το μεν όνομα των Κιμμερίων εΙΒώς, 
αυτούς δέ ayvo&v, οΐ κατ αύτον η μικρόν ττρο 
αυτού μέχρι ^Ιωνίας εττεΒραμον την yrjv την εκ 
βοσττορου ττάσαν. αΐνίττεται yoDv καΧ το κΧίμα 
της χωράς αυτών ζοφώΒες ον, και ώς φησίν, 

ηέρι και νεφέΧτ) κεκαΧυμμένοι* ούΒε ττοτ αυτούς 
^ΙΙέΧιος φαεθων εττιΒέρκεται,^ 
• αλλ' €7rt νύξ οΧοη τέταται. (Od, 11. 15, 19) 

γνωρίζει δέ και τον "Ιστ ρον, με μνη μένος ^ε * Μυ- 
σων, έθνους %ρακίου τταροικούντος τον "Ιστρον. 
καΐ μην καΐ την εξής τταραΧίαν οΙΒε, θρακίαν 
ούσαν, μέχρι ΐΐηνειοΰ, ΤΙαίονάς τ€ ονομάζων καΐ 
"Αθω και Αξιον και τάς προκειμενας τούτων 
νήσους, εξής δβ εστίν η των Έλλί;ι;ωι; τταραΧία 
μέχρι %εστΓρωτων, ής άττάσης μέμνηται, και μην 
καΐ τά τής ^ΙταΧίας άκρα οίδε, Ύεμέσην καΧών 
καΐ Έ,ικεΧούς,^ και τά τής ^Ιβηρίας άκρα και την 
εύΒαιμονίαν αυτών, rjv άρτίως εφαμεν, ει δβ τίνα 
εν τοις μεταξύ ΒιαΧείμματα φαίνεται, συ^^νοίη 
τις αν καΧ yap 6 yεωy ραφών όντως ττολλά τταρ- 
ίησι τών εν μέρει, συyyvoίη δ' αν, καΐ ει μυθώοη 
Tivh ττροσττέιτΧεκταιί τοΙς Xεyoμέvoις ιστορικώς 

^ airdinwvy Casaubon, \for αιτασών; Kramer, Groskurd, 
Forbicer, Tardieu, Meineke, following. 

'-* Td, Meineke deletes, before μ4χρι ; C. MuUer approving. 

' iirihipKeraif C. Miiller restores, for the usual reading 
καταδ^ρκ€ται, from the MSS. of the Odyaaey, 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. ίο 

mentioned by Homer, as well as those farther on, 
about the Propontis and the Euxine Sea as far as/ 
Colchis and the limits of Jason's expedition; more/ 
than that, he knows the Cimmerian Bosporus, because 
he knows the Cimmerians — for surely, if he knows 
the name of the Cimmerians, he is not ignorant of 
the people themselves — the Cimmerians who, in 
Homer's own time or shortly before his time, over- 
ran the whole country from the Bosporus to Ionia. 
At least he intimates that the very climate of their 
country is gloomy, and the Cimmerians, as he says, are 
'^ shrouded in mist and in cloud, and never does the 
shining sun look upon them, but deadly night is spread 
o'er them." Homer also knows of the River Ister,^ 
since he mentions Mysians, a Thracian tribe that 
lives on the Ister. More than that, he knows the 
sea-board next to the Ister, on the Thracian side, as 
far as the Peneus^ River ; for he speaks of Paeonians, 
of Athos and Axius,^ and of their neighbouring 
islands. And next comes the sea-board of Greece, as 
far as Thesprotia, which he mentions in its entirety. 
And yet more, he knows the promontories of Italy 
also, for he speaks of Temesa and of Sicily ; he also 
knows about the headland capes of Iberia, and of the 
wealth of Iberia, as I have stated above. If between 
these countries there are some countries which he 
leaves out, one might pardon him ; for the professed 
geographer himself omits many details. And we 
might pardon the poet even if he has inserted things 

' Danube. ^ Salambria. ^ The River Vardar. 

* του, before Μυσων, Kramer deletes ; Meineke following. 

* Reference is made to Od. 1. 184, but that Temesa is in 



καΐ 8ιΒασκα\ικω<ζ, καΐ ου Set μέμφβσθαι, ovBk 
C 7 yiip άΧηθές έστιν, ο φησιν Έρατοσθ€νη<;, οτι 
ποιητής ττάς στοχάζεται '>^υχα^ω'γίας, ου hiha- 
σκαΧίας* τάναντια yap οι φρονιμώτατοι των irepi 
ποιητικής τι ώθβ^ξαμίνων πρώτην τίνα Χί^ουσι 
φιΧοσοφίαν την ποιητικην, aXXk προς ^Έιρατο- 
σθένη μ^ν αύθις βροΰμβν 8ιά πΧειόνων, iv οΐς καΐ 
7Γ€/οΙ του ποιητοΰ πάΧιν εσται X6yoς. 

1 1 . Νυι/Ι δέ δτι μ^ν '^Ομηρος της ^εω^ραφίας 
^ρξβν, άρκβίτω τά Χεχθέντα, φανεροί δέ καΐ οι 
επακοΧουθησαντες αύτω άνδρες a^ioXoyoi κα\ 
οικείοι φιλοσοφίας' ων τους πρώτους μεθ* "Ομηρον 
8ύο φησϊν ^Ερατοσθένης, ^ ΑναξίμανΒρον τε, ^αΧού 
yeyovoTa yvώpιμov καΐ ποΧίτην, κα\ Έκαταΐον 
τον ^ιΧησιον τον μεν ουν εκΒοΰναι πρώτον 
yεωypaφικov πίνακα, τον δέ Έκαταΐον κατά- 
Χιπεΐν ypάμμa, πιστούμενον εκείνου είναι εκ της 
άΧΧης αύτοΰ ypaφής. 

12. *Αλλά μην οτι yε δεΖ προς ταύτα ποΧυ- 
μαθείας είρήκασι συχνοί* ευ δέ καΐ '^Ιππαρχος 
εν τοις προς ^Ερατοσθένη ΒιΒάσκει, οτι παντί, και 
ΙΒιώτη καΐ τ φ φιΧομαθονντι, της yεωy ραφικής 
ιστορίας προσηκούσης άΒύνατον μεταΧαβεΐν ^ 
άνευ της των ουρανίων καϊ της των εκΧειπτικων 
τηρήσεων επικρίσεως* οίον *ΑΧεξάνΒρειαν την 
προς Aiyύπτφ, πότερον άρκτικωτέρα ΈαβυΧωνος 
ή νοτιωτέρα, Χαβεΐν ούχ οϊόν τε, ούδ' εφ^ οπόσον 
Βιάστημα, χωρίς της Sict των κΧιμάτων έπισκέ- 

* μ€ταλαβ€Ίν, Capps, for \αβ€Ϊν, 

^ Strabo discusses the point mope fully in 1. 2. 3. 

^ Hipparchus took as a basis of calculation for latitudes 
and longitudes a principal parallel of latitude through the 
Pillars of Heracles and the Gulf of Issus, and a principal 
meridian through Alexandria. He then drew parallels of 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. ιο-ΐ2 

of a mythical nature in his historical and didactic 
narrative. That deserves no censure; for Eratos- 
thenes is wrong in his contention that the aim of 
every poet is to entertain, not to instruct; indeed 
the wisest of the writers on poetry say, on the con- 
trary, that poetry is a kind of elementary philosophy.^ 
But later on I shall refute Eratosthenes at greater 
length, when I come to speak of Homer again. 

11. For the moment what I have already said is 
sufficient, I hope, to show that Homer was the first 
geographer. And, as every one knows, the successors 
of Homer in geography were also notable men and 
familiar with philosophy. Eratosthenes declares that 
the first two successors of Homer were Anaximander, 
a pupil and fellow-citizen of Thales, and Hecataeus 
of Miletus ; that Anaximander was the first to pub- 
lish a geographical map, and that Hecataeus left 
behind him a work on geography, a work believed to 
be his by reason of its similarity to his other Λvritings. 

12. Assuredly, however, there is need of encyclo- 
paedic learning for the study of geography, as many 
men have already stated ; and Hipparchus, too, in his 
treatise Against Eratosthenes, correctly shows that it is 
impossible for any man, whether layman or scholar, 
to attain to the requisite knowledge of geography 
without the determination of the heavenly bodies and 
of the eclipses which have been observed; for 
instance, it is impossible to determine whether 
Alexandria in Egypt is north or south of Babylon, or 
how much north or south of Babylon it is, without in- 
vestigation through the means of the ^^climata." 2 In 

latitude through various well-known places, and thus formed 
belts of latitude which he called **climata." By means of 
the solstitial day he determined the width of eacn " clima," 
diffierences of latitude, and so on. But Strabo uses the term 
primarily in reference to the parallels of latitude themselves. 




ψεως' ομοίως τά? ττ/οό? &) προσκβχωρηκυίας ^ η 
7Γ/009 Svaiv μαΧΚον teal fjrrov ουκ άν Ύνοίη τ*? 
ακρίτβω^, π\ην ei ^ Sia των βκΚβίτττικων ηλίου 
καΧ σ€Κηνη<ζ σινγ κρίσεων, οίτος δε Srj ταϋτά 

1 3. '^Ατταντβς Se ^ όσοι τόπων ΙΖωτητα^ Xeyeiv 
€7Γΐχ€φοΰσίν οίκβίως προσάπτονται και των ου- 
ρανίων και 7€ω/Α€τρΜΐ9, σχήματα καΧ μβτγίθη κα\ 
αποστήματα κα\ κΧίματα 8η\οΰντ€ς καΐ θαΚττη 
καΧ ψύχη καΐ άπΧώς την του περιέχοντος φύσιν, 
βττεί και οίκον κατασκευάζων οΙκοΒόμος ταύτα &ν 
προορφτο και ποΧιν κτίξων αρχιτέκτων, μη τί ye 
δΧην επίσκοπων την οίκου μένην ανηρ' ποΧύ yap 
τούτφ προσήκει μαΧΧον. iv μίν yhp τοις μικροΐς 
χωρίοις το προς άρκτους ή προς νοτον κβκΧίσθαι 
πapaXXayηv ου ποΧΧην έχει, εν Be τφ παντί 
κύκΧω της οικουμένης, το ^ προς άρκτον μεν μέχρι 
των ύστατων εστί της Χκυθίας ή της ΚεΧτικής, 
μέχρι δέ των ύστάτωι; Αίθιόπων τα προς νότον 
τοΟ^ο δβ παμπόΧΧην έχει Βιαφοράν, ομοίως δέ 
και το παρ ^Ινίοΐς οίκεΐν ή παρ* "Ιβηρσιν ων 

C 8 τους μεν εωους μάλιστα, τους δε εσπερίους, 
τρόπον 8έ τίνα καΐ αντίποδας άΧληλοις ϊσμεν, 

14. ΤΙάν 8ε το τοιούτον εκ της του ηλίου και 
των άλλων άστρων κινήσεως την άρχην ^χον καϊ 

1 'προσκίχωρηκυία5, Corais, for τΓροΊταρακ€χωρηκυ(α5. 

2 €t, Corais, for ijy after πλην ; Meineke following. 

• δ^, Casaubon inserts, after iiravres. 

* rh TFphs άρκτον μ4ν, Corais, for irphs άρκτον μίν τ6. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 12-14 

like manner, we cannot accurately fix points that lie 
at var3ang distances from us, whether to the east or 
the west, except by a comparison of the eclipses of 
the sim and the moon.^ That, then, is what Hippar- 
chus says on the subject. 

13. All those who undertake to describe the 

distinguishing features of countries devote special 

attention to astronomy and geometry, in explaining 

matters of shape, of size, of distances between points, 

and of ^^ climata," as well as matters of heat and cold, 

and, in general, the peculiarities of the atmosphere. 

Indeed, an architect in constructing a house, or an 

engineer in founding a city, would make provision for 

all these conditions ; and all the more would they be 

considered by the man whose puo^iew embraced the 

whole inhabited world ; for they concern him more 

than anyone else. Within the area of small countries 

it involves no very great discrepancy if a given place 

be situated more towards the north, or more towards 

the south ; but when the area is that of the whole 

round of the inhabited world, the north extends to 

the remote confines of Scythia and Celtica,^ and the 

south to the remote confines of Ethiopia, and the 

difference between these two extremes is very great. 

The same thing holds true also as regards a man's 

living in India or Iberia ; the one country is in the far 

east, and the other is in the far west ; indeed, they 

are, in a sense, the antipodes of each other, as we 


14. Everything of this kind, since it is caused by 
the movement of the sun and the other stars as well 

* That is, by a comparison of the observations of the same 
eclipse, made from the different points of observation. 
2 France, approximately. 




€TL• τή^ iirl το μέσον ψορά^;, άναβΧέττειν αναγκάζει 
προς τον ούρανον καΧ ττρος τα φαινόμενα τταρ 
ίκάστοις ημών των ουρανίων iv Se τούτοις efaX- 
Χάξεις όρωνται τταμμεηεθεις των οΐκήσβων, τις 
hv ονν διαφοράς τοιτων εκτιθέμενος καΚως καΐ 
Ικανως ΒιΒάσκοι, μη φροντίσας τούτων μηδενός 
μηΒ* εττϊ μικρόν; καΐ yhp ει μη ίυνατον κατά, την 
νττόθεσιν την τοιαύτην άπαντα άκριβοϋν Sici το 
είναι ποΧιτικωτέραν, τό ^ε επΧ τοσούτον, εφ^ 
όσον κα\ τφ ποΧιτικφ παρακοΧουθεΙν δυνατόν, 
προσήκοι άν εΐκότως» 

15. Ό δ' οντω^μετεωρίσας ηΒη την Βιάνοιαν 
ovSk της οΧης άπέχεται 'γης. φαίνεται ycip ^ε» 
Χοΐον, ει την οίκονμένην ^Χιχόμενος σαφώς εξει- 
πειν των μλν ουρανίων ετόΧμησεν αψασθαι καΐ 
γρήσασθαι προς την ΒιΒασκαΧίαν, την δ' οΧην 
yrjVy ^9 μέρος η οικουμένη, μηθ* όπόση, μήθ* 
οποία τί9, μηθ^ οπού κειμένη του σύμπαντος κό- 
σμου, μηΒ^ν^ έφρόντισε' μηΒ\ εΐ καθ* ^ν μέρος 
οικείται μόνον το καθ* ημάς, ή κατά πΧείω, καΐ^ 
πόσα' ώς S* αΰτως καΐ τό άοίκητον αυτής πόσον 
καΐ ποιόν τι καΐ Sia, τι. εοικεν οΰν μετέωρο- 
XoyiKTJ τινι πραγματεία καΧ ^^εωμετρικτι συνήφθαι 
το της ^εω^ραφίας εΙΒος, τά επίγεια τοις ούρα- 

* μη^€ν, Corais, for μηθ4ν ; Meineke following ; C. Miiller 


* i}f Corais deletes before κάΙ νόσα, Meineke following. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 14-15 

as by their tendency towards the centre/ compels 
us to look to the vault of heaven, and to observe the 
phenomena of the heavenly bodies peculiar to our 
individual positions ; and in these phenomena we see 
very great variations in the positions of inhabited 
places. So, if one is about to treat of the difFerences\ 
between countries, how can he discuss his subject 
correctly and adequately if he has paid no attention, 
even superficially, to any of these matters ? For even 
if it be impossible in a treatise of this nature, because 
of its having a greater bearing on affairs of state, to 
make everything scientifically accurate, it will natur- 
ally be appropriate to do so, at least in so far as the 
man in public life is able to follow the thought. 

15. Moreover, the man who has once thus lifted 
his thoughts to the heavens will surely not hold aloof 
from the earth as a whole ; for it is obviously absurd, 
if a man who desired to give a clear exposition of 
the inhabited world had ventured to lay hold of 
the celestial bodies and to use them for the purposes 
of instruction, and yet had paid no attention to the 
ii»• earth as a whole, of which the inhabited world is but 
\ a part — ^neither as to its size, nor its character, nor its 
position in the universe, nor even whether the world 
is inhabited only in the one part in which we live, or 
in a number of parts, and if so, how many such parts 
there are ; and likewise how large the uninhabited ] 
part is, what its nature is, and why it is uninhabited. 
It seems, then, that the special branch of geography ^ 
represents a union of meteorology ^ and geometry, 
since it unites terrestrial and celestial phenomena as 

^ See § 20 (following), and footnote. 

2 The Greek word here includes our science of astronomy 
as well as onr science of meteorology. 




νίοις συνάτττον eh €V, ώς βγγυτάτω οντά, αλλά 
μη Βιεστωτα τοσούτον, 

όσον ούρανό<ζ έστ άττο γαίτ;?. (/?. 8. 16) 

16. Φέρβ Srj Trj τοσανττ} ττοΧνμαθβία Ίτροσθω- 
μεν την iiriyetov ίστορίαν, οίον ζωών καΧ φυτών 
καΧ των αΧΚων, οσα χρήσιμα ή Βνσχρηστα φέρβι 
ηη τ€ καί θάλασσα' οΐμαι ycip ivapyh άν yeve- 
σθαι μαΧΚον h Χέτγω, ττάντα yap τα τοιαύτα τταρα- 
σκβναί τιν€<ζ ei^ φρονησιν με^άΧαΐ'^ τφ μαθβΐν 
δέ T% χό>ρα<ζ την φνσιν και ζωών καΧ φυτών 
ιΒέας ττροσθβίναι Set και τά τ?;9 θαΧάττης* 
αμφίβιοι yhp τρόττον τινά €σμ€ν καΧ ου μαΧΚον 
χερσαίοι η θαΧάττιοι.^ δτι Se και το οφέλος 
μί^α τταντΧ τφ τταραΧαβόντι την τοιαύτην ίστο- 
ρίαν, €Κ Τ€ της τταΧαιάς μνήμης ΒήΧον καί €κ 
τον Xoyov, οί yovv ττοιηταΧ φρονιμωτάτους των 
ηρώων άττοφαίνονσι τους άττοδημησαντας ττολλα- 
χον και ττΧανηθβντας' iv μ€yάXφ yap τίθενται 
το " ττοΧΧων άνθρώττων iSeiv αστβα καΧ νόον 
yv&vai*^ (Od, 1.3), καΧ 6 Νέστωρ σεμνύνεται, διότι 
τοις Ααττίθαις ωμίΧησεν, ίΧθών μετάττεμπτος 

τηΧόθεν εξ άττίης yaίης^ καΧέσαντο yhp αυτοί. 

(11. 1. 270) 
καΧ 6 Μενέλαος ωσαύτως, 

Κνττρον Φοινίκην τε καΧ Alyυ^ττίoυς ετταληθεΧς 
Αιθίοπας θ* ίκόμην καΧ Χιδονίους καΧ ^Έιρεμβούς 
καΧ Αιβύην, (Od. 4. 83) 

^ Piccolos reads and punctuates μ^^άΚαΐ' τφ μαΒ^ν δ^ rrit 
■χώρα* tV φν<ην κα\ ζι^ων καΧ φυτών 194λ5 irpocQuvai 5ct κα\ rh. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 15-16 

being very closely related, and in no sense separated 
from each other ^^as heaven is high above the 

16. Well, then, to this encyclopaedic knowledge let 
us add terrestrial history — ^that is, the history of 
animals and plants and everything useful or harmful 
that is produced by land or sea (this definition will, I 
think, make clear what I mean by ^^terrestrial his- 
tory *'). In fact all such studies are important as 
preliminary helps toward complete understanding. 
And to this knowledge of the nature of the land, and 
of the species of animals and plants, we must add a 
knowledge of all that pertains to the sea ; for ip a 
sense we are amphibious, and belong no more to the 
land than to the sea. That the benefit is great to 
anyone who has become possessed of information of 
this character, is evident both from ancient traditions 
and from reason. At any rate, the poets declare that 
the wisest heroes were those who visited many places 
and roamed over the world ; for the poets regard it as 
a great achievement to have ^^seen the cities and 
known the minds of many men." Nestor boasts of 
having Uved among the Lapithae, to whom he had 
gone as an invited guest, " from a distant land afar — 
for of themselves they summoned me." Menelaus, 
too, makes a similar boast, when he says : ^^ I roamed 
over Cyprus and Phoenicia and Egypt, and came to 
Ethiopians and Sidonians and Erembians and Libya " 

T^y βαλάττηί, for μi'yά\aι τψ μοΒ^ίν rT)s χώρα$ r^v φύσιν καΐ 
ζφων Kcd φυτών tScas. vpoedcivai δ6 καΧ rb. rr)s 9aKarry\s ; 
C. Miiller, Sterrett, approving. 

2 A. Miller transposes the words travra yhp τά...^ Θαλάττιοι 
to this place from a position before καϊ rhu *Ηρακ\4α (line 9, 
p. 30) ; A. Vogel, Sterrett, approving. 




7Γ poaOeU /cal το ί8ίωμα της χώρας y^ 

ίνα τ αρνβς αφαρ κεραοί τελέθονσί* 
C 9 τρΙς yap τίκτα μήλα τεΧεσφόρον βίς ivuivTOV, 

€7γΙ δέ των ΑΙ^υτττίων &ηβών 

(τ§ ττλεϊστα φέρει ζείδωρος αρουρα; (Od, 4. 229) 

αι θ^ εκατό μπυΚοί είσι, ^ιηκόσωί δ' αν ίκάστην 
άνέρες εξοιχνενσι συν ΐπποίσιν καϊ οχεσφιν, 

(ΐΐ. 9. 383) 

καΐ τον ΉρακΧέα εΙκος άττο της ιτοΧλής ίμττειρίας 
τε καϊ ιστορίας Χεχθηναι 

με^άΚων επιίστορα ερ^ων. (Od, 21. 26) 

εκ τε^ 8η της τταΧαιάς μνήμης καϊ εκ τον \6yov 
μαρτυρείται τά Χεχθεντα εν άρχαΐς υ ή! ημών, 
Βιαφερόντως δ' ετταηεσθαι ΖοκεΙ μοι ττρος τά 
νυν εκείνος 6 λόγος, Βιότι της ^εωηραφίας το 
πλέον εστί προς τας χρείας τας πολιτικάς, χώρα 
y^p των πράξεων εστί yrj καΐ^ θάλαττα, fjv 
οίκονμεν των μεν μικρών μικρά, των δε μεηάΧων 
μεyάλη' μεγίστη δ' η σύμπασα, ηνπερ ι8ίως 
καλοΰμεν οίκουμένην, ώστε των μεγίστων πρά- 
ξεων αντη αν εϊη χώρα, μέγιστοι δέ των στρατη- 
λάτων, όσοι δύνανται ^ης καϊ θαλάττης άρχειν, 
έθνη κα\ πόλεις συνά^οντες εις μίαν εξουσίαν 
και Βιοίκησιν πολιτικην, SfjXov οΰν, οτι ή ^εω- 
γραφική πάσα έπΙ τίις πράξεις ανάβεται τάς 

^ Α Miller transposes the words 'προσθ€\5 καϊ rh Ιδίωμα τη$ 
χώρα$ to this place from a position aft^r τ(λ4θουσι ; Sterrett 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 1 6 

— ^and at this point he added the distinctive peculiarity 
of the country — ^^ where lambs are homed from the 
birth ; for there the ewes yean thrice within the full 
circle of a year/* And in speaking of Thebes in Egypt, 
he says that Egypt is the country " where earth the 
grain-giver yields herbs in plenty " ; and again he 
says: ^^ Thebes of the hundred gates, whence sally 
forth two hundred warriors through each, with horses 
and chariots." And doubtless it was because of Her- 
acles' wide experience and information that Homer 
speaks of him as the man who " had knowledge of 
great adventures." And my contention, made at the 
outset, is supported by reason as well as by ancient 
tradition. And that other argument, it seems to me, 
is adduced with especial force in reference to present- 
day conditions, namely, that the greater part of geo- ! 
graphy subserves the needs of states ; for the scene of , 
the activities of states is land and sea, the dwelling- 1 
place of man. The scene is small when the activities-/ 
are of small importance, and large when they are of ( 
large importance ; and the largest is the scene that em- / 
braces all the rest (which we call by the special name / 
of "the inhabited world"), and this, therefore, would I 
be the scene of activities of the largest importance. ) 
Moreover, the greatest generals are without exception 
men who are able to hold sway over land and sea, and 
to unite nations and cities under one government and 
political administration. It is therefore plain that 
geography as a whole has a direct bearing upon the 
activities of commanders ; for it describes continents 

^ Kk re, Meineke, for 4κ ^4. 

^ ri, Corais deletes, before θά\αττα; Meineke following; 
C. MuUer approving. 




ήy€μovικάς, Βιατιθβϊσα ηπβίρον^; καΐ πελάγη τα 
μβν εντός, τα Be €ΚΤ0<ζ της συμπάσης οίκονμένης. 
προς τούτους Se ή Βιάθβσις, οίς Βιαφέρβι ταύτα 
€χ€ίν οΰτως ή ίτέρως, κα\ γνώριμα elvai η μη 
γνώριμα, ββΚτιον yap αν Βίαγβιρίζοίβν €καστα, 
βΙΒότες την "χωράν οπόση τις καϊ πως κβιμένη 
τυγχάνει, και τ ίνας Βιαφορας Χσγρυσα, τάς τ iv 
τφ περιέχοντι καϊ τας iv αύτη. αΧΧων Be κατ 
α>0\χι μέρη Βυναστ€υ6ντων καΐ απ αλΧης εστίας 
καΧ αρχής τάς πράξεις προχειριξομένων καϊ ίπβκ- 
τεινόντων το της ηγεμονίας μέγεθος, ούκ επ ϊσης 
Βυνατον ούτ εκείνοις άπαντα ^νωρίζειν ούτε τοις 
^εω^ραφοΰσιν άλλα το μαΧΚον και ήττον ποΧύ 
εν άμφοτέροις καθοραται τούτοις. μόΧις yap αν 
το €π' ϊσης πάντ είναι φανερά συμβαίη της συμ- 
πάσης οικουμένης ύπο μίαν αρχήν και ποΧιτείαν 
ύπηyμέvης* αλλ' ούδ' οΰτως, άΧΧα τά εyyυτipω 
μάΧΧον &ν yvωpίξoιτo. καϊ προσήκοι ^ ταύτα Βια 
πΧειονων εμφανίζειν, Χν εΐη yvώpιμa^ ταύτα yap 
καϊ τής χρείας εyyυτεpω εστίν, ωστ ούκ &ν εΐη 
θαυμαστόν, ούΒ* εΐ άΧΧος μεν ^ΙνΒοϊς προσήκοι 
χωpoypάφoς, αΧΧος Βε ΑΙΘίοψιν, αΧΧος Βε 
'^ΈιΧΧησι καΐ 'Ρωβίαίοις. τι yap &ν προσήκοι 
C 10 τ^ πα/ο' ^ΙνΒοΐς yεωy ράφ φ και τα κατά Βοιω- 
τούς οιίτω φράξειν, ώς ^^ Ο μηρός* 

οι θ* 'Ύρίην ενέμοντο καΐ ΑύΧίΒα πετρήεσσαν 
Χχοΐνον τε %κωΧόν τ€• {Π. 2. 496) 

ήμίν Bk προσήκει* τα Βε παρ ^ΙνΒοΙς ούτω καϊ 
τα καθ* έκαστα ούκετι. ούΒε ykp ή χρεία 

^ ΤΓ poa-ijKoif C. Miiller, on MSS. authority. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. ι6 

and seas — ^not only the seas inside the limits of the 
whole inhabited world, but also those outside these 
limits. And the description which geography gives 
is of importance to these men who are concerned as to 
whether this or that is so or otherwise, and whether 
known or unknown. For thus they can manage their 
various affairs in a more satisfactory manner, if they 
know how large a country is, how it lies, and what 
are its peculiarities either of sky or soil. But be- 
cause different kings rule in different quarters of the 
world, and carry on their activities from different 
centres and starting-points, and keep extending the 
borders of their empires, it is impossible either for 
them or for geographers to be equally familiar 
with all parts of the world ; nay, the phrase ^^ more 
or less'* is a fault much in evidence in kings 
and geographers. For even if the whole inhabited 
world formed one empire or state, it would hardly 
follow that all jmrts of that empire would be equally 
well known ; nay, it would not be true even in that 
case, but the nearer regions would be better known. 
And it would be quite proper to describe these re- 
gions in greater detail, in order to make them 
known, for they are also nearer to the needs of the j 
state. Therefore it would not be remarkable even 
if one person were a proper chorographer for the 
Indians, another for the Ethiopians, and still another 
for the Greeks and Romans. For example, wherein 
would it be proper for the Indian geographer to add 
details about Boeotia such as Homer gives : " These 
were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and 
Schoenus and Scolus " ? For me these details are pro- 
per ; but when I come to treat India it is no longer 
proper to add such details ; and, in fact, utility does 


VOL. I. D 



€πώγ€ταΐ' μ^-ρον δ' αΰτη μάλιστα τή<ζ τοιαύτης 

17. ΚαΙ τοντο zeal iv μικροΐς ενΒηλον^ βστιν, 
οίον iv τοις κννη^εσίοις, αμεινον yap αν θηρβνσβιέ 
τις €ΐΒως την νΧην, οποία τις καΐ ττόση' και 
στρατοτΓβΒβνσαι δβ καΧως iv χ(ορίφ τον εΙΒότος 
βστί καΐ iveSpevaai /cal oSevaai. αλλ' iv τοις μβ- 
^αΚοις βστί τηΤκα,υ^ίστβρον, οσφττβρ /cal τά ίθΧα 
μείξω τά της iμ^ΓUpίaς /cal τά σφάΧματα τά itc 
της απειρίας, 6 μέντοι ^Α^γαμέμνονος στόΧος την 
Μ,νσίαν ως την ΤρφάΒα πορθων iπaXιvSp6μησ€V 
αίσγρως, ΐΐέρσαι he καΐ Αίβνες, τους πορθμούς 
ύπονοησαντ€ς είναι τνφΧούς στενωπούς, iyyύς 
μεν ^Χθον κινίύνων με^άΧων, τρόπαια δέ της 
άνοίας^ /€ατέΧιπον οι μ^ν τον τον %αΧτγανεως 
τάφον προς τφ Έίύρίπφ τφ ^aX/cιSι/cφ τον σφα^γ- 
έντος νπο των ΤΙερσων ως καθοΒηγησαντος φαύ- 
Χως άπο ΜαΧιεων επι τον Έιΰριπον τον στοΧον 
οι δέ το τον ΤΙεΧώρον μνήμα, /cal τούτον ^ιαφθαρ- 
έντος κατά, την ομοίαν αΐτίαν πΧηρης τε νανα^ίων 
η Έλλά? υπήρξε κατά την Βέρξον στρατείαν, 
καΐ η των ΑίοΧέων Βε καΐ η των ^Ιώνων αποικία 
ΤΓολλά τοιαύτα πταίσματα παραίέΒωκεν. ομοίως 
Βε καΐ κατορθώματα, οπον τι κατορθωθήναι 
σννέβη παρά την iμπειpίav των τόπων καθάπερ 
iv τοις περί &ερμοπύΧας στενοΐς 6 ^ΈφιάΧτης 

^ Μήλον, Madvig, for μ^ν drjXoy. 

^ iivoias, the MSS. reading is restored, for Casaubon's 
iiyvoias ; C. Mtiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. ιό-ι; 

not urge it — ^and utility above all things is our stan- 
dard in empirical matters of this kind. 

17. The utility of geography in matters of small 
concern, also, is quite evident; for instance, in 
hunting. A hunter will be more successful in the 
chase if he knows the character and extent of the 
forest ; and again, only one who knows a region can 
advantageously pitch camp there, or set an ambush, 
or direct a march. The utility of geography is more 
conspicuous, however, in great undertakings, in 
proportion as the prizes of knowledge and the 
disasters that result from ignorance are greater. 
Thus Agamemnon and his fleet ravaged Mysia in the 
belief that it was Troy-land, and came back home 
in disgrace. And, too, the Persians and the Libyans, 
surmising that the straits were blind alleys, not only 
came near great perils, but they left behind them 
memorials of their folly, for the Persians raised the 
tomb on the Euripus near Chalcis in honour of 
Salganeus, whom they executed in the belief that he 
had treacherously conducted their fleet from the Gulf 
of Malis ^ to the Euripus, and the Libyans erected the 
monument in honour of Pelorus, whom they put to 
death for a similar reason 2 ; and Greece was covered 
with wrecks of vessels on the occasion of the ex- 
pedition of Xerxes ; and again, the colonies sent out 
by the Aeolians and by the lonians have furnished 
many examples of similar blunders. There have also 
been cases of success, in which success was due to 
acquaintance with the regions involved ; for instance, 
at the pass of Thermopylae it is said that Ephialtes, 

^ Lamia. See 9. 2. 9. 

2 Pelorus tried to conduct the Carthaginians through the 
Strait of Messina. 




Xeyerat Ββίξα^ την Sect των ορών άτραττον τοϊ? 
Ώέρσαΐζ νττο'χβφίονς αύτοΐς ττοιήσαι του? Trepl 
ΑβωνίΒαν καΙ Βέξασθαι τού<ζ βαρβάρους €Ϊσω 
ΤΙυλων, €άσας δέ τά τταΧαιά, την νυν 'Ρωμαίων 
στρατβίαν βττΐ ΤΙαρθυαίου^ Ικανον η*^ούμαι τούτων 
τβκμηριον ώ? δ' αΰτω<ζ την βττΐ Τβρμανού^ καϊ 
Ίίέλτονς, iv βλβσ^ καΐ Βρνμοΐ^ άβατοι^ βρημίαις 
τ€ τοτΓομαχονντων των βαρβάρων καΐ τά iyyv^ 
πόρρω ΤΓΟίούντων τοΪ9 ayvoovai καΐ τά? 6Βού<; 
έτΓίκρυτΓΤομένων καΐ τά? eviropia^ τροφής τ€ καΐ 
των αλλωι^. 

18. Το μεν Βη πΧέον, ωσττερ €Ϊρηταί, irepl^ του<ζ 
η^€μονικου^ βίους και τά? ypeia^ εστίν βστι^ δέ 
καΐ της ηθικής φιλοσοφίας καΐ ττοΧιτικής το 
irXeov irepl τους ηγεμονικούς βίους, σημεΐον Bl• 
τά? yap των ττοΧιτβιων Βιαφοράς άττο των ηy€μO' 
νιων Βιακρίνομβν, αΧΧην μεν ήyeμovίav τιθέντες 
C 1 1 την μοναρχίαν, ην και βασιΧείαν καΧοΰμβν, αΧΧην 
Se την άριστοκρατίαν, τρίτην Se την 8ημοκρατίαν. 
τοσαύτας Se καΐ τά? ττοΧιτείας νομίζομεν, ομω- 
νύμως καΧουντες ως &ν άττ* εκείνων την άρχην 
έχουσας της εΙΒοττοιίας* άΧΧοις^ yap νομός το του 
βασιΧεως 'Π'p6στayμa, αΧΧοις^ 8ε το των αρίστων, 

^ irtpi, Cobet, for irpos. 

^ τλι xptlas 4στίν, ίστι δ€ /c«i, Meineke, for rhs xptlas• ίη 
δ€ καΐ ; Cobet independently, C. Miiller approving. 
^ iWoiSf Madvig, for aXhos ; A. Vogel approving. 

* Under Augustus and Tiberius no Roman army invaded 
Parthia, apparently. Strabo must be thinking of the cam- 
paign of Grassus or of that of Antony — or of both campaigns. 

2 The campaign of Drusus, apparently, which he carried on 
till his death in 9 b.o. But if Kiese's theory be accepted as 
to the time when Strabo wrote (see Introduction^ pp. xxiv ff. ), 



GEOGRAPHY, τ. ι. 17-18 

by showing the Persians the pathway across the 
mountains, put Leonidas and his troops at their 
mercy, and brought the. Persians south of Thermo- 
pylae. But leaving antiquity, I believe that the 
modem campaign of the Romans against the Par- 
thians^ is a sufficient proof of what I say, and 
likewise that against the Germans and the Celts, 
for in the latter case the barbarians carried on a 
guerilla warfare in swamps, in pathless forests, and 
in deserts ^ ; and they made the ignorant Romans 
believe to be far away what was really near at 
hand, and kept them in ignorance of the roads and 
of the facilities for procuring provisions and other 

18. Now just as the greater part of geography, as 
I have said, has a bearing on the life and the needs 
of rulers^ so also does the greater part of the theory 
of ethics and the theory of politics have a bearing 
on the life of rulers. And the proof of this is the 
fact that we distinguish the differences between the 
constitutions of states by the sovereignties in those 
states, in that we call one sovereignty the monarchy 
or kingship, another the aristocracy, and still 
another the democracy. And we have a correspond- 
ing number of constitutions of states, which we 
designate by the names of the sovereignties, because 
it is from these that they derive the fundamental 
principle of their specific nature ; for in one country 
the will of the king is law, in another the will of 
those of highest rank, and in another the will of the 

or if the above reference was inserted in a revised edition 
about 18 A.D. (p. xxv), then we might assume that allusion 
is made to the destruction of the Roman legions under Varus 
in 9 A.D. — to which Strabo refers in 7. 1. 4. 




/cal TO του ίημου, τνττος δέ /cal σχήμα ττόλιτβίας 
6 νόμος. Sik τούτο he καΧ το Si/caiov elirov τινβς 
το τον κρείττονος συμφέρον, etirep οΰν η ττοΧι- 
τικη φιλοσοφία irepX τους ηγεμόνας το ττΧέον 
εστίν, €στί οέ καί η 'γεωγραφία irepl τας rjye- 
μονικ^ς χρείας, εχου αν τι ιτλεονέκτημά καΙ αύτη 
iraph τούτο, αλλά τούτο μεν το ττλεονεκτημα 
ττρος τας ττρά^εις. 

19. Έχ€ί 0€ τίνα καΐ θεωρίαν ου ώαύΧην ή 
ττρα^ματεία, την μεν τεχνίκήν τε και μασηματίκην 
καΐ φυσικην, την 8ε εν ιστορία καΐ μύθοις κειμενην, 
ούΒεν ούσι προς τας πράξεις' οίον ει τις \iyoi τα 
περί την ^ΟΒυσσέως π\άνην καΧ ΉίενεΧάου κα\ 
^Ιάσονος, εις φρονησιν μεν ού^εν &ν συΧΚαμβάνειν 
86ξειεν, tjv 6 πράττων ζητεί, πΧην ει καταμίσ^οι 
kclL των ^ενομίνων αναγκαίων τα παρα^εί^γματα 
χρήσιμα* ^ια^ω'^ην δ' όμως πορίζοι αν ουκ ανε- 
Χεύθερον τφ επιβάΚΚοντι επΙ τους τόπους τους 
παρασχοντας την μυθοποιίαν. καΧ yelp τούτο ζη- 
τούσιν οι πράττοντες Sia το ενΒοξον καΧ το rjhi, 
αλλ' ουκ επτί πο\ύ' μάΧΚον yhp σπουΒάζουσιν, ώς 
εικός, περί τά χρήσιμα. Βιόπερ και τφ ^εω^ράφφ 
τούτων μαΧΚον η εκείνων επιμεΚητεον. ως ο 
αντως έχει καΐ περί της ιστορίας καΐ περί των 
μαθημάτων καΐ yhp τούτων το χρήσιμον άεϊ 
μαΧΚον Χηπτέον και το πιστότερον. 

^ The definition ascribed to Thrasymachus, Plato's Re- 
public, 1. ]2. 

2 Strabo has in mind his theory (which he often takes 
occasion to uphold) as to the comparative mythical and 
historical elements in Homer and other poets. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 18-19 

people. It is the law that gives the t3qpe and the 
form of the constitution. And for that reason some 
have defined ^'justice " as " the interest of the more 
powerful.** ^ If, then, political philosophy deals 
chiefly with the rulers, and if geography supplies 
the needs of those rulers, then geography would 
seem to have some advantage over political science. 
This advantage, however, has to do with practice. 

19. And yet, a work on geography also involves 
theory of no mean value, the theory of the arts, of 
mathematics, and of natural science, as well as the 
theory which lies in the fields of history and myths ^ 
— though myths have nothing to do with practice ; 
for instance, if a man should tell the story of the 
wanderings of Odysseus or Menelaus or Jason, it 
would not be thought that he was making any 
contribution to the practical wisdom of his hearers — 
and that is what the man of affairs demands— unless 
he should insert the useful lessons to be drawn from 
the hardships those heroes underwent ; still, he 
would be providing no mean entertainment for the 
hearer who takes an interest in the regions which 
furnished the scenes of the myths. Men of affairs 
are fond of just such entertainment, because the 
localities are famous and the myths are charming ; 
but they care for no great amount of it, since they 
are more interested in what is useful, and it is quite 
natural that they should be. For that reason thej 
geographer, also, should direct his attention to the' 
useful rather than to what is famous and charming, ί 
The same principle holds good in regard to history 
and the mathematical sciences ; for in these branches, 
also, that which is useful and more trustworthy should 
always be given precedence. 




20. Μάλιστα Be 8οκ€Ϊ, καθάττβρ βϊρηται, γεω/Αβ- 
τρία^ τ€ καϊ αστρονομίας Setp ry rocavrrf νττοθέ- 
σ€ΐ. καΐ Set μβν ώς άΧηθως* σχήματα yap καϊ 
κλίματα καϊ μ&^ίθη καΐ τά άλλα τα τούτοις οίκβΐα 
ούχ οίον τ€ \αβ€Ϊν καΧως avev της τοιαύτης 
μεθόδου, αλλ' ωσττβρ τά irepi την άναμέτρησιν 
της δλης γης iv αΧΧοις Βακνύονσιν, ενταύθα δε 
νίΓοθέσθαι hel καϊ ιηστενσαι τοΙς €Κ€Ϊ Βειχθεΐσιν, 
νποθέσθαι Set^ καϊ σφαιρο€ΐΒή μλν τον κόσμον, 
σφαιρθ€ΐ8ή δέ καΐ την βτηφάνειαν της γ^ς, €τι δε 
τούτων ττροτερον την εττΐ το μέσον των σωμάτων 
φοράν αύτο μόνον, €Ϊ τι^ της αίσθησεως η των 
κοινών εννοιών εγγιίς εστίν, ει αρα, εττισημηνά- 
μενοι επί κεφαΧαίφ μικρά οίον οτι η yij σφαι- 
ροει^ης, εκ μεν της εττΐ το μέσον φοράς ττόρρωθεν 
η νττόμνησις καΐ τον εκαστον σώμα εττΐ το αυτού 
αρτημα νεύειν, εκ δε των κατά πεΧάγη καΐ τον 
C 12 ουρανον φαινομένων ετ^^ύθεν καϊ yap ή αϊσθησις 
ετημαρτυρεϊν Ζύναται καΧ η κοινή έννοια, φάνε- 
ρως yhp ετΓίττροσθεϊ τοις ττΧέονσιν ή κυρτοτης της 
θαΧάττης, ώστε μη ττροσβάΧΧειν τοις ττόρρω φεγ- 
yεσι τοις εττ* ϊσον εξυρμένοις^ ttj δψει. εξαρθέντα 
yoύv ττΧεον της όψεως εφάνη, καίτοι πΧεον άπο- 

1 δ€Γ, Groskurd, for δβ. ^ ^χ γ^^ Madvig, for i%L 
' ^ll7p/A«Voij, Meineke, for 4ξηρμ4νοΐ5. 

^ See footnote 2, page 22. 

^ Strabo uses the word in its literal sense of ** sphere- 
shaped," and not in its geometrical sense. The spheroidicity 
of the earth was apparently not suspected until the seven- 
teenth century. See 2. 5. 5. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 20 

20. Most of all, it seems to me, we need, as I 
have said, geometry and astronomy for a subject like 
geography ; and the need of them is real' indeed ; for 
without such methods as they offer it is not possible 
accurately to determine our geometrical figures, 
"climata"^, dimensions, and the other cognate 
things ; but just as these sciences prove for us in 
other treatises all that has to do with the measure- 
ment of the earth as a whole and as I must in this 
treatise take for granted and accept the propositions 
proved there, so I must take for granted that the 
universe is spheroidal,^ and also that the earth's sur- 
face is spheroidal, and, what is more, I must take for 
granted the law that is prior to these two principles, 
namely that the bodies tend toward the centre ^ ; 
and I need only indicate, in a brief and summary 
way, whether a proposition comes — if it really does 
— within the range of sense-perception or of intuitive 
knowledge. Take, for example, the proposition that 
the earth is spheroidal : whereas the suggestion of this 
proposition comes to us mediately from the law that 
bodies tend toward the centre and that each body in- 
clines toward its own centre of gravity, the suggestion 
comes immediately from the phenomena observed at 
sea and in the heavens ; for our sense-perception and 
also our intuition can bear testimony in the latter 
case. For instance, it is obviously the curvature of 
the sea that prevents sailors from seeing distant lights 
that are placed on a level with their eyes. At any 
rate, if the lights are elevated above the level of the 
eyes, they become visible, even though they be at a 

* Strabo here means all the heavenly bodies. According 
to his conception, the earth was stationary and all the 
heavenly bodies revolved about the earth from east to west, 
the heavens having the same centre as the earth. 




σγοντα αύτη^* ομοίως δέ και αύτη μ€Τ€ωρισθ€Ϊσα 
elSe τά κεκρνμμένα πρότερον, oirep 8η\οϊ fcal ό 
τΓΟίητης• τοιούτον yap βστι και το 

οξυ μάΧα ττροϊΒών, μ^^άΧου νττο κύματος 
αρθείς. (Od, 5. 393) 

καΐ τοις irpoarfKeovai he άά κα\ μαΧΚον άπο- 
^υμνούτοΛ τα ττρόσηεια μέρη, καΧ τά φανέντα iv 
άργαΐς Taireivci εξαίρεται μαΧΚον. των τε ουρανί- 
ων η ττεριφορα εναργής εστί καΧ αΧΚως καΧ εκ των 
ηνωμονικων* εκ 8ε τούτων ευθύς νττοτείνει καΧ η 
έννοια, οτι ερριξωμένης εττ* άπειρον της yής ούκ 
αν ή τοιαύτη ττεριφορά συνέβαινε, καΧ τά ττερί 
των κ\ιμάτων ok εν τοις ττερΧ των οικήσεων 

21. Νι/ι/Ι δέ εξ ετοίμου 8εΐ Χαβεΐν ενια, καΧ 
ταυθ^ οσα τφ ττοΧιτικφ καΧ τφ στρατηΧάτχι χρή- 
σιμα, ούτε yhp ούτω 8εΐ α/γνοεϊν τά ττερΧ τον 
ούρανον καΧ την θέσιν της γης, ωστ, εττειΒάν 
^ένηται κατά τόπους, καβ* ο^ς εξηΧΧακταί τίνα 
των φαινομένων , τοις ττοΧΧοΐς εν τφ ούρανφ, 
ταράσσεσθαι καΧ τοιαύτα Χέγειν 

ω φίλοι, ού yap τ ϊΖμεν owrf^ ζόφος, ονδ' owtj 

ή ως, 
ονδ' oTrrf ήέΧιος φαεσίμβροτος είσ υπο yaiav, 
. ούδ' οπτι αννειται• (Od, 10. 190) 

ούθ^ ούτως άκριβοΰν, ώστε τ^ς πανταχού σύνορα- 
τόΧάς τε και συyκaτahύσεις καΧ συμμεσουρανψ 

^ 5irj7 — ϊτρ — ^"^ν — ί^ιτρ, Sterrett, for 5irij — Sinj — Sirij — tirri. 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 20-21 

greater distance from the eyes ; and similarly if the 
eyes themselves are elevated, they see what was 
before invisible. This fact is noted by Homer, also, 
for such is the meaning of the words : ^^ With a 
quick glance ahead, being upborne on a great wave, 
[he saw the land very near] . ** So, also, when 
sailors are approaching land, the different parts of 
the shore become revealed progressively, more and 
more, and what at first appeared to be low-lying land 
grows gradually higher and higher. Again, the 
revolution of the heavenly bodies is evident on 
many grounds, but it is particularly evident from the 
phenomena of the sun-dial ; and from these 
phenomena our intuitive judgment itself suggests 
that no such revolution could take place if the earth 
were rooted to an infinite depth. ^ As regards the 
^^ climata " ^, they are treated in our discussion of 
the Inhabited Districts. 

21. But at this point we must assume off-hand a 
knowledge of some matters, and particularly of all 
that is useful for the statesman and the general to 
know. For one should not, on the one hand, be so 
ignorant of the heavens and the position of the 
earth as to be alarmed when he comes to countries 
in which some of the celestial phenomena that are 
familiar to everybody have changed, and to exclaim : 
^' My friends, lo, now we know not where is the place 
of darkness, nor of dawning, nor where the sun, 
that gives light to men, goes beneath the earth, nor 
where he rises " ; nor, on the other hand, need one 
have such scientifically accurate knowledge as to 
know what constellations rise and set and pass the 

* This was the doctrine of Xenophanes and Anaximenes. 
See footnote 2, page 22. 




σ€ΐς καϊ έξάρματα ττόΧων καΐ τά, κατίυ κορυφην 
σημεία καΐ δ σα άλλα τοιαύτα κατεί τά? μ€τα' 
πτώσβι^ των οριζόντων αμα καΐ των αρκτικών 
διαφέροντα άπαντα, τα μ€ν ττρο^ την όψιν, τα Bk 
καϊ Tfi φύσει, ^γνωρίξειν ατταντα* αλλά τά μεν 
μηΒ* όλως φροντίζειν, ττΚην ει θέας φιΚοσόφον 
χάριν, τοις δέ πιστεύειν, κ&ν μη βλεττ^ το δίά τί' 
καΐ yap τούτο του φίλοσοφοΰντος μόνον, τφ δέ 
ΊΓοΧιτικφ σγρΧης ου τοσαύτης μετεστιν, ij ουκ άεί, 
ου μην ούΒ* οΰτως ύττάρχειν απλούν Βεΐ τον εντυ^- 
χάνοντα Ttj ypa^fi ταύττι καϊ apydv, ώστε μη8έ 
C 13 σφαϊραν ιΒεΐν, μη8^ κύκλους εν αύττ}, τους μεν 
παράλληλους, τους δ' όρθιους προς τούτους, τους 
Βε λοξούς' μηΒ^ τροπικών τε καΧ Ισημερινού καϊ 
ζωΒιακού θέσιν, Βι ου φερόμενος 6 ήλιος τρέπεται 
καϊ Βιατάσσει ^ Βιαφοράς κλιμάτων τε καϊ άνεμων, 
ταύτα yap καϊ τά περϊ τους ορίζοντας καϊ τους 
αρκτικούς καϊ οσα άλλα κατά την πρώτην ί^/ωγ^ν 
την εις τά μαθήματα παραΒίΒοται κατανοησας 
τις' αλλω9 πως Βύναται παρακολουθεΐν τοις 
λεyoμέvoις ενταύθα. 6 Βε μηΒ* ευθείαν ypaμμηv 
ή περιφερή, μηΒε κύκλον εΙΒώς, μηΒε σφαιρικήν 
έπιφάνειαν ή ίπίπεΒον, μηΒ^ iv τω ούρανφ μηΒ^ 
τους επτά τής μεyάλης άρκτου αστέρας κατά- 
μαθών, μηΒ^ άλλο τι των τοιούτων μηΒέν, ή ουκ &ν 

^ διατάσσω, Madvig, for διδάσκ». 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 21 

meridian at the same time everywhere ; or as to 
know the elevations of the poles, the constellations 
that are in the zenith, and all other such changing 
phenomena as meet one according as he changes 
his horizons and arctic circles,^ whether those changes 
be merely visual, or actual as well. Nay, he should 
pay no attention at all to some of these things, 
unless it be in order to view them as a philosopher. 
But he should take some other things on faith, 
even if he does not see a reason for them ; for the 
question of causes belongs to the student of 
philosophy alone, whereas the statesman does not 
have adequate leisure for research, or at least not 
always. However, the reader of this book should 
not be so simple-minded or indifferent as not to have 

• observed a globe, or the circles drawn upon it, some 
of which are parallel, others drawn at right angles 
to the parallels, and still others oblique to them ; 
or, again, so simple as not to have observed the 
position of tropics, equator, and zodiac — the region 
through which the sun is borne in his course and by 
his turning determines the different zones and winds. 
For if one have learned, even in a superficial way, 
about these matters, and about the horizons and 
the arctic circles and all the other matters taught 
in the elementary courses of mathematics, he will 
be able to follow what is said in this book. If, 
however, a man does not know even what a straight 
line is, or a curve, or a circle, nor the difference 
betv<;een a spherical and a plane surface, and if, in 
the heavens, he have not learned even the seven 
stars of the Great Bear, or anything else of that 

kind, either he will have no use for this book, or else 

^ See 2. 2. 2, and footnote. 




BeocTO τή<; ττρα^ματβία^ ταύτης rj ουγΐ νυν, αλλ' 
€Κ€ίνοι<ζ έντυγων ττροτβρον, ων χωρϊς ουκ αν €Ϊη 
^€ω^γραφίας OL/ceiOf;. οΰτω<; δέ καΐ οΐ τού^ Χιμένα^ζ 
καΐ T0V9 TrepiTfKom καλουμένους 7Γρατ/ματ€υθ€ντ€ς 
άτέλή την έττίσκβψιν ποιούνται, μη ττροστιθέντβ^; 
δσα €Κ των μαθημάτων κα\ €κ των ουρανίων 
συνώτΓΤβιν ττροσηκβ} 

22. Άττλων δε κοινον elvai το σύγγραμμα τούτο 
Sel καΐ τΓοΧιτικον καϊ Βημωφέλβς ομοίως, ωσττβρ 
την της Ιστορίας ^γραφην. κακεΐ hk ττοΧιτικον 
Xeyop^v ούγΐ τον τταντάττασιν άτταίΒβυτον, αλλά 
τον μετάσχοντα της τ€ έ^γκυχΧίου καϊ συνήθους 
αγωγοί τοΐς ίλευθέροις καϊ τοις φίλοσοφούσιν 
ooSe ycip αν οΰτβ y^eyeiv Βύναιτο καΧώς οΰτ 
iiraivelv, oihe κρίνειν δσα μνήμης άξια των yeyo- 
νότων, οτφ μηΒ^ν βμέΧησεν άρβτής καϊ φρονήσεως 
καϊ των €69 ταύτα Χό^ων, 

23. Αιόττερ ημείς ττβττοιηκοτες υπομνήματα 
Ιστορικίΐ χρήσιμα, ώς ύποΧαμβάνομβν, βίς την 
ηθίκην καϊ ττόΧιτικην φιΧοσοφίαν, θγνωμεν ττροσ- 
θεΐναι καϊ τηνΒε την σύνταξιν 6μο€ΐΒης yhp καϊ 
αυτή, καϊ προς τους αυτούς^ ανΒρας, καί μάΧιστα 
τους iv ταϊς ύπεροχαΐς. €τι δε τον αύτον τρόπον, 
δνπερ εκεί τά περί τους επιφανείς άνΒρας καϊ 
βίους τυγχάνει μνήμης, τα 8ε μικρά καϊ αΒοξα 

^ The words οϋτωχ 8c κα\ . . . συνά-ητ^ιν ιτροσηκ^ are trans- 
posed to this place from the end of § 22 by Aieineke, follow- 
ing the suggestion of Corais ; C. Miiller approving. Siebenkees 
deletes the & before συνά-κπίν ; Corais, Meineke, following ; 
C. Muller approving. 

^ Strabo refers to his historical work (now lost) as his 
Historical Sketches and also as his History. The work con- 
tained both of these, and comprised forty-seven books, cover- 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 21-23 

not at present — in fact, not until he has studied 
those topics without which he cannot be familiar 
with geography. And so those who have written 
the treatises entitled Harbours and Coasting Voyages 
leave their investigations incomplete, if they have 
failed to add all the mathematical and astronomical 
information which properly belonged in their books. 

22. In short, this book of mine should be generally 
useful — useful alike to the statesman and to the 
pubHc at large — as was my work on History,^ In 
this work, as in that, I mean by " statesman,** not 
the man who is wholly uneducated, but the man who 
has taken the round of courses usual in the case of 
freemen or of students of philosophy. For the / 
man who has given no thought to virtue and to / 
practical wisdom, and to what has been written about 
them, would not be able even to form a valid opinion 
either in censure or in praise ; nor yet to pass judg- < 
ment upon the matters of historical fact that are ) 
worthy of being recorded in this treatise. 1 

23. And so, after I had written my Historical ', 
Sketches^ which have been useful, I suppose, for 
moral and political philosophy, I determined to write 
the present treatise also ; for this work itself is 
based on the same plan, and is addressed to the 
same class of readers, and particularly to men of 
exalted stations in life. Furthermore, just as in my , 
Historical Sketches only the incidents in the lives of 
distinguished men are recorded, while deeds that ; 
are petty and ignoble are omitted, so in this work 

ing the course of events prior to the opening and subsequent 
to the close of the History of Polybius. The fir3t part was 
merely an outline of historical events, while the latter part 
presented a complete history from 146 B.C. to the time of the 




7Γαρα\€ίπ€ταί, κάντανθα hel τά μικρλ καΐ τα 
άφανη 7Γαρα7Γ€μ7Γ€ΐν, iv δέ τοϊς ενΒόξοίς καΐ ^eya- 
\οις καΐ iv oh το ττρα^ματίκον καν ενμνημόνβντον 
καΐ ή8ν Βιατρίββιν, καθάττβρ τβ ^ καΧ iv το?9 
κοΧοσσικοΐ^ €pyoi^ ου το καθ" βκαστον ακριβά 
ζητονμβν, άλλα τοΐς καθόλου ττροσέχομεν μαΧΧον, 
el καΧως το δΧον οΰτω^ζ καν τούτοις Set ττοιβΐσθαι 
C 14 την κρίσιν. κοΧοσσουρ^να yap τις και αύτη, τά 
με^άΧα φράζονσα πως βχει και τά οΧα, ττΧην €Ϊ 
τι κινβΐν δύναται καΐ των μικρών τον φιΧειΒημονα 
καΐ τον ττρα^ματικον, οτι μίν ούν σττουΒαΐον το 
ττροκείμβνον epyov καΐ φιΧοσόφφ ττρέττον, ταύτα 


1. ΈαΙ hk τΓοΧΚών Ίτροειττόντων €7Γΐχ€ΐροΰμ€ν καΐ 
αύτοΙ Xeyeiv ττβρί των αύτων, ονττω μεμτττέον, αν 
μη και τον αύτον τρόπον ΒιεΧ&^χθωμεν iKeivoi^ 
άπαντα XiyovTc^. ύποΧαμβάνομβν S* αΧΧων 
άΧΧο τι κατορθωσάντων αΧΧο ποΧύ μέρος €τι τον 
epyov Χείπεσθαι* προς οίς αν καΐ μικρόν προσ- 
Χαββιν 8ννηθωμ€ν, ίκανην Sei τίθβσθαι προφασιν 
της iπιχeιpησ€ως, καϊ yap Βη ποΧν τι τοις ννν 
η των Γωμαίων επικράτεια και των ΥΙαρθναίων 
της τοιαύτης εμπειρίας προσΒέΒωκε' καθάπερ τοί^ς 
προτέροις pAya τι η ^ΑΧεξάνΒρον στρατεία,^ ώ? 
φησιν ^Ερατοσθένης, 6 μεν yelp της 'Ασία? 

^ τ6, Meineke, for 7•• 

^ καθά'ΐτίρ τοΪ5 vporipois μ^Ύα τι η 'AXf^ivipov στρατβία, 
C. Mtiller, for καθάν^ρ rois /*€τά τ^ιν *Α\(ξάν^ρου στραηίαν. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. ι. 23-2. ι 

also I must leave untouched what is petty and in- \ 
conspicuous, and devote my attention to what 
noble and great, and to what contains the practically 
useful, or memorable, or entertaining. Now just as 
in judging of the merits of colossal statues we do 
not examine each individual part with minute care, 
but rather consider the general effect and endeavour 
to see if the statue as a whole is pleasing, so should j 
this book of mine be judged. For it, too, is a ^ 
colossal work, in that it deals with the facts about 
large things only, and wholes, except as some petty / 
thing may stir the interest of the studious or the \ 
practical man. I have said thus much to show that 
the present work is a serious one, and one worthy of 
a philosopher. 


1. If I, too, undertake to write upon a subject that 
has been treated by many others before me, I should 
not be blamed therefor, unless 1 prove to have dis- 
cussed the subject in every respect as have my 
predecessors. Although various predecessors have 
done excellent work in various fields of geography, 
yet I assume that a large portion of the work still 
remains to be done ; and if I shall be able to make 
even small additions to what they have said, that 
must be regarded as a sufficient excuse for my under- 
taking. Indeed, the spread of the empires of the 
Romans and of the Parthians has presented to 
geographers of to-day a considerable addition to our 
empirical knowledge of geography, just as did the 
campaign of Alexander to geographers of earlier 
times, as Eratosthenes points out. For Alexander 




•ΤΓολλ^ι; άν€κά\νψ€ν ήμΐν καϊ των βορβίων τη^ 
Ένρώττης άπαντα μέχρι του "Ίστρου* οι δέ 'Ρω- 
μαΐοι τά eairipia τή^ Εύρώττη^ζ άπαντα μέχρι ^ 
"ΆΧβιο^ ποταμού του την Τερμανίαν Βίχα Siai- 
ροΰντο^, τά τ€ πέραν "Ίστρου τά μέχρι Ύύρα 
ποταμού* τά Se έπέκβινα μέχρι Μαίωτώι; καΧ της 
eh Κολχους τελβυτώσης παραΧίας ΜίθριΒάτης 6 
κληθβΐς Έίύπάτωρ 4ποίησ€ γνώριμα καϊ οΐ i κείνου 
στρατηγοί' οι δβ ΤΙαρθυαΐοι τά περί την 'Ύρκα- 
νίαν καϊ την Έακτριανην καϊ τους υπέρ τούτων 
Χκύθας ^γνωριμωτέρους ήμΐν εποίησαν, ήττον 
γνωριζομένους ύπο των πρότερον ώστε ίχοιμεν 
αν τι Χέ^ειν πΧέον των προ ήμων. οράν δ' ίσται 
τούτο μάΧιστα εν τοΙς Χίτ/οις τοις προς τους προ 
ήμων, ήττον μεν τους πάΧαι, μαΧΧον δβ τους μετ 
^Έ^ρατοσθένη καΧ αυτόν εκείνον ους εΙκος οσφπερ 
ποΧυμαθέστεροι των ποΧΧων γβγοι/ασ*, τοσούτψ 
BυσεXeyκτoτέpoυς είναι τοις ΰστερον, αν τι πΧημ^ 
μεΧως Χέ^ωσιν. ει δ' αναηκασθησομεθά που τοΙς 
αύτοΐς άντΐΧέ'^ειν, οίς μάΧιστα επακοΧουθοΰμεν 
κατά ταλλα,* Βεϊ συ'^^νώμην εχειν, ου yap 
πρόκειται προς απαντάς άντιΧέ^ειν, αλλά τους 
μεν ποΧΧους εαν, οίς μηΒ^ άκοΧουθεΐν άξιον 
εκείνους δέ Βιαιταν, οί>ς εν τοις πΧείστοις κατ ω ρ- 
θωκότας ϊσμεν. επεί ουδέ προς απαντάς φιΧο- 

^ μ4χρι, Meineke, for μ^χριε, 

2 κατά τάλλα, Cobet, for κατ* Αλλα. 

* Danube. * Elbe. * Dniester. 

* Sea of Azov. ^ Southern Caucasia. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. ι 

opened up for us geographers a great part of Asia 
and all the northern part of Europe as far as the 
Ister 1 River ; the Romans have made known all the 
western part of Europe as far as the River Albis 2 
(which divides Germany into two parts), and the 
regions beyond the Ister as far as the Tyras^ 
River ; and Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, and his 
generals have made known the regions beyond the 
Tyras as far as Lake Maeotis * and the line of coast 
that ends at Colchis ^ ; and, again, the Parthians have 
increased our knowledge in regard to Hyrcania and 
Bactriana, and in regard to the Scythians who live 
north of Hyrcania and Bactriana, all of which 
countries were but imperfectly known to the earlier 
geographers. I therefore may have something more 
to say than my predecessors. This will become 
particularly apparent in what I shall have to say in 
criticism of my predecessors, but my criticism has 
less to do with the earliest geographers than with 
the successors of Eratosthenes and Eratosthenes ^ 
himself. For it stands to reason that because 
Eratosthenes and his successors have had wider 
knowledge than most geographers, it will be corres- 
pondingly more difficult for a later geographer to 
expose their errors if they say anything amiss. And 
if I shall, on occasion, be compelled to contradict 
the very men whom in all other respects I follow 
most closely, I beg to be pardoned ; for it is not my 
purpose to contradict every individual geographer, 
but rather to leave the most of them out of 
consideration — men whose arguments it is unseemly 
even to follow — and to pass upon the opinion of 
those men whom we recognize to have been correct 
in most cases. Indeed, to engage in philosophical 

Ε 2 



σοφβΐν άξιον, ιτρος ^Ερατοσθένη Be κα^Ιτηταργον 
καΐ ΙΙοσ€ΐ8ώριον^ καΐ ΙΙοΧύβιον καΧ αΧΚου^ 
τοιούτου^; καΧόν, 
C 15 . 2. Ώρωτορ^ δ' ίττίσκεπτέον ^Ερατοσθένη, τταρα- 
τίθενται αμα καΐ την ^lirtrapyov ιτρος αντον 
avTiXoyiav. βστι S* 6 ^Ερατοσθένης ονθ* ^ όντως 
βύκατατρόχαστος, ωστβ μηΚ * Αθήνας αντον iSeiv 
φάσκ€ΐν, 07Γ€ρ ΤΙοΧέμων έπιχειρβΐ BetKvvvar οίτ' 
€7γΙ τοσούτον ττιστός, έφ* όσον τταρβΒέξαντό τίνες, 
καίττερ ττΧείστοις έντνχών, ώς βϊρηκεν αντός, 
ά'^αθοΐς άνΒράσιν. έ^ένοντο yap, φησίν, ως ον- 
8έποτ€, κατά τούτον τον καιρόν νφ* ίνα ττερίβοΧον 
καΐ μίαν ττοΧιν οί^ κατ ^Αρίστωνα καΐ ^Αρκε- 
σίΧαον άνθήσαντβς φιλόσοφοι, ονχ Ικανον δ' 
όΐμαι τούτο, αλλά το κρίνβιν κάλως, οίς μαΧΚον 
7Γ€ΐστέον.^ 6 Sk *Αρκ€σί\αον καΐ ^Αρίστωνα των 
καθ* αντον άνθησάντων κορνφάίονς τίθησιν, 
ΆτΓβλλής τ€ αύτφ ττοΧνς έστι καΐ Βίων, ον φησι 
Ίτρωτον άνθινα ττεριβαΧεΐν φιΧοσοφίαν, αλλ' όμως 
ΤΓοΧΧάκις elireiv αν τίνα iir αντού τούτο' 

οΐην €κ ρακέων 6 Βίων, (Od. 18. 74) 

iv ανταΐς ycip ταΐς άττοφάσεσι τανταις^ ίκανην 
άσθένειαν εμφαίνει της εμντού γνώμης* rj τού 
Ζήνωνος τού Κιτιέως γνώριμος γενόμενος ^Αθήνησι 

^ "Ιππαρχον καϊ ΤΙοσ€ΐ^ύνιον^ Spengel, for Ώοσίΐ^ώνιον καϊ 
ΙπΊταρχον; Meineke following. 
^ 'wpwToVf 8pengel, for νράηρον ; Meineke following. 

* οί?6*, Meineke, for ούχ. 

^ καί, Xylander deletes, after oi ; Meineke following. 

• ΊΤ€ΐστ4ον, the correction of the prima manus, Spengel, 
A. Vogel, prefer, for vpoair4ov. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. i-2 

discussion with everybody is unseemly, but it is 
honourable to do so with Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, 
Poseidonius, Polybius, and others of their type. 

2. First, I must consider Eratosthenes, at the 
same time setting forth the objections which 
Hipparchus urges against the statements of 
Eratosthenes. Now Eratosthenes is not so open 
to attack as to warrant my sa3ring that he never 
saw even Athens, as Polemon undertakes to prove ; 
nor, on the other hand, is he so trustworthy as some 
have been taught to believe that he is — notwith- 
standing the fact that he had been associated with 
many eminent men, as he himself tells us. " For," 
says he, ^^philosophers gathered together at this 
particular time, as never before within one wall or 
one city ; I refer to those who flourished in the time 
of Ariston and Arcesilaus." But I do not think that 
sufficient ; what we need is a clear-cut judgment as 
to what teachers we should choose to follow. But 
he places Arcesilaus and Ariston at the head of the 
scholars who flourished in his day and generation ; 
and Apelles is much in evidence with him, and so is 
Bion, of whom he says : " Bion was the first to drape 
philosophy in embroidered finery'*; and yet he states 
that people frequently applied to Bion the words : 
'' Such a [thigh] as Bion [shews] from out his rags." i 
Indeed, in these very statements Eratosthenes re- 
veals a serious infirmity in his own judgment ; and 
because of this infirmity, although he himself 
studied in Athens under Zeno of Citium, he makes 

* The original allusion is to **the old man" Odysseus, 
Od. 18. 74. 53 



των μβν ifceivov ΒίαΒβξαμένων ονΒβνος μέμνηται, 
T0V9 δ' ίκβίνφ ^ιβνεχθέντας καΐ ων 8ια8οχη ουδβ- 
μία σώζβται, τούτους άνθησαί φησι κατά τον 
καιρόν €Κ€Ϊνον, &ηΧοϊ δε και ή ττβρι των ayaO&v 
€κ8οθ€Ϊσα ύτΓ αυτού ΤΓρα^ματ€ία και μέλέται και 
€1 τι άλλο τοιούτο την άγωγ^ϊ/ αυτού' Βιότι μίσος 
ffv τοΰ τ€ βουΧομένου φιλοσοφείν και τού μη 
θαρρούντος έτγχειρίζειν ίαυτον βίς την ύττόσχβσιν 
ταύτην, αλλά μόνον μέχρι τοΰ 8οκ€Ϊν ττροΐόντος, η 
και τταράβασίν τίνα ταύτην άττο των αΧΚων των 
ί'^κυκΧίων ττεττορισμένου προς Sιayωyηv ή και 
τταώιάν τροττον he τίνα και iv τοις αλΧοις βστι 
τοιούτος, άλλα εκείνα εΐάσθω*^ ττρος Se τα νύν 
€7Γΐχ€ΐρητ€ον, οσα Ζύναιτ αν, ίττανορθούν την 
^^εω^ραφίαν, καΐ ττρωτον οττερ άρτιως ύπερε- 

3. ΐίοιητην yap εφη ττάντα στοχάζεσθαι ψυχ- 
α^ω^ίας, ου ίιΖασκαΧίας, τουναντίον δ' οι τταΧαιοΧ 
φιΧοσοφίαν τίνα Χί^ουσι ττρώτην την ττοιητικην, 
είσώ^ουσαν εις τον βίον ημάς εκ νέων κα\ ΒιΒάσ- 
κουσαν ηθη καΐ πάθη καΐ πράξεις μεθ* ηΒονής' 
οί δ' ημέτεροι και μόνον ποιητην εφασαν είναι 
τον σοφόν, Bict τούτο και τους παιΒας αϊ των 
'ΈιΧΧηνων ποΧεις πρώτιστα Sia της ποιητικής 
παιΒεύουσιν, ου '^υχα^ω^ίας χάριν Βηπουθεν 
C 16 ψιΧής, αλλά σωφρονισμού* οπού ηε καΧ οί μου- 
σικοί ψάΧΧειν και Χυρίζειν και αύΧειν διδάσκοντες 

^ €ΐάσθω, Cobet, for 4ασθω. 

^ The Greek word here used is significant. The parabasis 
formed a part of the Old Comedy, and was wholly incidental 
to the main action of the play. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 2-3 

no mention of any of Zeno*s successors, but speaks 
of those men who dissented from the teachings of 
Zeno and who failed to establish a school that lived 
after them as " flourishing " at that particular time. 
His treatise entitled On the Good, also, and his Studies 
in Declamation^ and whatever else he wrote of this 
nature, go to show his tendency, namely, that of the 
man who is constantly vacillating between his d6sire 
to be a philosopher and his reluctance to devote 
himself entirely to this profession, and who therefore 
succeeds in advancing only far enough to have the 
appearance of being a philosopher; or of the man 
who has provided himself with this as a diversion* 
from his regular work, either for his pastime or even 
amusement ; and in a sense Eratosthenes displays 
this tendency in his other writings, too. But let 
this pass; for my present purpose I must correct 
Eratosthenes' geography as far as possible ; and first, 
on the point which I deferred a while ago.^ 

3. As I was saying, Eratosthenes contends that 
the aim of every poet is to entertain, not to instruct. 
The ancients assert, on the contrary, that poetry is a 
kind of elementary philosophy, which, taking us in 
our very boyhood, introduces us to the art of life 
and instructs us, with pleasure to ourselves, in 
character, e motions, and action s. And our School ^ 
g5es still further ani contends that the wise man ^ 
alone is a poet. That is the reason why in Greece 
the various states educate the young, at the very 
beginning of their education, by means of poetry ; 
not for the mere sake of entertainment, of course, 
but for the sake of moral discipline. Why, even the 
musicians, when they give instruction in singing, in • 

• Page 23. ' See Introduction, page xvi. 





μβτατΓΟίοννται της άρ€τής ταύτης' iracBevTifcol 
yap elvai φασι καϊ iir ανορθωτικοί των ηθών. 
ταύτα S ου μόνον τταρίί των ΤΙνθα^γορβίων άκούβιν 
εστί \€τ/όντων, αλλά καΐ ^Αριστόξβνος όντως άττο- 
φαίν€ται, κα\ '^Ομηρος Sk τους άοιΒούς σωφρο- 
νιστάς €Ϊρηκ€, καθάττερ τον της Κλυταιμνήστρας 

φ τΓολλ' έπέτέΧΧεν 
^Ατρ€ί8ης ΎροίηνΒε κιών εϊρυσθαι ακοιτιν, 

(Od, 3. 267) 

τόν τ€ ΑΧ^ισθον ου ττρότβρον αυτής ττερι^ενίσθαι, 
πριν ή 

τον μεν άοώον α^ων ες νήσον ερήμην 

την δ' εθέΧων εθελουσαν άνή^α^εν ονΒε ΒόμονΒε. 

(Od, 3. 270) 

χωρίς δέ τούτων 6 ^Ερατοσθένης εαυτω μάχεται' 
μικρόν ycip προ της Ταχθείσης αποφάσεως εναρ- 
χό μένος του περί της ηεω^ραφίας Χο^ου φησιν 
απαντάς κατ άρχίις φιλοτίμως εχειν εις το μέσον 
φερειν την νπ^ρ των τοιούτων ίστορίαν. ^^Ομηρον 
yoOv υπέρ τε των Αιθιόπων οσα επύθετο κατά- 
χωρίσαι εις την ποίησιν και περί των κατ* Αϊγι^- 
, πτον καϊ Αιβύην, τά δέ δ^ κατίί την Ελλάδα καΐ 
τους σιίϊ/βγγυς τόπους καϊ λίαν π€pιέpyως εξενηνο- 
χέναι, πολυτρήρωνα μεν την ^ίσβην λέτ/οντα 
(II. 2. 502), 'Αλίαρτον 8ε ποιήεντα (ih. 503), 
εσχατόωσαν δέ ^ΑνθηΒόνα (ib, 508), Αίλαιαν δέ 
7Γ?77δ^ €7Γί Κηφισσοΐο (ib. 523), και ούΒεμίαν 
προσθήκην κενως απορρίπτειν, πότερον oiv ό 
ποιων ταΰτα ψυχayωyoΰvτι ^οικερ η ΒιΒάσκοντι; 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 3 

lyre-playing, or in flute-playing, lay claim to this 
virtue, for they maintain that these studies tend to 
discipline and correct the character. You may hear 
this contention made not merely by the P3rthagoreans, 
but Aristoxenus also declares the same thing. And 
Homer, too, has spoken of the bards as disciplinarians 
in morality, as when he says of the guardian of 
Clytaemnestra : " Whom the son of Atreus as he 
went to Troy strictly charged to keep watch over his 
wife " ; and he adds that Aegisthus was unable to 
prevail over Cljrtaemnestra until ^^he carried the 
bard to a lonely isle and left him there — while as for 
her, he led her to his house, a willing lady with a 
willing lover." But, even apart from this, Eratos- 
thenes contradicts himself; for shortly before the 
pronouncement above-mentioned, and at the very 
beginning of his treatise on geography, he says that 
from the earliest times all the poets have been eager 
to display their knowledge of geography ; that 
Homer, for instance, made a place in his poems for 
everything that he had learned about the Ethiopians 
and the inhabitants of Egypt and Libya, and that he 
has gone into superfluous detail in regard to Greece 
and the neighbouring countries, speaking of Thisbe 
as the '^ haunt of doves," Haliartus as ^^ grassy," 
Anthedon as " on the uttermost borders," Lilaea as 
^^by the springs of Cephisus"; and he adds that j 
Homer never lets fall an inappropriate epithet. 1 
Well then, I ask, is the poet who makes use of these 
epithets like a person engaged in entertaining, or in 




νη Αία, άλΧα ταύτα μλν οντω^ €Ϊρηκ€, τά S* εξω 
τή^ αίσθησβως καϊ οντος καϊ oXKjol reparoXoyia^ 
μυθικής τΓ€ΤΓΧηρώκασιν. ούκοΰν έχρήν όντως 
eiirelv, οτι ττοίητης ττας τά μεν '^v'xayatyLa^ χάριν 
μόνον €κφέρ€ΐ, τα δέ 8ι8ασκα\ίας* 6 δ' iirijveyKev, 
ΟΤΙ ψυχαγω^γίας μόνον, 8ι8ασκαΧίας δ' ου. καϊ 
ττροστΓΒριερ^άζεταί τ€,^ ττυνθανομβνος τί συμβαΚ- 
\€ται ττρος άρβτην ποιητοΰ ττοΧΚων νττάρζαι τό- 
πων €μτΓ€ΐρον tj στρατη^ίας ή '^^ωρ^ίας ή ρητορικής 
ή οία Βη 7Γ€ριποΐ€Ϊν αύτφ τινβς ίβονΚηθησαν; το 
μέν οΰν άπαντα ζητβΐν π€ριποΐ€Ϊν αύτω προβκ- 
πίπτοντος αν τις θβίη ttj φιλοτιμία, ως &ν €Ϊ τις, 
φησίρ 6 '^Ιππαρχος, * Αττικής €ΐρ€σιώνης καταρ- 
τψη^ καΧ h μη Βνναται φέρβιν μή\α καϊ ο'^χνας, 
οΰτως ίκβίνου παν μάθημα καϊ πασαν τίχνην. 
τούτο μ€ν Βη ορθώς &ν X€yoις, & ^Ερατόσθενες' 
εκείνα S* ουκ ορθώς, αφαιρούμενος αυτόν την 
τοσαύτην ποΧυμάθειαν καΐ την ποιητικην ΎραώΒη 
μvθoXoyίav άποφαΐνων, rj ΒίΒοται πΧάττειν, φ'ρς,^ 
C 17 ο &ν avTrj φαίνηται ψυχα<γω^ίας οίκβΐον, ίρα 
yap ovBe τοις άκροωμβνοις των ποιητών ovokv 
συμβάΧΧεται προς άρετην; λβγω Bi το ποΧΧων 
ύπάρξαι τόπων εμπειρον ή στρατη^ίας ή ^εωρ^ίας 
tj ρητορικής, απερ ή άκρόασις, ως εΙκός, περιποιεΐ. 

^ ΐΓροσΐΓ€ρΐ€ργάζ(ταί re, Toup, for ιτροΰτ^ζ^ργάζίταΐ yt {νροσ- 
€irepyaCfrai yt) ; Meineke ( V ind. 239) approving, bub not 

2 καταρτ<(η, Madvig, for Kwrmyopolm ; A. Vogel approving. 

3 ^jf s, Groekurd, for ^σίν ; Forbigor following. 

* The " eiresione" was an olive (or laurel) branch adorned 
with the first-fruits of a given land and carried around to 
the accompaniment of a song of tbl^nksgiving and prayer. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 3 

instructing ? " The latter, of course/' you reply ; 
'^ but while these epithets have been used by him 
for purposes of instruction, everything beyond the 
range of observation has been filled, not only by ^ 
Homer but by others also, with mythical marvels." 
Eratosthenes, then, should have said that ^^ every 
poet writes partly for purposes of mere entertain- 
ment and partly for instruction " ; but his words 
were "mere entertainment and not instruction." 
And Eratosthenes gives himself quite unnecessary\ 
pains when he asks how it adds to the excellence of 
the poet for him to be an expert in geography, or in 
generalship, or in agriculture, or in rhetoric, or in any 
kind of special knowledge with which some people 
have wished to invest him. Now the desire to 
endow Homer with all knowledge might be regarded 
as characteristi^c of a man whose zeal exceeds the 
proper limit, just as would be the case if a man — to 
use a comparison of Hipparchus — should hang 
apples and pears, or anything else that it cannot 
bear, on an Attic "eiresione"^; so absurd would it be 
to endow Homer with all knowledge and with every 
art. You may be right, Eratosthenes, on that point, 
but you are wrong when you deny to Homer the 
possession of vast learning, and go on to declare that 
poetry is a fable-prating old wife, who has been I 
permitted to "invent" (as you call it) whatever she 
deems suitable for purposes of entertainment. 
What, then ? Is no contribution made, either, to the ' 
excellence of him who hears the poets recited — 
I again refer to the poet's being an expert in 
geography, or generalship, or agriculture, or rhetoric, 
in which subjects one's hearing of poetry naturally 
invests the poet with special knowledge ? 




4. Άλλα μην ταύτα ye ττάντα 6 ττοιητης 
*08υσσ€Ϊ προσήψεν, hv των πάντων μάΧιστα 
αρβτ^ πάσχι κοσμεί' οντος yctp αύτφ 

τΓοΧΚων ανθρώπων vSev αστεα καϊ νοον βγνω, 

{Od. 1. 3) 


eiBo)^ παντοίους τ€ δόλουν /cal μηΒβα πυκνά, 

(11. 3. 202) 

ουτο9 δ' ό " πτοΧίπορθος^^ aei Χετ^όμενος κα\ το 

^ΪΧιον βλώΐ' 

βουΧτ) καΐ μύθοισι καΐ ήπβροπηίΒι τέχντ)• 
τούτου y ίσπομίνοιο καΐ €κ πυρός αίθομένοιο 
αμφω νοστησαιμεν, (II, 10. 246) 

φησίν 6 £ίιομή8ης. και μην επί γε τ§ ^εωρ^ία 
σεμνύνεται* καϊ yhp εν άμητφ, 

εν ποίτ)* Βρεπανον μεν ε^ων εύκαμπες εχοιμι, 
καΙ δέ συ τοΐον εχοις* (Od. 18. 368) 

καϊ εν άροτφ, 

τφ κ€ μ ΪΒοις, ει &Χκα Ζιηνεκέα προταμοίμην. 

(Od. 18. 375) 

καΐ ούχ '^Ομηρος μ^ν οντω φρονεί περί τούτων, 
ούχϊ δέ πάντες οί πεπαιδευμένοι μάρτυρι 
χρωνται τφ ποιηττ), ώς ορθώς XiyovTi, περί του 
την τοιαύτην εμπειρίαν εις φρονησιν συντείνειν 

5. Ή δέ ρητορική φρόνησίς εστί Βήπου περί 
Xόyoυς^ fjv επίΒ€ίκνυται παρ οΧην την ποίησιν 
^ΟΒυσσεύς εν ττ) έίιαπείρα, εν ταΐς Αιταΐς, εν 
τ§ ΤΙρεσβεία, εν ^ φησίν (II, 2 ; 9 ; 3) 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 4-5 

4. Assuredly Homer has attributed all knowledge 
of this kind, at least, to Odysseus, whom he adorns 
beyond his fellows with every kind of excellence ; 
for his Odysseus ^^ of many men the towns did see 
and minds did learn,'* and he is the man who " is 
skilled in all the ways of wile and cunning device." 
Odysseus is continually spoken of as ^^the sacker 
of cities " and as the capturer of Troy " by means 
of his counsels and his persuasiveness and his 
deceitful arts " ; and Diomedes says of him : " But 
while he cometh with me, even out of burning fire 
might we both return." More than that, Odysseus 
prides himself on being a farmer. For instance, 
with regard to reaping he says : " In the deep grass 
might the match be, and might I have a crooked 
scythe, and thou another like it " ; and with regard 
to ploughing : " Then shouldst thou see me, whether 
or no I would cut a clean furrow unbroken before 
me." And not only does Homer thus possess 
wisdom about these matters, but all enlightened 
men cite the poet as a witness whose words are 
true, to prove that practical experience of this kind 
contributes in the highest degree to wisdom. 

5. Rhetoric is, to be sure, wisdom applied to 
discourse ; and Odysseus displays this gift through- 
out the entire Iliad, in the Trial, in the Prayers, 
and in the Embassy, where Homer says : " But when 




αλλ' δτ€ 8η δττα Τ€ μβ^άΚην €Κ στήθ€ος εΐη 
καΐ eirea νιή>άί€σσιν ioifcora χαμβρίτ^σιν, 
ουκ &ν €%€ίτ ^ΟΒυσήί y* ipiaaeie βροτος αλλθ9• 

(Κ 3. 221) 

τις .&ν οΰν υτΓοΚάβοι τον 8υνάμ€νον ττοιητην 
€ΐσάτ/€ΐν ρητορ€ύοντας €τ4ρους καΐ στρατψ^οΰντας 
καί τά αΚΚα iTriSeitcvv μένους τά της αρετής βργα, 
αύτον, elvai των -φΧυάρων eva καΐ των θαύματα- 
TTOt&v, γο^τβυβίΐ/ μόνον κα\ κοΧακεύευν τον άκροα- 
την 8υνάμ€νον, ώφβΧεΐν δέ μηΒέν; ττροτέραν ^ δ' 
ούδ' άρβτην ττοιητοΰ \&^οιμ€ν &ν ηντινοΰν άΧΧην, 
ή την μιμητικην του βίου δ*ά λόγων, ττως αν 
οΰν μιμο^το αττεφος &ν του βίου καϊ αώρων; 
ου yhp οΰτω φαμεν την των ποιητών αρ€την 
ωσβϊ} Τ:€'κτόνων η χαΧκίων αλλ' εκείνη μλν 
ούδ€^9 €χ€ται καΧοΰ καϊ σεμνού, ή δέ ττοιητοΰ 
συνέζευκται τ^ του άνθρωπου, και ούχ οίον τ€ 
ά^αθον γενέσθαι ποιητην, μη προτερον γενηθέντα 
avhpa αγαθόν. 

6. Το δβ hi) καΧ την οητορικί)ν άφαιρεΐσθαι 
τον ποιηττ^ν τεΧέως άφειοοΰντος ημών εστί, τι 
yap οΰτω ρητορικόν, ώς ώράσις; τί δ' οΰτω 
C 18 ποιητικον; τίς ο άμ€ίνων Ομηρου φράσαι; νη 
Αία, ά\Χ βτερα φράσις η ποιητική, τφ yε εϊΒει, 
ώς καϊ εν αύττί τ^ ποιητική η TpayiKt) καΐ ή 
κωμική, καΐ ίν τη πεξτ) η ιστορική καϊ ή Βικα- 
νικψ ί'ρα yelp ούο 6 \6yoς εστί y ενικός, ου εϊ8η 

* Tpor4pw, Meineke, for -wortpoy ; C. Miiller approving. 
^ waei, Corals, for &s Ij ; Meineke following ; C. Miiller 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 5-6 

he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words 
like unto the snowflakes of winter, then could no 
mortal man contend with Pdysseus." Who, then, 
can assume that the poet who is capable of in- 
troducing other men in the role of orators, or of 
generals, or in other roles that exhibit the ac- 
complishments of the art of rhetoric, is himself but 
one of the buffoons or jugglers, capable only of 
bewitching and flattering his hearer but not of 
helping him ? Nor can we assume that any ex- 
cellence of a poet whatever is superior to that which 
enables him to imitate life through the means of j 
speech. How, then, can a man imitate life if he has I 
no experience of life and is a dolt ? Of course we 
do not speak of the excellence of a poet in the same ' 
sense as we speak of that of a carpenter or a black- 
smith ; for their excellence depends upon no inherent 
nobility and dignity, whereas the excellence of a 
poet is inseparably associated with the excellence 
of the man himself, and it is impossible for one to 
become a good poet unless he has previously become 
a good man. 

6. So, then, to deny the art of rhetoric to Homer 
is to disregard my position entirely. For what is 
so much a part of rhetoric as style ^ ? And what 
is so much a part of poetry? And who has sur- 
passed Homer in style ^ ? f' Assuredly,** you answer, 
'^but the style of poetry i^ different from that of 
rhetoric." In species, yes ; just as in poetry itself 
the style of tragedy offers from that of comedy, 
and in prose the style of history differs from that 
of forensic speech. Well then, would you assert 
that discourse is not a generic term, either, whose 

* Phrctaia, * Phrazein. 


y Google 


ό €μμ€τρο<ζ καϊ 6 7Γ€ζ6ς; 'ή \6yo^ μέν, ρητορικοί 
δέ λόγο? ουκ €στι yevi/co^ καϊ φράσης καϊ άρβτη 
\6yov; ως δ' eiireiv, 6 ττεζο? λόγο?, ο γβ Kare- 
σκ€νασμένος, μίμημα του ποιητικού έστι. πρώ- 
τιστα yhp ή ποιητική κατασκβυη παρηΧθεν eh 
το μέσον καϊ εύΒοκίμησβν €ΐτα βκβίνην μιμού- 
μ€νοΐ9 \ύσαντ€ς το μέτρον, ταλλα δέ φυ\άξαντ€^ 
τά ποιητικά συνέ^ρα'^^αν οι περί ΚαΕμορ και 
ΦβρεκύΒη καΐ ^Εκαταΐον €ΐτα οι ΰστβρον, άφαι- 
ρούντβς αεί τι των τοιούτων, eh το νυν είδο? 
KaTTjyayov, ών &ν άπο ύψους τινός* καθάπβρ 
αν τις καΐ την κωμφΒίαν φαίη Χαββϊν την 
σύστασιν άπο της τρα^φΕίας, καϊ του κατ 
αύτην ύψους καταβφασθεΐσαν €ΐς το λογοβ^δέ? 
νυνί καΧούμβνον, και το aeiSeiv δέ άντΙ του 
φράζ€ΐν τιθέμενον παρά τοις πάΚαι ταύτο τούτο 
€κμαρτυρ€Ϊ, 8ι6τι πη^γη καΐ άργτ) φράσεως κατ€- 
σκβυασμένης καϊ ρητορικής ύπηρξεν ή ποιητική, 
αύτη yhp προσβχρήσατο τφ μέΧ€ΐ κατά τάς έπι- 
Ββίξβις* τούτο δ' ffv Χο^ος μεμβΧισ μένος fj φ8ή,^ 
αφ* ου St] ραψφ8ίαν τ eXeyov καϊ Tpaytphiav καϊ 
κωμφ8ίαν, ωστ βπειΒη το φράζ€ΐν πρώτιστα €πΙ 
της ποιητικής iXiycTO φράσεύας, αύτη δέ μ€τ φΒή<ζ 
υπήρξε παρ* ίκείνοις, το aeiheiv αύτοϊς το αύτο 
τφ φράζβιν,^ καταχρησαμένων δ' αύτων θατέρω 

^ \6yos μ€μ(\ισμ(νο5 ίΐ ψΗ, Α, Miller, for φ^ ^ \6yos 

* οδτίϊ δ^ μ^τ* ^η5 Mjo^t trap* iK^lrois, rh iitlBety abrois rh 
ainh τφ φράζ^ιν, Spengel, for athri δ€ /act* ψί^ε, rh aeificcy 
ainois rh ainh τφ φράζ^ιν virrjp^e παρ^ ixtiyois ; C. Miiller 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 6 

species are metrical discourse and prose discourse ? 
Or, rather, is discourse, in its broadest sense, generic, 
while rhetorical discourse is not generic, and style 
is simply an excellence of discourse? — But prose 
discourse — I mean artistic prose — is, I may say, 
an imitation of poetic discourse ; for poetry,- as 
an art, first came upon the scene and was first to 
win approval. Then came Cadmus, Pherecydes, 
Hecataeus, and their followers, with prose writings 
in which they imitated the poetic art, abandoning 
the use of metre but in other respects preserving 
the qualities of poetry. Then subsequent writers 
took away, each in his turn, something of these 
qualities, and brought prose down to its present 
form, as from a sublime height. In the same way 
one might say that comedy took its structure from 
tragedy, but that it also has been degi'aded — from 
the sublime height of tragedy to its present '' prose- 
like " style, as it is called. And further, the fact 
that the ancients used the verb ^^sing" instead 
of the verb '^ tell " ^ bears witness to this very 
thing, namely, that poetry was the source and 
origin of style, I mean ornate, or rhetorical, style. 
For when poetry was recited, it employed the 
assistance of song ; this combination formed melodic 
discourse, or "ode"; and from ^^ode" they began 
to use the terms rhapsody, tragedy, and comedy. 
Therefore, since ^^tell " ^ was first used in reference 
to poetic " style *' ^ and since among the ancients 
this poetic style was accompanied by song, the 
term "sing" was to them equivalent to the term 
^^ teir* ; and then after they had misused the 
former of these two terms by applying it to prose 

^ Phrazein, * Phraais, 


VOL. I. ϊ" 



icaX iiri τον ττβζον Xoyov, καΐ iwl θάτ^ρον η κατά- 
χρησι<; Βιέβη. καΐ αύτο δέ το ττβζον Χεχθήναι τον 
av€v τον μέτρον \6yov εμφαίνει τον άττο νψον<ζ 
τίνος καταβάντα καΧ οχήματος εις τον8αφος. 

7. ΆλΧ' ουδέ τά σννε^^νς μόνον, ωσττβρ 
^Ερατοσθένης €Ϊρηκ€, και τα iv τοις 'ΈΧΚησιν, 
άΧΚα fcal των ττορρω iroWa Xiyei* και Si* άκρι- 
ββίας^Ομηρος και μαΧΚον ye των ύστερον μνθο- 
XoyeiTai, ον ττάντα τερατενόμβνος, άλλα και προς 
€7Γΐστημην aXKrjyop&v ή 8ιασκ€νάζων ή 8ημα- 
76)7^^ ^^^^^ Τ€ καΐ τά ττερί την ΌΒνσσέως 
ττΧάνην* Ίτερι ής ττολλα 8ιαμαρτάν€ΐ, τονς τ 
eζηyητiLς φΧνάρονς άττοφαίνων καϊ αντον τον 
ΤΓΟίητην ττβρΧ ων άξιον elireiv Sieb ττΧειόνων. 

8. Kai πρώτον οτι τονς μύθονς άπβΒέξαντο 
C 19 ούχ οι ποιηταΐ μόνον, αλλά καϊ αΐ ποΧεις 

ποΧν πρ6τ€ρον καΐ οι νομοθέται τον χρησίμον 
χάριν, βΧέψαντβς εΙς το φνσικον πάθος τον 
XoyiKOV ζωον φιΧειΒημων yhp άνθρωπος' ^ προοί- 
μιον δέ τούτον το φιΧόμνθον* ίντενθεν oiv 
άρχεται τά παιΒία άκροασθαι καϊ κοινωνείν 
X6yωv επΧ πΧεΐον. αίτιον δ', οτι KaivoXoyia 
τις εστίν 6 μνθος, ον τα καθεστηκότα φράζων, 
αλλ' Ιτερα παρεί ταύτα' ή8ν 8ε το καινον και 
δ μη πρότερον εyvω τις' τούτο δ' αντο εστί καΐ 

^ &νθρωνο5, Meineke, for &v$pwvot; Cobet also indepen* 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 6-8 

discourse, the misuse passed over to the latter 
term also. And, furthermore, the very fact that 
non-metrical discourse was termed "pedestrian" 
indicates its descent from a height, or from a chariot, 
to the ground. 

7. Nor, indeed, is the statement of Eratosthenes 
true that Homer speaks only of places that are near 
by and in Greece ; on the contrary, he speaks also 
of many places that are distant ; and when Homer 
indulges in myths he is at least more accurate than 
the later writers, since he does not deal wholly 
in marvels, but for our instruction he also uses / 
allegory, or revises myths, or curries popular favour, 
and particularly in his story of the wanderings of 
Odysseus; and Eratosthenes makes many mistakes 
when he speaks of these wanderings and declares 
that not only the commentators on Homer but also 
Homer himself are dealers in nonsense. But it is 
worth my while to examine these points more in 

8. In the first place, I remark that the poets were 
not alone in sanctioning mji^hs, for long before the 
poets the states and the lawgivers had sanctioned 
them as a useful expedient, since they had an insight 
into the emotional nature of the reasoning animal ; 
for man is eager to learn, and his fondness for tales 
is a prelude to this quality. It is fondness for tales, 
then, that induces children to give their attention to 
narratives and more and more to take part in them. 
The reason for this is that Tnyth is a new language 
to them — a language that tells them,\not of things as 
they are, but of a different set of things. And what 
is new is pleasing, and so is what one did not know 
before ; and it is just this that makes men eager to 

F 2 



το τΓΟίονν φίΧβιΒημονα. όταν δε irpoafj καΐ το 
θαυμαστον καΧ το Τ€ρατώ8€<ξ, iirtTeiveL• την 
ήΒονην, ήττερ €στΙ του μανθάνβιν φίΧτρον, κατ 
άρχας μβν ουν άνώ^κη τοιούτοι^ Sekeaai χρήσθαί, 
ττροϊούση^ δέ τη^ ήΧίκία<ζ εττΐ την των όντων 
μάθησιν ayeiv, η^η της Βιανοία^ζ βρρωμένης καϊ 
μηκίτί Β€ομ€νη<; κοΧάκων, καϊ ΙΒιώτης Se ττά? 
καϊ άπαίΒεντος τρόττον τίνα τταΐς έστι φιΧομυθβΐ 
Τ€ ωσαύτως* ομοίως δέ καϊ 6 ττβπαίΒβν μένος 
μετρίως' ovSe yhp ούτος Ισχύβι τφ Χοψσμφ, 
Ίτρόσεστί δέ καΐ το etc τταιΒος ίθος, eTrel δ' ου 
μόνον ήΒύ, άΧΧά κάΙ φοββρον το τβρατωΒβς, 
αμφοτέρων εστί των βΙΒών χρεία Ίτρός τ€ τους 
τταΐΒας καΐ τους iv ηΧικία' τοις τ€ yap τταισΐ 
ττροσφέρομεν τους ηΒβΙς μύθους βίς ττροτροΊτην, 
εΙς άτΓοτροπην δε τους φοβερούς, ή Τ€ yiip 
Αάμια μύθος εστί καϊ ή Topyo) καϊ 6 ^ΈιφιάΧτης 
καϊ η ΜορμοΧύκη. οι τ ε ττοΧΧοΙ των τας ττοΧεις 
οίκούντων εΙς μεν ττροτροττην ayovTai τοις ήΒέσι 
των μύθων, όταν ακούωσι των ττοιητων avhpaya- 
θηματα μυθώΒη Bίηy ου μένων, οίον ΊΛρακΧέους 
αθΧους ή &ησέως, ή τιμίίς τταρα θέων νεμομένας, 
ή νη Αία ορωσι ypaφaς tj ξόανα η ττΧάσματα 
τουαύτην Tivh ττεριττέτειαν ύττοσημαίνοντα μυ- 
θώΒη' εΙς άττοτροττην Βέ, όταν κοΧάσεις τταρά 
θέων καϊ φόβους καΐ άττειΧάς ή Βιά Xόyωv ^ δ^^ 
τύττων αοράτων^ τίνων ιτροσΒέχωνταί, η καϊ 

1 αοράτων, Kramer, Meineke, for άόρων, above which οτ is 
written in A. See CUiaaical Joumrd 1814, 113. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 8 

learn. But if you add thereto the marvellous and 
the portentous, you thereby increase the pleasure, 
and pleasure acts as a charm to incite to learning. 
At the beginning we must needs make use of such 
bait for children, but as the child advances in years 
we must guide him to the knowledge of facts, when 
once his intelligence has become strong and no 
longer needs to be coaxed. Now every illiterate and 
uneducated man is, in a sense, a child, and, like a 
child, he is fond of stories ; and for that matter, so 
is the half-educated man, for his reasoning faculty 
has not been fully developed, and, besides, the 
mental habits of his childhood persist in him. Now 
since the portentous is not only pleasing, but fear- 
inspiring as well, we can employ both kinds of myth 
for children, and for grown-up people too. In the /^ 
case of children we employ the pleasing myths to / 
spur them on, and the fear-inspiring myths to deter 
them ; for instance. Lamia ^ is a myth, and so are 
the Gorgon, and Ephialtes,^ and Mormolyce.^ Most \ 
of those who live in the cities are incited to emulation \ 
by the myths that are pleasing, when they hear the V 
poets narrate m3rthical deeds of heroism, such as the 
Labours of Heracles or of Theseus, or hear of . 
honours bestowed by gods, or, indeed, when they \ 
see paintings or primitive images or works of sculp- 
ture which suggest any similar happy issue of fortune \ 
in mythology ; but they are deterred from evil 
courses when, either through descriptions or through 
typical representations of objects unseen, they learn 
of divine punishments, terrors, and threats — or even j 

^ A familiar female goblin, devourer of children, in the / 
ancient nursery-legends. 

* The giant whose eyes were put out by Apollo and 
Heracles. ' A female goblin. 




ΊΓίστ^ύωσι TTepnreaeLv τινας* ου yap ογΧον ye^ 
yvvaLK&v καί παντός χυΒαίου πΧηθους eTrayayeiv 
Χο^φ Βυνατον φιλοσοφώ, καΧ ττροκαΧβσασθαί^ 
ττρος βνσέββιαν καΧ οσωτητα καΐ πίστιν, αλλά 
Bel καΐ^ ΒεισιΒαίμονίας' τοντο S* ουκ avev μυ- 
θοΊΓΟίίας καΧ τβρατβίας, κβραννος yap καΧ alyl<; 
καΧ τρίαινα καΧ ΧαμπάΒβς και Βράκοντβς και 
θυρσοΧογχα, των θβων οττΧα, μύθοι /caX ττάσα 
OeoXoyia αρ'χαϊκη' ταύτα δ' άττβΒέξαντο οί τάς 
7ΓθΧιτ€ία<; καταστησάμενοι μορμοΧνκαζ tivcl^ ττρος 
C 20 τους νηπιόφρονας. τοιαύτης δέ της μυθοττοιίας 
ούσης καΧ καταστρβφούσης βίς το κοινωνικον καΧ 
το ΤΓοΧιτικον τού βίου σχήμα /caX την των όντων 
ίστορίαν, οί μβν αργαίοι την τταιΒικην αγωγοί' 
βφύΧαξαν μέ'χρι των τβΧείων ήΧικιών, καΧ Sia 
ΤΓοιητικής ίκανως σωφρονίζεσθαι ττάσαν ηΧικίαν 
ύττέΧαβον χρονοις δ' ύστερον η της ιστορίας 
ypaφη καΧ η νύν φιλοσοφία τταρεΧηΧυθβν βίς 
μέσον, αύτη μεν ούν προς 6Xίyoυς, ή δέ ποιητική 
ΒημωφεΧβστέρα καΧ θέατρα πληρούν Βυναμένη- ή 
δέ δ^ τού ^Ομηρου υπβρβαλλόντως, καΧ οί πρώ- 
τοι δβ ίστορικοΧ καΧ φυσικοΧ μυθoypάφoι» 

9. "Are Βη προς το παιΒευτικον εΙΒος τους μύ- 
θους αναφερών 6 ποιητής έφρόντιξβ^ πολύ μέρος 
τάληθούς' " iv δ' έτίθβι^^ (II. 18. 541) καΧ ψβύΒος, 
το μ€ν άποΒβ'χ^όμ^νος, τφ Be Bημayωyωv καΧ στρα- 
Τ77γο)ΐ; τα πλήθη, 

^ 7*» Meineke, for re ; C. Muller approving. 
2 Ίτροκαλ^σασθαι, is retained against Meineke'a νροσκαΚ- 
ίσασθαι ; Α. Miller and C. Muller approving. 
^ δίά, Cobet deletes, before ^ασι^αιμονίαί. 
4 4ψρ6ντιζ€, Cobet, from the margin of A, for i(pp6vricf, 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 8-9 

when they merely believe that men have met with 
such experiences. For in dealing with a crowd of 
women, at least, or with any promiscuous mob, a 
philosopher cannot influence them by reason or 
exhort them to reverence, piety and faith ; nay, there 
is need of religious fear also, and this cannot be 
aroused without myths and marvels. For thunder- 
bolt, aegis, trident, torches, snakes, thyrsus-lances, — 
arms of the gods — are myths, and so is the entire 
ancient theology. But the founders of states gave 
their sanction to these things as bugbears wherewith 
to scare the simple-minded. Now since this is the 
ijature of mythology, and since it has come to have 
its place in the social and civil scheme of life as well 
as in the history of actual facts, the ancients clung 
to their system of education for children and applied 
it up to the age of maturity ; and by means of poetry i 
they believed that they could satisfactorily discipline \ 
every period of life. But now, after a long time, 
the writing of history and the present-day philosophy 
have come to the front. Philosophy, however, is for 
the few, whereas poetry is more useful to the people 
at large and can draw full houses — and this is excep- 
tionally true of the poetry of Homer. And the early 
historians and physicists were also writers of myths. / 

9. Now inasmuch as Homer referred his myths, 
to the province of education, he was wont to pay 
considerable attention to the truth. " And he 
mingled therein" a false element also, giving his 
sanction to the truth, but using the false to win the 
favour of the populace and to out-general the masses. 




ως S* δτ€ τις γ^ρυσον ττβρίχβνβται αρηύρφ άνήρ, 

(Od, 6. 232) 

ούτως €Κ€Ϊνος ταΐς άΧηθεσί ττβρίττβτείαίς προσβ- 
τίθβί^ μνθον, η^ύνων καΧ κόσμων την φράσιν 
Ίτρος δε το αυτό τελο? του Ιστορικόν καΐ του τά 
οΐ'τα \6yovTO<; βΚέττων. οΰτω h-q τον τ€ ^ΐλιακον 
ΤΓολβμον yeyovoTa παραλαβών έκόσμησβ ταΐς 
μνθοποιίακ;, καϊ την *θ8υσσ€ως ττΧάνην ωσαύτως• 
έκ μη^βνος Be αληθούς άνάτττβιν κβνην τβρατο- 
\oyiav ονχ Όμηρικόν, ττροσττίτττβι yap, ως €ΐκός, 
ως 7Γΐθανώτ€ρον άν οΰτω τις ψεύΒοιτο, el κατά- 
μίσyoι τι καϊ αυτών των αληθινών^ οττβρ καϊ 
ΥΙολύβιός φησι irepl της ^ΟΒυσσέως ττλάνης έτη- 
γβιρων* τοιούτο δ' εστί καϊ το 

ϊσκ€ ψβύΒεα ττολλα λeyωv ίτύμοισιν ομοΐα* 

(Od. 19. 203) 

ου yhp ττάντα, αλλά ττολλά, εττεί ούδ' αν ^ν 
€τύμοισιν ομοΐα, βλαβεν οΰν πάρα της ιστορίας 
τίις αργάς, καϊ yelp τον ΑΙολον^ Βυναστβΰσαί 
φησι των πβρί την Αιπάραν νήσων, και των 
π€ρι την Αίτι/ι^ϊ/ καϊ Αεοντίνην ίίύκλωπας καϊ 
Aaιστpυy6vaς άξενους τινάς' Bib και τα πβρϊ 
τον πορθμον απροσπέλαστα eivai τοις τότε, καϊ 
την ΧάρυβΒιν καϊ το %κύλ\αιον νπ6 Χτιστών 
κατέγ^εσθαι, οΰτω δε καϊ τους άλλους των υπο 
Όμηρου λ€yoμevωv iv αΚλοις τόποις Ιστορούμβν 
οΰτω δε καϊ τους ίίιμμερίους βΙΒώς οικοΰντας 

^ νροσ€τΙθ€ΐ, Corais, for ιτροσβιτβτίββι ; Cobet independently. 
2 On the passage οΰτω ^ . . . άληθιρών^ see R. Zimmermann, 
Hermes 23, 125. ^ f^U\ov, Meineke, for KtoKov, 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. g 

^^ And as when some skilful man overlays gold upon \ 
silver," just so was Homer wont to add a mythical ' 
element to actual occurrences, thus giving flavour 
and adornment to his style ; but he has the same \ 
end in view as the historian or the person who 
narrates facts. So, for instance, he took the Trojan 
war, an historical fact, and decked it out with his 
myths ; and he did the same in the case of the 
wanderings of Odysseus ; but to hang an empty story 
of marvels on something wholly untrue is not 
Homer's way of doing things. For it occurs to us 
at once, doubtless, that a man will lie more plausibly 
if he will mix in some actual truth, just as Poly bins 
says, when he is discussing the wanderings of 
Odysseus. This is what Homer himself means when 
he says of Odysseus : " So he told many lies in the 
likeness of truth ; " for Homer does not say " all " 
but "many*' lies; since otherwise they would not 
have been "in the likeness of truth." Accordingly, 
he took the foundations of his stories from history. 
For instance, history says that Aeolus was once king 
over the islands about Lipara, and that the Cyclopes ; 
and the Laestrygonians, inhospitable peoples, were \ 
lords over the region about Aetna and Leontine ; ■ 

and that for this reason the region about the Strait | 

might not be visited by men of that time, and that ! 

Charybdis and the Rock of Scylla were infested by j 
brigands. And from history we learn that the rest | 
of the peoples mentioned by Homer lived in other 
parts of the world. And, too, it was on the basis of / 
Homer's actual knowledge that the Cimmerians lived 





τον Κίμμβρΰκον βοσττορον ττρόσβορρον^ καΙ ζο- 
φώ8η ^erryya^ev οΙ/€€ίως βίς σκοτ€ΐν6ν τίνα τόπον 
τον καθ* '^ΑίΒην, χρησι>μον οντά προς την μνθο- 
πούαν την iv Ty πΧάντι» οτι δ' olSev αντού^ζ, 
οί γρονο'^ράφοί ΒηΧοΰσίν, ή μικρόν προ αυτού 
την των Κιμμερίων βφοΒον ή κατ αύτον άι/αγ/οά- 
C 21 10. Ώσαιίτως^ καΧ τοι><; Κόλχονς eihco^ καϊ 
τον ^\άσονο<ζ πΧοΰν τον eU Αϊαν καΐ τά πβρϊ 
Κίρκης καϊ ΜηΒβίας μνθενόμβνα καΐ ίστορούμενα 
π€ρΙ της φαρμακβίας καΧ της αΧΚης ομοιοτροπίας, 
συ^^βν€ίας τ€ €π\ασ€ των οντω Βιφκισμένων, 
της μίν iv τφ μυγω τον ΥΙόντου, της δ' iv ttj 
'Ιταλία, καΐ βξωκεανισμον άμφοΐν, τάχα καϊ τον 
^Ιάσονος μ€χρι της ^Ιταλίας πΧανηθίντος* Bel- 
κννται yap τινα^ καΐ περϊ τά Κεραύνια ορη καϊ 
π€ρϊ τον ^ΑΒρίαν καϊ iv τφ ΏοσειΒωνιάτρ κολπφ 
καϊ ταΐς προ της Ύυρρηνίας νήσοις της των Άρ- 
yovauT&v πΧάνης σημβΐα. προσέΒοσαν Β4 τι καϊ 
αΙ Kvaveai, ασπβρ ^υμπΧη^άΒας καΧονσι πέτρας 
τινές, τραχύν ποιονσαι τον ΒιέκπΧονν τον Βια τον 
Ένξαντιακον στόματος* ωστ€ παρίΐ μβν την Αϊαν 
η ΑΙαίη, παρίΐ Be Τ€ίς ^υμπΧη^άΒας αϊ TlXayKTai, 

^ ΊτράσΒορρον^ Madvig, for irphs ^ορραν, 

2 ώσαύτ»$, the reading of the MSS., is retained by Kramer 
and Meineke ; C. Miiller approving. 

8 σημ^Ία after τίνα, Meineke deletes, following suggestion 
of Muller-Diibner. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. g-io 

about the Cimmerian Bosporus, a gloomy country in 
the north, that he transferred them, quite appro- 
priately, to a certain gloomy region in the neigh- 
bourhood of Hades — a region that suited the purpose ι 
of his mythology in telling of the wanderings of [ 
Odysseus. The writers of chronicles make it plain 
that Homer knew the Cimmerians, in that they fix 
the date of the invasion of the Cimmerians either a J 
short time before Homer, or else in Homer's own | 

10. And likewise it was on the basis of Homer's 
actual knowledge of the Colchians, of Jason's 
expedition to Aea, and of the stories of fact and 
fiction told about Circe and Medea regarding their 
use of magic potions and their general similarity of\ ( / 
character, that he invented a blood-relationship V 
between the two, although they lived so very far 
apart, the one in the remote recess of the Pontus, 
and the other in Italy, and also invented a residence 
for both of them out by Oceanus, though it may be 
that Jason wandered as far as Italy ; for there are 
some indications that point to the wanderings of the 
Argonauts in the region of the Ceraunian Moun- 
tains,^ about the Adriatic Sea,^ in the Gulf of 
Poseidonia,^ and in the islands that lie off Tyrrhenia. 
And the Cyaneae* also, which some call the Symple- . 
^ades,^ furnished the poet an additional matter of 
fact, in that they made the passage through the mouth 
of the strait at Byzantium very difficult ; so that when 
we compare the Aeaea of Circe with the Aea of 
Medea, and Homer's Planctae^ with the Symplegades, 

1 The Kimara Mountains in Albania. 

2 See 7. 5. 9. » Gulf of Salerno. 

* Dark Blue Rocks. * Clashing Rocks. 

* Wandering Rocks. 


y Google 


καΐ 6 Bi αυτών ΤΓλοΟ? τον ^\άσονο<ζ πιθανοί έώάνη* 
τταρά Be την S/cvWav zeal την Χ,άρνβΒιν 6 Βια των 
σκοπέλων ττλοΟς. άττλώς δ' οί τότ€ το ττβλαγο? 
το ΤΙοντικον ωστΓβρ aWov τίνα ώκβανον ύττβ- 
Χάμβανον, καΐ τους ττΧέοντας €Κ€Ϊσ€ ομοίως 
έκτοττίξβίν iBofcovv, ωσττβρ τους βξω Έ,τηΧων ini 
ΤΓοΧύ προϊόντας* καϊ yap μΑ^ιστον των καθ'' 
ημάς βνομίζβτο, καΧ Βια τοΰτο κατ έζοχην ΙΒίως 
ΤΓοντον ττροση^όρβυον, ως ττοιητην 'Όμηρον. ϊσως 
ονν καΐ Bict τοΰτο μετηνβ^Κ€ τά ίκ του ΤΙοντου 
προς τον ώκβανον ως βύπαράΒβκτα Βια την 
κατίχουσαν Βόζαν. οΐμαι δέ καϊ των ^οΧύμων 
Tct άκρα του Ταύρου τα π€ρΙ την Αυκίαν €ως 
ΤΙίσιΒίας κατεχόντων τα ύψηΧότατα, καΐ τάς άπο 
της μεσημβρίας ύπερβοΧας επιφανεστάτας παρε- 
χόντων τοις ivTO<i του Ταύρου, καϊ μάλιστα τοις 
περί τον ΤΙοντον, καθ" ομοιότητα τίνα καϊ τούτους 
ίξωκεανισθηναί' φησί ycip επΙ του πλέοντος εν Trj 

τον S* εξ ΑΙΘιόπων άνιων κρείων ^Έινοσίχθων 
τηλόθεν εκ Χολύμων ορέων ϊΒεν. (Od, 5. 282) 

τάχα Βε καΐ τους μονομμάτους Κύκλωπας εκ 
της Χκυθικής ιστορίας μετενηνοχε' τοιούτους yap 

^ Draw a north and south line from the poet*s point of 
observation (near the Black Sea) tlirough the Solyman 
Mountains and through Egypt to the Ethiopians on Oceanus 
south of Egypt. Then draw a north and south line from 
Odysseus' point of observation (on his raft, west of Greece) 
to the Ethiopians living on Oceanus due south of the raft. 
Homer transfers the Solymi and their mountains from his 
own due-south line of vision to an analogous position on 
Odysseus' due-south line of vision. Just as these mountains^ 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. ίο 

Jason's voyage through the Planetae was clearly 
plausible also ; and so was Odysseus* passage between 
the Rocks, when we think of Scylla and Charybdis. 
Again, the men of Homer's day, in general, regarded 
the Pontic Sea as a kind of second Ocean us, and 
they thought that those who voyaged thither got 
beyond the limits of the inhabited world just as 
much as those who voyaged far beyond the pillars 
of Heracles ; the Pontic Sea was thought to be the 
largest of the seas in our part of the world, and for 
that reason they applied to this particular sea the 
term ^^The Pontus," just as they spoke of Homer 
as "The Poet." Perhaps it was for that very reason 
that Homer transferred to Oceanus things that were 
true of the Pontus, in the belief that such a change 
would prove acceptable because of the prevailing 
notions in regard to the Pontus. And I think that 
since the Soljnni occupied the loftiest peaks of the 
Taurus Range, I mean the peaks about Lycia as far 
as Pisidia, and since their country presented to 
people who lived north of the Taurus Range, and 
particularly to those who lived about the Pontus, 
the most conspicuous altitudes on the south — for 
this reason, on the strength of a certain similarity 
of position, these people too were transferred to the 
position out by Oceanus ; for in speaking of Odysseus 
sailing on his raft he says : " Now the lord, the shaker 
of the earth, on his way from the Ethiopians espied 
Odysseus from afar, from the mountains of the 
Solymi." ^ Perhaps Homer also borrowed his idea 
of the one-eyed Cyclopes from the history of Scy thia ; 

to Homer, arose on the northern border of the Mediter- 
ranean, so to Odj^sseus they arose on the northern border 
of Oceanus. Strabo again refers to this on page 127. 





τινας τού^ ^Αριμασττον^; φασιν, ου^ζ iv τοις 'A/ot- 
μασπείοίς hreatv €ν8έ8ωκ€Ρ ^Αριστέας 6 ΤΙροκον- 

11. ΔβΖ Be ταύτα ττρούτΓοθεμενον σκοττβΐν, τι 
Xeyovaiv οΐ φησαντες irepX ΧίκεΧίαν ή ^ΙταΧίαν 
yeveaeai τφ Όδυσσβ? την ττΧάνην καθ^ '^Ομηρον^ 
€στι yap άμψοτέρως τοντο Βέξασθαι, και βέλτιον 
/cai χείρον, βέλτιον μέν, αν οντω Βέχηταί τις, 
ΟΤΙ ΤΓβισθβΙς eicei την ττΧάνην τφ ^ΟΒνσσβΐ yevi- 
σθαι, Χαβων άΧηθή ταύτην την νττόθεσιν ττοιη- 
C 22 τικως Sieaxevaae* τοντο yap οίκβίως αν XeyoiTo 
irepi αυτού, και ου μόνον ye irepl ^ΙταΧίαν, άΧΧα 
καΐ μέχρι των έσχατων της ^Ιβηρίας βστϊν exjpelv 
ϊχνη της εκείνου ττΧάνης καϊ αΧΧων ττΧειονων, 
χείρον Β4, εάν τις και την Βιασκευην ώς ίστορίαν 
Βεχηται, εκείνου ώκεανον και '^ΑΒην και ΉΧίου 
βόας και πάρα θεαΐς ξενίας καΐ μεταμορφώσεις 
και μετ^εθη Κ,υκΧώπων καϊ Aaιστpυyόvωv καΐ 
μορφην '%κύΧΧης καϊ Βιαστηματα ττΧού καΐ αΧΧα 
ττλβίω τοιαύτα τεpaτoypaφoύvτoς φανερως. οΰτε 
Βε ττρός τούτον άξιον άvτίXεyειv, οΰτω φανερώς 
καταψενΒόμενον του ττοιητού, καθάττερ ούΒ\ ει 
φαίη, τούτον τον τρόττον yεvέσθaι τον εΙς την 
^Ιθάκην κατάπΧουν τού ^ΟΒυσσεως καϊ την μνη- 
στηροφονίαν καϊ την εττϊ τού άypoύ συστασαν 
μάχην τοις ^Ιθακησίοις ιτρος αυτόν οΰτε προς 
τον Βεξάμενον οίκείως προσπΧεκεσθαι Βίκαιον. 

^ fl μ^ ytvMai, Meineke deletes, after κα^ "Ομηρον ; For- 
biger, Kramer, C. MuUer approving. 




GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. ιο-ιι 

for it is reported that -the Arimaspians are a one- «»jm^ u » <> 
eyed people — a people whom Aristeas of Pro- 
eonnesus has made known in his Arimaspian Epic. 

11. Having made these preliminary remarks, I 
must ask what people mean when they aiiirm that 
Homer places the wanderings of Odysseus in the 
region of Sicily and Italy ? It is possible to accept 
this view in two senses, one better and the other 
worse. The better is to assume that Homer was 
convinced that those regions were the scene of the 
wanderings of Odysseus, and that, taking this 
hypothesis as fact, he elaborated the story in poetic 
fashion. So much may be said with propriety about 
Homer ; at any rate one may find traces of the wan- 
derings of Odysseus, and of several others, not only 
in the region of Italy, but also as far as the extreme 
frontiers of Iberia. But the worse is to accept 
Homer's elaboration of the story as history also, 
because the poet is obviously indulging in marvels 
when he tells of Oceanus, Hades, cattle of Helius, 
entertainment by goddesses, metamorphoses, huge 
Cyclopes and huge Laestrygonians, Scylla's shape, 
distances traversed on the voyage, and many other 
things of a similar nature. But, on the one hand, 
it is not worth while to refute one who so obviously 
misinterprets the poet — any more than it would be 
if one should contend that the return of Odysseus 
to Ithaca, the massacre of the suitors, and the fight 
which took place out in the country between the 
Ithacans and Odysseus, all happened precisely as 
described by the poet ; nor, on the other hand, is it 
right to quarrel with the man who interprets Homer 
in a proper fashion. / 




12. Ό ^Ερατοσθένης Be ττρος άμψοτβρας τείς 
άτΓοφάσβίς άττηντηκβν ουκ ei. ττρος μβν την Sev- 
Tcpav, ΟΤΙ τΓβιραται ΒιαβάΧΧειν φανβρώς ψβνΒή 
καΐ ουκ αξία λόγου Βία μακρών ττρος Be την ττρο- 
τέραν, ΤΓΟΰητήν re ατταντα άττοφήνας φΧύαρον, καΐ 
μητe τόπων €μ7Γ€ίρίαν μητe τ€χνών προς apeTrjv 
axrvTeiveiv νομίσας* των τ€ μύθων των μ^ν ev 
τοποις ου π€π\ασμένοίς π€φημίσμ€νων, οίον ev 
^Υ\ίφ καϊ "IBrj καϊ ΪΙηΧνφ, των δέ ev πeπXaσ- 
μίνοις, κaθάπep ev οίς αί Topyove^ ή 6 Τηρυόνης, 
ταύτης φησί της ΙΒέας etvat καΐ τους κατεί την 
^ΟΒυσσέως πΧάνην Xeyoμ€voυς, τους δέ μη 7Γ€- 
πΧάσθαι Χί^οντας ά\λ' ύποκ€Ϊσθαι έζ αύτου του 
μη συμφων€Ϊν βλ^γχεσ^αί ^lreυBoμivoυς^ τάς ηοΰν 
Χ€φήνας τους μ€ν βττΐ της UeXωpίάBoς καθιΒρύβιν, 
τους Bk €πΙ των Xeίpηvoυσσωv πΧβίους ή δίσχ^- 
Χίους Βΐ€γρυσων σταΒίους* elvat δ' αύτάς σκ6πeXov 
τρικορυφον BieipyovTa τον Κ,υμαΐον^ καϊ Ποσβ^- 
Βωνίάτην κόΧπον, αλλ' ονθ^ 6 ^ σκοπέΧος ούτος 
έστί τρικορυφος, ούθ^ δΧως κορυφοΰται προς 
ΰψος, αλλ' άηκων τις ίκκβιταν μάκρος και στενός 
άπο των κατά, ^υρρεντον ^ γωρίων βττΐ τον κατά 
Καπρίας πορθμόν, €πϊ θάτβρα μ€ν της 6peιvής 
το των Σειρήνων lepov έχων, επΙ θάτερα Be προς 
τφ ΤΙοσειΒωνίάττ) κοΧπφ νησίΒια τρία πpoκeίμeva 
έρημα πετρώΒη, & καΧοΰσι Χεφήνας' €7γ' αύτφ 

^ Κυμαίον, Meineke, for Κύμαιον ; C. Miiller approving. 

2 οϋθ* ό, Meineke, for ouSc δ, 

^ 2νρρ€Ρτόν, Meineke, for ^opptmov ; C. Miiller approving. 




GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 12 

12. Eratosthenes, however, has taken issue with 
both these answers to my question, and in so doing . 
he is wrong ; he is wrong as regards the second y 
answer, in that he attempts to misrepresent things 
that are obviously fictitious and that do not deserve 
protracted discussion ; and he is wrong as regards the 
first, because he declares that all poets are dealers 
in absurdities and thinks their knowledge either of 
places or of arts does not conduce to virtue. Again, 
because Homer lays the scenes of his myths not only 
in non-fictitious places, such as Ilion, Mt. Ida, and 
Mt. Pelion, but also in fictitious places, such as those 
in which the Gorgons and Geryon dwell, Eratos- 
thenes says that the places mentioned in the story 
of the wanderings of Odysseus, also, belong to the 
category of fiction, and that the persons who contend 
that they are not fictitious but have a foundation in 
fact, stand convicted of error by the very fact that 
they do not agree among themselves ; at any rate, 
that some of them put the Sirens on Cape Pelorias,^ 
while others put them more than two thousand 
stadia distant on the Sirenussae, which is the name 
given to a three-peaked rock that separates the Gulf 
of Cumae ^ from the Gulf of Poseidonia.^ But neither 
does this rock have three peaks, nor does it run up 
into a peak at all ; instead it is a sort of elbow that juts 
out, long and narrow, from the territory of Surrentum 
to the Strait of Capreae, with the sanctuary of the 
Sirens on one side of the hilly headland, while on 
the other side, looking towards the Gulf of 
Poseidonia, lie three uninhabited rocky little islands, 
called the Sirens, and on the Strait of Capreae itself 

* Cape Faro, Sicily. ^ β^ν of Naples. 

3 Gulf of Salerno. 


VOL. I. Ο 



δέ τφ ΤΓορθμφ το ^Αθήραιορ, ωπ€ρ ομώνυμοι καΧ 
ο α^κων αύτ09. 

1 3. Άλλ' ούδ' ^ el μη συμφωνονσιν οί την 
ίστορίαν των τόπων 7ΓαραΒι86ντ€ς ευθύς βκβάλ- 
\€iv Bel την σνμττασαν Ιστορίαν αλλ' Ισ^' οτ€ 
καΐ τηστονσθαι το καθοΧου μαΧΚον ίστιν. οίον 
λβγω, ζητουμένου^ el κατίί ^ικβΚίαν καΙ ^ΙταΧίαν 
η ττΧάνη yiyove, /cal el ai Χβνρήνβς ενταύθα ττον 
C 23 \iyovTai, 6 μεν φησα<ζ εν tj} ΐΙεΧωριάΒι ττρος 
τον εν ταΐ<ξ ^εφηνούσσαις Βιαφωνεΐ, αμφότεροι, 
δέ προς τον περί Χ^κεΧίαν καΐ ΊταΧίαν XiyovTa 
ου ΒιαφωνοΰσίΡ, άΧΧα καϊ μείζω πίστιν παρέχου- 
σιν, ΟΤΙ, καίπερ μη το αύτο 'χωρίον φραζοντες, 
όμως ουκ εκβεβηκεσάν γε του κατά, την ^ΙταΧίαν 
ij ΧικέΧίαν. εαν Bk προσθη τις, οτι εν ΝεαπόΧει 
Τίαρθενόπης Βείκνυται μνήμα, μιας των Χειρηνων, 
ετι πΧείων προσε^ενετο πίστις, καίτοι τρίτου 
τίνος Χεχθέντος τούτου του τόπου, αλλ' οτι εν 
τούτφ τφ κοΧπφ, τφ ύπο ^Έίρατοσθένους Χεχθέντι 
Ίίυμαίφ, ον ποιοΰσιν αΐ Χειρηνοΰσσαι, καϊ ή Νεά- 
πόΧις ΪΒρυται, βεβαιοτέρως πιστεύομεν το περί 
τούτους τους τόπους yeyovivai τάς Σειρήνας' οΰτε 
yhp τον ποιητην ακριβώς Ικαστα πυθεσθαι, οΰθ* 
ημείς παρ εκείνου ζητούμεν το ακριβές' ού^ην 
ούδ' οΰτως ίχομεν ώς ύποΧαμβάνειν, καϊ μηΒεν 
^ ούϊ*, Meineke, for οϋτ\ 

^ That is, Cape Minerva. 

y Google 


GEOGRAPHY, i. 2. 12-13 

is situated the sanctuary of Athene, from which the 
elbow takes its name.^ 

13. However, even if those who hand down to us 
our knowledge of the regions under consideration 
do not agree among themselves, we should not on 
that account set aside the entire body of that 
knowledge ; indeed there are times when the 
account as a whole is all the more to be accepted 
for this reason. For example, suppose the question 
is raised whether the wanderings took place in the 
regions of Sicily and Italy, and whether the Siren 
Rocks are anywhere thereabouts : the man who 
places the Siren Rocks on Cape Pelorias is in dis- 
agreement with the man who places them on the 
Sirenussae, but neither disagrees with the man who 
says that the Siren Rocks are placed in the neigh- 
bourhood of Sicily and Italy ; nay, they even add to 
the credibility of the third witness, because, though 
they do not name the self-same spot for the Rocks, 
yet, at all events, they have not gone beyond the 
regions of Italy and Sicily for them. Then, if some 
one adds that a monument of Parthenope, one of the 
Sirens, is shown in Neapolis, we have still further 
proof^ although a third site has been introduced A/ 
into the discussion. Furthermore, the fact that 
Neapolis also lies on this gulf (called by Eratosthenes 
the gulf of Cumae), which is formed by the Siren- 
ussae, induces us to believe all the more firmly that 
the Sirens were in the neighbourhood of these places ; 
for we do not demand of the poet that he should 
have inquired accurately into every detail, nor do 
we in our School demand scientific accuracy in his 
statements ; yet, even so, we surely are not entitled 
to assume that Homer composed the story of the 

ο 2 



7Γ€7Γυσμένον irepX τη^ ττΧάνης, μηθ* οττου μηθ^ 
δττως 'γβ'γένηται, ραψωΒβΐν, 

14. ^Έιρατοσθένη^ δέ ΉσίοΒον μλν βΐκάζα 7Γ€- 
ττνσμένον irepX τη^ ^ΟΒνσσέως ττΚάνη^, ore κατίυ 
^ικβΚίαν καϊ ^ΙταΧίαν γβγει/ι/ταί, ιηστβνσαντα ttj 
^οξυ μη μόνον των νφ' ^Ομηρου \e^o μίνων μ€μνη' 
σθαι, αλλά καϊ Αϊτνης καϊ ^Oprvyia^, του ττρος 
Χυρακονσαις νησιού, καϊ Ύνρρηνων 'Όμηρον Se 
μητ€ elSivat ταύτα, μητβ βούΧεσθαι iv ^νωρίμοι^ 
τόποι^ ποΐ€Ϊν την ιτΧάνην. ττοτερον ουν Αίτι^ί/ 
μίν καϊ Ύυρρηνία γνώριμα, ^κύΧΚαιον δέ καΧ 
Χ.άρνβΒι<; και Κίρκαιον καϊ 'ϊ,ειρηνοΰσσαι ου ττάνυ; 
η καϊ Ήσ^όδω μβν enpeire μη φΧναρβίν, αλλά ταΓ? 
κατβχονσαις 86ξαι<; άκοΧουθβΐν, Όμήρφ δέ " ττάν, 
ο τι K€V ^ €π ακαιρίμαν yX&aaav irj, KekaBeiv;^^ 
χωρΧ^ yap των Χβχθέντων TrepX του τύττου τή^ 
πρ€7Γθύσης Όμήρφ μυθοττοιίας, καϊ το ττΧηθος 
των συ^^ραφβων των ταύτα θρυΧούντων καΧ 
τη^ κατ€ί τους τόπους έττιχωριαζούσης φήμης 
8ιΒάσκ€ΐν Βύναται, ^ότι ταύτα ου ττοιητων ττλάσ- 
ματά βστιν ουδέ συγγραφέων, αλλά ^ζτ/ενημένων 
Ιχνη καϊ ττροσώττων καΐ ιτράξβων. 

15. ΚαΙ ΤίοΧύβιος δ' ορθώς ύττονοβΐ τα ττερί της 
ττΧάνης. τον ycip ΑίοΧον,^ τον ττροσημάναντα^ 
τους βκττΧους iv τοις κατεί τον ττορθμον τοττοις 
άμφιΒρομοίς ούσι και ΒυσέκπΧοις 8ιά τάς τταΧιρ- 

* /ceV, Cobet, for άν ; and Ύλωσσαν (which Meineke inserts) 
for γλώτταν, in keeping with the proverb attributed to 
Pindar. See Bergk's note on Fr, Adesp. 86 A. 



GEOGRAPHY, i. 2. 13-15 

wanderings without any inquiry at all, either as to / 

where or as to how they occurred. \J 

14. But Eratosthenes conjectures that Hesiod 
learned by inquiry that the scene of the wanderings 
of Odysseus lay in the region of Sicily and Italy, 
and, adopting this belief, mentioned not only the 
places spoken of by Homer, but also Aetna, Ortygia 
(the little island next to S3a*acuse), and Tyrrhenia ; 
and yet he contends that Homer knew nothing 
about these places and had no intention of placing 
the wanderings in any known regions. Now were 

. Aetna and T3rrrhenia well-known places, but Scyl- 
laeum, Charybdis, Circaeum, and the Sirenussae 
wholly unknown? Or was it the proper thing for 
Hesiod not to talk nonsense and to follow prevailing 
opinions, but the proper thing for Homer to '^ give 
utterance to every thought that comes to his in- 
opportune tongue *' } For apart from what I have 
said concerning the t^e of m3rth which it was 
proper for Homer to employ, most of the writers 
who discuss the same topics that Homer discusses, . 

and also jaostof^ the various ^ local t raditions, can \Χ 

teach us that these matters are not fictions of poets , 
nor yet of prose writers, but are traces of real persons -^ 
and events. 

15. Polybius also entertains correct views in 
regard to the wanderings of Odysseus, for he says 
that Aeolus, the man who taught navigators how to 
steer a course in the regions of the Strait of Messina, 
whose waters are subject to a constant ebb and 
flow and are difficult to navigate on account of the 

2 hioKoVf Meineke, for AXoKov, 

' Ίτροσημάνοοη-α^ A. Miller, for Ίτροσημαίνοιηα. 




ροίας, ταμίαν re βίρησθαι των ανέμων καΐ βασιΚέα 
νβνομίσθαι φησί' καΐ ^ καθάπβρ Ααναον μέν, τά 
υδ/θ€?α τά iv "^Apyei παραΒβίξαντα, ^ Ατρέα he, τον 
ηλίου τον νττβναντίον τφ ούρανω Βρόμον, μάντβις 
τ€ καΐ Ιβροσκοπονμένονς άποΒείκννσθαί βασι\έα<;• 
C 24 τον<; θ" Ιερέας των Αΐ^^υπτίων καΧ ϋάλΒαΙ,ους 
καΐ Μάγου?, σοφία τινί διαφέροντας των ά\\ων, 
ηγεμονίας καΐ τιμής τυηχάνβιν τταρα τοις προ 
ημών οΰτω δέ καΐ των θβων eva ϊκαστον, των 
'χρησίμων τίνος βυρβτην *γ€ν6μ€νον, τιμασθαι. 
ταύτα δέ ιτροοικονομησάμενος ουκ ia τον ΑΙολον^ 
iv μύθου σχηματι άκούβσθαι, ovS* ολην την Ό- 
Βυσσέως ττλάνην* αλλά μικροί μ^ν προσμεμνθβν- 
σθαι καθάτΓβρ καϊ τω ^ΙΧιακφ ττοΧέμφ, το δ' όλον 
irepl ^ικελίαν καΧ τφ ττοιηττ} πβποιήσθαι καϊ τοις 
άλλοις συγ^ραφβΰσιν, όσοι τά ίττιγωρια ^ λέ*γουσι 
τα irepl την Ιταλίαν καϊ XiKcTuav, ουκ iiraivei δέ 
ουδέ την τοιαύτην τον ^Έιρατοσθένους άττοφασιν, 
Βιότι φησΙ τοτ αν eipeiv τίνα, ττοΰ ^ΟΒυσσβύς 
ΤΓβττλάνηται, όταν eSprj τον σκυτέα τον συρ- 
ράψαντα τον των ανέμων άσκόν, καΐ τοΰτο δ' 
οίκβίως είρήσθαι τοις συμβαίνουσι irepX το 2a:uX- 
λα^οι; καΧ την θηραν των ^αλεωτων το €7γΧ ΤΎ)ς 

αύτοΰ δ' Ιχθυάα σκόττβλον ττβριμαιμώωσα 
Βελφΐνάς τ€ κύνας τ€, καΧ €Ϊ ττοθι μείζον ίλ^σι 
κήτος. {Od. 12. 95) 

T0U9 γά/ο θνννονς ά^γεληΒον φερομένονς τταρα την 

^ καΐ, Meineke inserts, before καθάτίρ. 
2 Αίόλον, Meineke, for Αίολον. 

' τά ίΐΓίχώρια, Corais, for rh 'π€ριχώρια; Cobet τΐιηιχώρια 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. is 

reverse currents, has been called lord of the winds 
and regarded as their king; and just as Danaiis, 
because he discovered the subterranean reservoirs 
of water in Argos, and Atreus, because he discovered 
that the sun revolves in a direction opposite to the 
movement of the heavens, both of them being seers 
and diviners, were appointed kings ; and just as the 
priests of the Egyptians, the Chaldaeans, and the 
Magi, because they excelled their fellows in know- 
ledge of some kind or other, attained to leadership 
and honour among the peoples before our times; 
so, says Polybius, each one of the gods came to 
honour because he discovered something useful to 
man. Having said this much by way of preamble, 
Polybius insists that we shall not interpret Aeolus 
as a mjrth, nor yet the wanderings of Odysseus, as 
a whole ; but that insignificant elements of myth 
have been added by the poet, just as had . already 
been done in the case of the Trojan War, and that 
the scene of the whole story has been laid in the 
neighbourhood of Sicily by Homer as well as by 
all the other writers who deal, with local matters' 
pertaining to Italy and Sicily. Neither does 1 
Polybius approve of this sort of declaration from ! 
Eratosthenes : ^^ You will find the scene of the 
wanderings of Odysseus when you find the cobbler 
who sewed up the bag of the winds." And the 
description of Scylla by the poet, says Polybius, is in 
agreement with what takes place off the Scyllaean 
Rock and in the hunting of the ^^ galeotae ** : *' And 
there she fishes, swooping round the rock, for 
dolphins or for dog-fish, or whatso greater beast she 
may anywhere take.*' For when the tunny-fish, 
Polybius goes on to say, as they swim along in 






Ίταλ/αν, iireiShv βμπέσωσι καΐ κώλυθωσι της 
ΧικβΧίας αψασθαι, irepnrvTrreiv τοις μείζοσι των 
ζφων, οίον ΖέΚφίνων καΧ κυνων καΐ άΧΧων κητω- 
δών i/e Be τής θήρας αύτων τηαίνβσθαι τους 
^αΧβώτας, ούς καΐ ξιφίας XeyeaOai καϊ κύνας 
φησί, σνμβαίναν ycip ταύτον evOahe καϊ κατ€ί 
τάς αναβάσεις του ΝβίΧου καΐ των αΧΚων υΖάτων, 
OTTep itrl ττυρος καΧ υΚης εμιτητραμένης* άθροιζό- 
μ€να yap tcl θηρία φεν^γβιν το πυρ ή το ΰΒωρ, καΧ 
βοράν ^ίνεσθαι τοΙς κρβίττοσι, 

16. Ύαΰτα ί' είττων Βιηηεΐται των ^αΧεωτων 
θήραν, ή συνίσταται ττερΧ το ΈκύΧΧαιον σκοττος 
yhp €φ€στηκ€ κοινός ύφορμοΰσιν iv Βικώττοις 
σκαφώίοις ποΧΧοΐς, δυο καθ^ εκαστον σκαφίΒιον, 
καΧ 6 μ^ν εΧαύνει, 6 S* ίπΧ τής ττρωρας εστηκβ Β6ρυ 
έχων σημήναντος δέ ^ του σκοττοΰ την εττιφάνειαν 
του γαλβώτου (φέρεται 8ε το τρίτον μέρος εξαΧον 
το ζφον) συνάψαντός τε^ του σκάφους ό μ^ν 
(ίττΧηξεν εκ χειρός, είτ εξέσττασεν εκ του σώματος 
το 86ρυ χωρΧς τής εττιΒορατίΒος* ορ/κιστρώΖης τε 
ηάρ εστί καΧ χαΧαρως ενήρμοσται τψ Βορατι εττί- 
τηΒες, καΧώΒιον δ' εχ^ι μακρόν έξημμένον, τοΰτ 
ετΓίχαΧώσι τφ τρωθεντι τέως, εως αν κάμτ} σφα- 
Βάξον καΧ ιπΓοφείτ/ον τότε δ' εΧκουσιν επΧ την 
yr)v, ή εις το σκάφος άναΧαμβάνουσιν, εάν μη 
μέ^α 7J τεΧέως το σώμα, κ&ν έκττέστι 8ε εΙς την 
θάΧατταν το Βόρυ, ουκ άττόΧωΤ^^ν εστί yap πη- 
κτον εκ τε Βρυος καΧ εΧάτης, ώστε βαπτιζομένον 

^ iff Α Miller inserts, as it is written in A *' prima manu" 
above σ•ημ•ί\ναντο5. 
^ T«, A. Miller, for U. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 15-16 

schools by the coast of Italy, meet with the current ] 
from the strait and are prevented from reaching I 
Sicily, they fall a prey to the larger sea-animals, 
such as dolphins, dog-fish and cetaceans in general ; 
and the " galeotae " (which are called both sword- 
fish and dog-fish) grow fat from the chase of the 
tunny-fish. Indeed, the same thing occurs here, and 
at the rise of the Nile and other rivers, as happens 
when there is a conflagration or a forest fire, namely, 
the assembled animals attempt to escape the fire or 
the flood and become prey of animals more powerful 
than themselves. 

16. After making this statement Polybius goes on 

to describe the hunting of the ** galeotae," which 

takes place off the Scyllaean Rock : one man on the 

look-out acts for all the fishermen, who lie in wait 

in many two-oared skiffs, two men in each skiff], one 

rowing and the other standing in the bow with 

his spear poised in hand. And when the man on 

the look-out signals the appearance of the ^^ galeotes " 

(the creature swims along with a third of its body 

out of the water), and when the skiff draws near it, 

the man in the bow strikes the fish at close range, 

and then withdraws the spear-shaft, leaving the 

spear-head in the body of the fish ; for the spear-head 

is barbed and loosely attached to the spear-shaft on 

purpose, and has a long line fastened to it. They 

pay out this line to the wounded fish until he 

becomes tired out by his struggles and his attempts 

at escape ; then they tow him to the shore, or take 

him aboard the skiff — unless he be of enormous size. 

If the spear-shaft fall into the water, it is not lost ; 

for it is made of both oak and pine wood, so that 




τον Spvtvov βάρβι μετέωρον eivai το Χοιττον καΐ 
C 25 εύανάΚηπτον. σνμβαίνειν Βέ ττοτε καΐ τίτρώσκε- 
σθαι hta τον σκαφιΖίον τον κωπηΧάτην Sict το 
μ,ί'^βθο^ τον ξίφονς των ^γαΧεωτών καΐ το την 
άκμην τον ξίφονς ^ σvaypωhη είναι καΐ Βηκτηρίαν,^ 
ίκ τε Βη των τοιούτων εΐκάζοι τίζ αν, φησί, περί 
ΧικεΤύαν γενέσθαι την ιτλάνην κατίυ τον "Ομηρον, 
ΟΤΙ Tjj 'St/cvWrf Ίτροσήψε την τοιαντην θηραν, ή 
μάλιστ εττιγωριό^ εστί τφ ^κνΧΚαίφ' καϊ εκ των 
ΊτερΙ τή<; ΧαρνβΒεως Χετ^ο μένων ομοίων rot? του 
ΤΓορθμον ττάθεσι. το Bk 

Tph μhf yap τ άνίησιν, (Od, 12. 105) 

άντϊ τον Βίς, ^ραφνκον είναι αμάρτημα η Ιστο- 

17. ΚαΙ τά εν ttj Miiviyyi δέ τοις ττερί των 
Λωτοφάγων είρημενοις σνμφωνεϊν. εΐ Βέ τίνα μη 
σνμφωνεΐ, μεταβοΧάς αΐτιασθαι Βεΐν ή ayvoiav ή 
καϊ τΓΟίητικην ίξονσίαν, fj σννεστηκεν εξ ιστορίας 
καϊ Βιαθέσεως καΐ μύθον, της μ^ν ονν ιστορίας 
άΧηθειαν είναι τεΧος, ως εν Νέων καταΧο^φ τλ 
εκάστοις τόποις σνμβεβηκοτα Χέγοντος του ττοιη- 
τον, την μεν πετρηεσσαν, την Bk εσγατόωσαν 
ποΧιν, αΧΧην Βε ποΧντρηρωνα, την δ' άγχίαΧον 
της Bk Βιαθέσεως ενερ^ειαν είναι το τέΧος, ώς όταν 
μαχομένονς είσάγρ• μνθον Bk ηΒονην καϊ εκπΧη- 

^ ξίψουί, Sterrett, for ζψου. 

* Ιίηκτηρίαν, Madvig, for riiv B-fipav; Sterrett followiDg• 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 16-17 

although the oaken end sinks because of its weight, 
the rest stays afloat and is easily recovered. It . 
sometimes happens, says Polybius, that the man who ν 
rows the skiff is wounded through the bottom of the 
boat because of the great size of the sword of the 
*' galeotae " and because the edge of the sword is 
sharp and biting like the wild boar's tusk. So, from 
such facts as these, Polybius concludes, one may 
conjecture that the wanderings of Odysseus took 
place in the neighbourhood of Sicily according to 
Homer, inasmuch as Homer attributed to Scylla that 
sort of fish -hunting which is most characteristic of 
Scyllaeum; and also from Homer's statements in 
regard to Charybdis, which correspond to the 
behaviour of the waters of the Strait. But the use 
of the word ^^ thrice" instead of ^^ twice" in the 
statement '^ for thrice a day she spouts it forth " is 
either an error of a coppst or an error of fact. 

17. Furthermore, the facts about Meninx,^ con- 
tinues Polybius, agree with what Homer says about 
the Lotus-Eaters. But if there be some discrepancy 
we must ascribe it to the changes wrought by time, 
or to ignorance, or to poetic license — ^which is 
^compounded of history, rhetorical composition, and I 
myth. Now the aim of history is truth, as when 
in the Catalogue of Ships the poet mentions the 
topographical peculiarities of each place, saying of 
one city that it is "rocky," of another that it is 
**on the uttermost border/* of another that it is 
the "haunt of doves," and of still another that 
it is " by the sea " ; the aim of rhetorical com- 
position is vividness, as when Homer introduces 
men fighting; the aim of myth is to please and 

* The Island of Jerba, off the northern coast of Africa. 




ξιν, το δε ττάντα ττΚάττειν ου τηθανόν, ούδ' 
Ομηρικόν την yctp i/ceivov ιτοίησιν φιΧοσυφημα 
πάντας νομίζβιν, ούχ ώς ^Έιράτοσθέρης φησί, Κ€- 
Χβύων μη κρίνβιν προς την hiavoiav τα ποιήματα, 
μη8* ίστορίαν άττ' αυτών ζητ€Ϊν, πίθανώτερόν τ€ το 

βνθεν δ' έννήμαρ φερόμην ολοοΐς άνεμοισιν 

[Od, 9. 82) 

εν βραχεί Βιαστή ματ ι Βεχεσθαι (οΐ ycip 67<όοΙ ουκ 
εύθύΒρομοί) ή εξωκεανίζειν, ώ<; αν ούριων πνεόν- 
των συνεχώς, συνθείς Βε το Βιάστημα το εκ 
Μ,αΧεων επϊ ^τηλας σταδίων Βισμυρίων καί δ*σ- 
χιΚίων πεντακοσίων, ει, φησί, τούτο θείημεν εν 
ταΐς εννέα ήμεραις Βιηνύσθαι Ισοταχως, εκάστης 
&ν ημέρας 6 πλους συμβαίνοι σταΒίων ΒισχιΧίων 
πεντακοσίων, τίς ουν Ιστόρηκεν εκ Αυκίας ή 'Ρό- 
δου Βευτεραΐόν τίνα αφιημενον εις ^ ΑΧεξάνΒρειαν» 
δντος του Βιαστηματος σταΒίων Τ€Τ ρακισχιλίων; 
προς Βε τους επιζητοΰντας, πως τρϊς εις ^ικεΧίαν 
ελθών ούδ' άπαξ Βίά του πορθμού πεπΧευκεν 
^ΟΒυσσεύς, αποΧο^εΙται, Βίοτι καϊ οι ύστερον 
εφευ^ον άπαντες τον πΧοΰν τούτον, 

18. Ύοίαΰτα μεν εϊρηκεν, εστί δέ τίΧΚβ μ^ν 

C 26 εΰ Χε^όμενα* όταν δ' άνασκευάζτι τον εξωκεανι- 

σμόν,^ καΐ προς ακριβή μέτρα τον των ήμερων 

πΧοΰν avayrj καϊ Βιαστηματα, ύπερβοΧήν ουκ 

^ ίξακβανισμόνί the old reading, is retained for the ίξωκ^ανι- 
ζάμ^νον of Kramer and Meineke ; C. Miiller approving. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 17-18 

to excite amazement. But to invent a story out- λ / 
right is neither plausible nor like Homer; for V 
everybody agrees that the poetry of Homer is a 
philosophic production— contrary to the opinion of 
Eratosthenes, who bids us not to judge the poems 
with reference to their thought, nor yet to seek 
for history in them. And Polybius says it is more 
plausible to interpret the poet's words, "Thence 
for nine whole days was I borne by baneful winds," 
as applying to a restricted area (for baneful winds 
do not maintain a straight course), than to place 
the incident out on Oceanus, as though the phrase 
had been " fair winds continually blowing." Now, 
if we reckon the distance from Cape Malea to 
the Pillars of Heracles at twenty-two thousand nve 
hundred stadia, and if, says Polybius, we suppose 
that this distance was traversed at an even speed 
for those nine days, the distance covered each day 
would be two thousand five hundred stadia. But 
where do we find it recorded that anyone ever 
arrived at Alexandria from Lycia or Rhodes 
on the second day, though the distance is only 
four thousand stadia.'^ And to those who ask the 
further question how it came about, if Odysseus 
touched Sicily three times, that he never once 
sailed through the Strait, Polybius replies that it 
was for the same reason that all later navigators 
have avoided that passage. 

18. Such are the words of Polybius, and what 
he says is in the main correct. But when he 
demolishes the argument that places the wanderings 
of Odysseus on Oceanus, and when he reduces the 
nine days* voyage and the distances covered thereon 
to exact measurements, he reaches the height of 




airoXeLirei της άνομοΧο^ίας. άμα μ€ν yap πάρα- 
τίθησι τα του ττοιητοΰ βττη* 

evOev δ' έννημαρ φβρομην οΚΌοΐς άνέμοισιν, 

{pd. 9. 82) 

άμα δ' βτΓίκρντΓτβταΐ' καΐ yctp ταύτα του ττοιητοΰ, 

αύταρ iirel ττοταμοΐο Χίττεν ρόον ^Ω,κβανοΐο 
νηνς, (Od, 12. 1) 

καΐ το 

νησψ iv ^Q^yvyirj, οθι τ ομφαλός έστι θαλάσ- 
σης- * {Od, 1. 50) 

κα\ δτι ενταύθα οίκβΐ 'ΆτΧαντος θιτ/άτηρ* καΐ το 
7Γ€ρΙ των Φαιάκων, 

οΐκέομβν S* άττάνευθβ ποΧνκλνστφ ivl ττόντω 
έσχατοι* ου he τις άμμι β ρότων iπιμίσy€τaι 
αΧΚος. {Od, 6. 204) 

ταντα yap ττάντα φανβρως iv τφ ^Ατλαντικφ 
irekayei ττΧαττομενα ^ηΧοΰται?• 6 δέ ταυτ 
έτηκρντττομενος τά φανβρως \ey6μ€va avaipel. 
τούτο μ^ν ονν ουκ εν το δέ irepX Έ,ικέλίαν καΐ 
^ΙταΧίαν yeyovevai την ττΧάνην ορθώς, καϊ ύττο 
των τοτΓίκων τά^ του ττοιητοΰ βεβαιονται. iirel 
τις ^7Γ€ΐσ€ τΓοιητης η συyy ραφβύς Νβαπόλίτας μ^ν 
\ey6tv μνήμα ΤΙαρθβνόπης της Χβιρήνος, τους Be 
iv Κύμυ καΧ ύ^ικαιαργβία^ καΐ Ούβσουίφ ΤΙυρί' 
ψλεγε^οϊ/τα καΐ ^Αχερουσίαν Χίμνην και νβκυο- 
μαντ€Ϊον το iv τφ ^Αόρνω καϊ Έάϊον καϊ Μισηνον 
των ^ΟΒυσσέως εταίρων τινάς; οΰτω δ^ καΧ Tct 

* ^Xovraif Meineke, for 9η\ουνται, 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 1 8 

inconsistency. For at one moment he quotes the 

words of the poet : " Thence for nine whole days ' 

was I borne by baneful winds " ; and at another V 

moment he suppresses statements. For Homer says 

also : ^^ Now after the ship had left the river-stream 

of Oceanus " ; and ^* In the island of Ogygia, 

where is the navel of the sea," going on to say 

that the daughter of Atlas lives there ; and again, 

regarding the Phaeacians, " Far apart we live in 

the wash of the waves, the farthermost of men, 

and no other mortals are conversant with us." 

Now all these incidents are clearly indicated as 

being placed in fancy in the Atlantic Ocean ; but 

Polybius by suppressing them destroys what the 

poet states in express terms. In so doing he is 

wrong ; but he is right in placing the wanderings 

in the neighbourhood of Sicily and Italy; and the 

words of the poet are confirmed by the geographical -^ 

terms of those regions. For what poet or prose 

writer ever persuaded the Neapolitans to name a 

monument after Parthenope the Siren, or the people "^ 

of Cumae, of Dicaearchia,^ and of Vesuvius, to 

perpetuate the names of Pyriphlegethon, of the 

Acherusian Marsh, of the oracle of the dead at 

Lake Avernus, and of Baius and Misenus, two of 

the companions of Odysseus ? The same question 

may be asked regarding Homer's stories of the 

1 Puteoli. 

^ Twv τονικών ray C. Miiller inserts. 
3 AiKaiapxci^, Meineke, for AiKaiapxlc^. 




irepi 'Σβφηνονσσα^ καΐ ret irepl τον πορθμον κάΙ 
XfcvXXav καΐ ^άρυβΒιν καΐ Aiokov airep οντ 
ακριβώς €ξ€τάξ€ΐν Sei οντ αρριζα καϊ ανέστια 
iav, αληθ€ίας μηΒβν ττροσατττόμβνα μη8^ ώφβλβίας 

19. ΚαΙ αύτος ίέ ιπτονοησαζ τοντο 6 ^Ερατο- 
σθένης, ύποΧάβοι τις αν, φησί, τον ττοιητην 
βούλβσθαι μβν iv τοις ττροσβσττερίοις τόττοις την 
ττΧάνην τφ ΌδυσσβΓ iroieiv, άττοστήναι δ' άττό 
των υτΓΟΚβιμένων, τα μεν ουκ ακριβώς πεττυσμένον, 
τα Se ovSe ττροέΚομενον όντως, αλλ' inl το heivo- 
τβρον καϊ το τβρατωΒέστερον ίκαστα έξάτγβιν, 
τοντο μ^ν αντο €v, το δ' οδ χάριν τοντ iiroiei 
κακώς Βεξάμβνος* ο ν yhp φΧναρίας, αλλ' ώφβΚείας 
χάριν. ωστ€ δίκαιος ίστιν νττεχβιν λόγοι/ καϊ 
irepi τούτον καΧ Sioti φησΙ τά ττορρω τερατοΧο- 
'γβΐσθαι μαΧΚον hih το ενκατάψβνστον, ττολλο- 
στον yhp μέρος έστϊ τά ττορρω TepaToXoyovp^va 
των iv ττ) Έλλαδ^ καϊ iyyύς της ΈΧΚάΒος' οΐα 
8η τα κατά, τονς ΉρακΧέονς αθΧονς καϊ &ησέως 
καΐ Tct iv Κρήττ^ καϊ Έ,ικβΧία μνθβνόμβνα κα\ ταΐς 
αΧΧαις νησοις, καϊ τά irepX τον Κ,ιθαιρωνα καϊ 
^ΈίΧικωνα καϊ ΤΙαρνασσον καϊ ΤΙηΧιον καϊ την 
C 27 ^Κττικην δλην καϊ ΐΙβΧοττοννησον ον^είς τ€ €Κ 
των μύθων ayvoiav αΙτιαται των μνθοττοιων. €τι 
Ζέ, inei ου ττάντα μνθεύονσιν, αλλά ΤΓΧβίω ττροσ^ 
μνθβνονσι, καϊ μάΧιστα '^Ομηρος, 6 ζητών τί οι 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 18-19 

Sirenussae, the Strait, Scylla, Charybdis, and Aeolus — / . 
stories which we should neither scrutinize rigorously, ν . 
nor set aside as baseless and as without local setting, 
having no claim to truthfulness or to utility as 

19. Eratosthenes himself had a suspicion of this, 
for he says one may suppose that tlie poet wished 
to place the wanderings of Odysseus in the far 
west, but abandoned his purpose, partly because 
of his lack of accurate information, and partly 
because he had even preferred not to be accurate 
but rather to develop each incident in the direction 
of the more awe-inspiring and the more marvellous. 
Now Eratosthenes interprets rightly what Homer 
actually did, but wrongly his motive in doing it ; for 
Homer's object was not to indulge in empty talk, 
but to do useful service. It is therefore right that 
Eratosthenes should submit to examination both on 
this point and on his assertion that far distant places 
are made the scenes of Homer s marvellous stories be- 
cause of the fact that it is safer to fabricate about them. 
For his stories of marvels whose scenes are laid in 
distant places are very few in number in comparison 
with those laid in Greece or in countries near Greece ; 
as such I may mention the stories about the labours of 
Heracles and Theseus, and the myths whose scenes 
are laid in Crete and Sicily and in the other islands, 
and on Cithaeron, Helicon, Parnassus, Pelion, and 
in various places in Attica or in the Peloponnesus. 
No one accuses the m3rth-makers of ignorance because 
of the myths they create ; furthermore, since the / 
poets, and Homer in particular, do not narrate pure ί 
myths simply but more often use mythical elements ' -^ 
as additions to fact, the man who investigates what 


VOL. I. Η 



τταΧαιοί Ίτροσμυθεύουσιν ου ζητβΐ, el τά ιτροσ- 
μυθβυομβνα νπηρξβν η itmv, αΚΧα καΧ μά\\ον, 
oh ττροσμυθβύεταί τόποις ή ιτροσώττοίς, irepl 
ίκβίνων ζηΎ€Ϊ τάΧηθέ^' οίον την ^ΟΒνσσέως ττλά- 
νην, el yeyove, κ<ά ττον. 

20. Το δ' δΧον ουκ ei το την ^Ομηρου ποίησιν 
eh €v avvayeiv ttj των αΧΧων ττοιητων καΐ μη^^ν 
αντω πρ€σβ€Ϊον άπονέμ€ΐν^ eh τ€ ταλλα και eh 
αντα τά νυν irpofceip^va, τά τ^9 ^€ω'γραφία<;. καΐ 
yap el μηΒ€ν αΧΧο, τον ye ΎpιlΓτόXeμov τον 
ΧοφοκΧέους ή τον iv Tah Έάκχαίς τοις Έινρι- 
iTiSov irpoXoyov ίττέΧθοντα καΧ τταραβαΧόντα την 
*Ομηρου irepl τα τοιαύτα iir^iXeiav, ρφΒων ^ν 
αίσθέσθαί την έπιποΧαίαν T7)v8e Βιαφοράν.'^ οπού 
yap Xpeia τάξeω^ ων μέμνηταί τόττων, φνΧάττ€ί 
την τάξιν ^Ομηρο^^ ομοίων μλν των ^ΕΧΧηνικων, 
ομοίως δέ των άπωθζν* 

*Όσσαν eir* ΟύΧύμττφ μέμασαν θέμ€ν, αύταρ 

€7γ' "Οσσχι 
ΥΙηΧίον €ΐνοσίφυΧΧον. (Od. 11. 315) 

'^ΐίρη δ' άίξασα Xiirev ρίον ΟύΧνμποιο, 
Τ1ΐ€ρίην δ* €7ηβάσα καΐ ^Ημαθίην ίρατ€ΐνην 
aevaT βφ' ίπποττόΧων @prjK&v opea VL•φόevτa^ 
€ξ Άθόω δ' ewl Ίτοντον. * {II 14. 22δ) 

καΐ iv τ φ KaτaX6yφ τά? μ€ν ττοΧβΐζ ουκ iφeξής 

* καΐ μηί^ρ αΰτφ τρίσβ^ΐον άνορ4μ€ΐν, Α. Miller transposes 
to this place from a position after ye<»ypa<pias, 

2 Ι>άΒιον ^v αισθ4σθαι tV iinxoXalay r^vSc ^ιαψοράν, A. Miller, 
for ^4^iop fhai Θ4σθαι tV iinfioXiiP ^ riip Βιαφοράν ; A. Vogel 
approving, but suggesting the omission of τ -fipBf. 

* "Ομηροί, A. Miller inserts. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 19-20 

mythical additions the ancients make does not seek 
to discover whether the additions were once true or 
are true to-day, but rather seeks to discover the 
truth in regard to the places to which, or the 
persons to whom, these mjrthical elements are 
added ; for instance, in regard to the wanderings 
of Odysseus, whether they took place and, if so, 

20. Generally speaking, it is wrong to place 
the poetry of Homer on the same level with that 
of other poets, and to decline to rank him above 
them in amy respect, and particularly in the 
subject that now occupies our attention, namely, 
geography. For if you did no more than go 
over the Tnptolemus of Sophocles or the prologue 
to the Bacchae of Euripides, and then compare 
Homer's care with respect to geographical matters, 
it would be easy for you to perceive this difference, 
which lies on the surface. Indeed, wherever there 
is need of an orderly sequence in the places he 
mentions. Homer is careful to preserve that order, 
not only in regard to places in Greece, but equally 
in regard to those beyond the limits of Greece ; 
*'They strove to pile Ossa on Olympus, and on 
Ossa Pelion with the trembling forest leaves " ; 
^' And Hera, rushing down, left the peak of Olympus, 
and touched on Pieria and pleasant Emathia, and 
sped over the snowy hills of the Thracian horsemen ; 
and she went from Athos across the sea." In the 
Catalogue of Ships he does not, indeed, mention 
the cities in their order, for that was not necessary^ 

Η 2 




Xeyer ου yap άνα^καΐον τα δέ βθνη έφβξή^, 
ομοίων; δέ καΐ ττερϊ των άττωθβν 

JivTrpov Φοινίκην ,τ€ κα\ ΑΙ^υτττίου^ βτταΧηθζΙς 
ΑΙΘίοττάς θ* ίκόμην κα\ 'ΖίΒονίους καΐ ^Ερ€μβον<: 
χαΐ Αιβύηρ. {Od. 4. 83) 

δτΓβρ καΐ '^Ιτηταρχος έττισημαίνβται. οΐ S\ 4φ* 
ων τάξβω^ζ xpeia, ο μεν τον Αιόννσον ίττιόντα τα 
ίθνη φράζων, 6 δέ τον Ύριτττολεμον την κατά- 
σττειρομίνην yijv, τα μεν ττοΧύ Βιεστώτα συν- 
άιττουσιν iyyv<i, τα δε συνεχή Βιασττώσΐ' 

Χιπων δε ΑυΒών τας ττοΧυχρύσου^; ^ύα^ 
Φρυ^ων τε ΤΙερσών θ" ηΧιοβΧ,ητου^ ττΚάκα^ 
Έάκτρίά τε τείχη, την τε Βύσχει,μον χθόνα 
ΜήΒων εττεΧθων ^Αραβίαν τ εύΒαίμονα. 

(Eur. Bacch. 13) 

τοιαύτα δέ καϊ 6 ΎριπτόΧεμος ττοιεΐ, καν τοί^ 
κΚίμασι Β\ καν τοί9 άνεμοι^ Βιαφαίνει το ττοΧυ- 
μαθε^ το περϊ την ^εω^ραφίαν "Ομηρο<;, εν Tah 
τοτΓοθεσίαις Χέ^ων αμα καϊ ταύτα ποΧΧαχοΰ, 

C 28 αύτη Βε χθαμαΧη ττανυττερτάτη είν άΧί κείται 

7Γρο9 ζοφον αι οε τ ανευσε τΓρο<ζ ηω τ ηεΧιον τε, 

(Od. 9. 25) 
διίω δε τε οι θύραι είσίν, 
αί μεν ττρο? Έορεαν, 
αΐ δ' αυ 7γ/)09 Νότοι;. (Od, 13. 109) 

€^τ ετΓΐ οεξι ιωσι ττρο^; ηω τ ηεΧιον τε, 

εϊτ επ αριστερά τοι ^ε ττοτΐ ζόφον. {1L 12. 239) 

^ Strabo does not mean to attribute to Homer a knowledge 
of "climata" in the technical sense as employed by Hip- 
parchus (see footnote 2, page 22), but merely a knowledge of 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 20 

but he does mention the peoples in their order. 
And so in case of the peoples remote from Greece : 
"I roamed over C3^rus and Phoenicia and Egypt, 
and reached the Ethiopians and Sidonians and Erem- 
bians and Libya " ; Hipparchus also noted this 
fact. But Sophocles and Euripides, even where 
there is need of orderly sequence — ^the latter when 
he describes the visits of Dionysus to the various 
peoples, and the former when he tells of Triptolemus 
visiting the earth that is being sown with seed — both 
poets, I say, bring near together regions that are 
very widely separated, and separate those that are 
contiguous : " I have left behind me," says Diony- 
sus, "the gold-bearing glades of Lydia and of 
Phrygia, and I have visited the sun-stricken plains 
of Persia, the walled towns of Bactria, the wintry 
land of the Medes, and Arabia the Blest." And 
Triptolemus does the same sort of thing. Again, in 
the case of the " climata *' ^ and of the winds. Homer 
displays the breadth of his geographical knowledge ; 
for in marking the sites of places he often touches 
upon both these points too : " Now Ithaca lies low, 
uppermost on the sea-line toward the darkness, but 
those others face the dawning and the sun" 2; «Two 
gates there are, the one set toward the north wind, 
but the other toward the south " ; " Whether they 
fare to the right, to the dawn and to the sun, or to 
the left, to darkness.*' In point of fact. Homer 

the general principle involved — the inclination of the earth's 

''^ Strabo would take this passage as referring to Ithaca's 
geographical position, not its topography. Thus *'low" 
would mean **next to the mainland"; and "uppermost," 
** farthest up on the earth's surface." And "darkness," 
according to Strabo, means ** north," not ** south." See § 28 
following ; and 10. 2. 12. 




καΐ μην την ayvoiav ye των τοιούτων τέλείαν 
fjyelTai συηγυσιν των απάντων 

& φίΧοι, ου yap τ ϊΒμεν, oirrj ζοφο^, ούδ' OTrrj 

ovS' οττν ^^λίθ9. {Od, 10. 190) 

κάνταΰθα δ' βίττοντος βδ του ιτοιητοΰ, 

Βορίης καΐ Ζέφυρος, τώ τε &ρ^κηθ€ν αητον, 

{η. 9. 5) 

ουκ el• Βεξάμενος 6 αύτος συκοφαντεί, ώς καθοΧου 
XeyovTo^, οτι 6 Ζ€φυρο<^ εκ Θράκης ττνεϊ, εκείνου 
XiyovTO^ ου καθόΧου, αλλ* όταν κατίυ την Spa- 
κίαν θάΧασσαν συμιτεσωσι ττερί τον ΜέΧανα 
κοΧίΓον αύτοΰ του Alyaίoυ μέρος ol•σav. έτη- 
στροφην yhp Χαμβάνει προς νοτον ακρωτήρια- 
ζούσα η %ρακη, καθ* α συνάπτει tj} ΉίακεΒονία, 
κα\ προπίπτουσα εΙς το πέXayoς, τους Ζέφυρους 
εντεύθεν πνέοντας άποφαίνει τοις εν θάσφ καΐ 
Αημνφ καΐ *Ίμβρφ και Χαμοθράκτ^ και ττ) περί 
αύτίίς θαΧάττΎ}, καθάπερ καϊ Trj ^Αττικτ) άπο 
των Χκειρωνίδων πετρών, αψ' ων καΐ Σκείρωνες 
καΧοΰνται οι Ζέφυροι, καΧ μάΧιστα οι ^Apyεστaι, 
ουκ ενόησε δέ τούτο * Ερατοσθένης, ύπενόησε S* 
δμως, αύτος yoύv εξηyεΐτaι την επιστροφην, r)v 
Xέyω, της χωράς' ως καθόΧου ούν Βέχεται, etr* 
άπειρίαν αιτιάται τού ποιητού, ως τού Ζέφυρου 
μ^ν άπο της εσπέρας πνέοντος καΧ της ^Ιβηρίας 
της hk Θράκης εκεΐσε μη Βιατεινούσης, ποτερον 
ουν τον Ζέφυρον άyvoεΐ άπο εσπέρας πνέοντα; 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 2o 

regards ignorance of these matters as tantamount 
to utter confusion in all particulars : '^ My friends, 
lo, we know not where is the place of darkness 
or of dawning, nor where the sun." In still another 
passage Homer is accurate when he speaks of '' the 
north wind and the west wind that blow from 
Thrace "; but Eratosthenes puts a false interpretation 
upon these words and falsely accuses the poet, as 
though he were making the universal statement 
that the west wind blows from Thrace ; whereas 
Homer is not speaking in a universal sense, but 
refers to the time when these two winds meet in 
the Gulf of Melas ^ upon the Thracian Sea, which 
is a part of the Aegean itself. For Thrace, running 
out into a promontory at the point where Thrace 
borders on Macedonia, takes a turn towards the 
south, and, thus projecting into the sea, gives tlie 
impression to the people in Thasos, Lemnos, Imbros, 
Samothrace, and on the sea that lies round about 
those islands, that the west winds actually blow 
from Thrace; precisely as, for Attica, they seem 
to come from the Scironian Rocks ; and it is from 
these that the west winds, and particularly the 
north-west winds, get their name " Scirones." But 
Eratosthenes did not perceive this, though he 
suspected it ; at any rate he himself describes the 
turn of the coast which I have mentioned. In any 
case, he interprets Homer's verse as a universal 
statement, and then charges the poet with ignorance, 
on the ground that, while the west wind blows from 
the west and from Iberia, Thrace does not extend 
so far west. Now is Homer really unaware that 
the west wind blows from the west? But Homer 

1 Gulf of Saros. 




αλλ' δταν οντω φτ), φνΧάττ€ΐ την οίκ^ίαν αυτού 

συν S Εδ/>09 τ€ Νότο9 τε ττέσον Ζέφυροι τ€ 

καΐ Βορ€η<ζ' (Od. 5. 295) 

ή την %ράκην ουκ olBe μη ττροττίτττουσαν ττέρα^ 
των ΤΙαιονικών καΐ &€τταΧικών ορών; αλλά teal 
ταύτην την κατά τους αρακάς καϊ την βφβξής^ 
elBox; κάΙ βδ^ κατονομάζων την τ€ παραΧίαν καΐ 
Tijv μεσό^αιαν Μαγι/τ^τα? μίν τινα<ζ κα\ Μαλ^ε*? 
καΧ τους ^φβξης "Ελλτ^ι/α? KaTaXiyet μέχρι θβσ- 
ττρωτών, ομοίως Sk καΐ τοΐς ΤΙαίοσι τους όμο- 
ρους ΑοΧοπας καϊ ^βΧΧούς irepl ΑωΒώνην μέχρις 
'Αχελώου, ("βρακών δ* ου μέμνηται ττβραοτβρω. 
βύεττίφόρως δέ έχει ττρος την έ^^υτάτην καϊ ^νω- 
ριμωτάτην έαυτω θάΧατταν, ως καϊ όταν φη* 

C 29 κινηθη S* άτγορη ως κύματα μακρίυ θαΧάσσης 

πόντου ^ϊκαριοίο, (11. 2. 144) 

21. ΈΙσΙ δε τινβς, οι φασιν etvai Βύο τους 
κυριωτάτους άνεμους, Bopiav καϊ Νότον, τους 
δε άΧΧους κατά μικράν eyKXiaiv διαφέρβιν τον 
μεν άτΓο θβρινών άνατοΧων Έυρον, χειμερινών 
δε * ΑττηΧιώτην Βύσεων δέ θερινών μεν Ζέφυρον, 
χειμερινών δε ^ Αρ^έστην. του δε Βύο είναι τους 
άνεμους ιτοιοΰνται μάρτυρας &ρασυάΧκην τε καΐ 
τον ττοιητην αύτον τω τον μεν *Αργέστην τφ Νότω 

άρ^γεστάο NoToto, (77. 11. 306) 

^ ΐΓ*ρο, Cobet, for v4pay, 

2 icoTct Tovs θρ^κα$ καϊ r)\v ^φί^ητ, Α. Miller, for ί<^€|ηϊ κατά 
rovs θρ^καε. ^ «ί, Τ. G. Tucker, for ού. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 20-21 

keeps it in its own proper place when he says : 
" The east wind and the south wind clashed, and the 
stormy west and the north." Or is he unaware that 
Thrace does not extend westward beyond the 
mountains of Paeonia and Thessaly ? But he knows 
and correctly names the Thracian country as well as 
the country contiguous to it, both the sea-coast and 
the interior ; and while he lists Magnesians, Malians^ 
and the Hellenes next after them as far as the 
Thesprotians, and likewise the Dolopians and Sellans 
about Dodona, next neighbours to the Paeonians, as 
far as Acheloiis, yet he mentions no Thracians further 
west. And besides. Homer has a special fondness 
for the sea that lies nearest his home and is best- 
known to him, as is shown when he says : " And 
the assembly swayed like high waves of the Icarian 

21. There are some writers who say that there are 
only two principal winds, Boreas and Notus ; and 
that the rest of the winds differ from these only 
by a slight variation of direction — Eurus blowing 
from the direction of summer sunrise,^ Apeliotes 
from the direction of winter sunrise,^ Zephyrus from 
the direction of summer sunset,^ Argestes from the 
direction of winter sunset.* And to prove that there 
are only two winds they adduce the testimony 
of Thrasyalces ^ and of Homer himself, on the 
ground that Homer assigns Argestes to Notus in 
the phrase " of Argestes Notus," and Zephyrus to 

North-east. • South-east. ^ North-west. 

* South-west. δ See 17. 1. 5. 




τον Be Ζέφνρον τφ Bopea* 

Έορ€η^ καΐ Ζέφυρος, τώ τ€ %ρτ^κηθ€ν αητον, 

(11, 9. 5) 

φησί δε ΤΙοσ€ί8ώρίθ<ί, μηΒένα όντως τταραΒβΒω- 
Kevai τους ανέμους των ψ/ωρίμων ττβρί ταΰτα, οίον 
^Αριστοτέλη, Ύιμοσθένη, Έίωνα τον aaTpoXoyov 
aWci τον μ€ν άττο Oepiv&v άνατοΧων Καικίαν, τον 
Sk τούτφ κατίί Ζίάμετρον εναντίον Αίβα, άττο 
Βύσεως 6ντα γειμ^ρινης' ττάΚιν hi τον μ^ν άττο 
χ€ΐμ€ρινης άνατοΧής Έΰρον, τον δ' εναντίον *Α/ο- 
^γέστην* τους Be μέσους ^ΑττηΧιώτην καϊ Ζέώυρον. 
τον Be Ίτοιητην Βυσαή μ€ν Ζέφυρον \έ^€ίν τον ύφ* 
ημών κα\ούμ€νον ^ Αρ^έστην, Xiya δέ πνέοντα 
Ζέφυρον τον ύφ* ημών Ζέφυρον, άργέστην Be 
Νότοι/ τόΐ' AevKovoTov οδτος yhp oXiya τά νέφηη 
TToiel, του Χοιττοΰ ^οτον oXepoO ^ ττως οντάς* 

ώς ότΓοτβ Ζέφυρος νέφεα στυφεΧίξτι 
ά/ογβστάο Νότοίο, βαθείτ) ΧαίΧατη τύτττων, 

(77. 11. 305) 

τον yap Βυσαή Ζέφυρον νυν X^yei, ος εϊωθε Bta- 

σκιΒνάναι τΛ ύττο του Αευκονοτου συναγόμενα 

ασθενή οντά, έτηθέτως του Νότου νυν αρ^έστου 

Χε^ομένου, ταύτα μβν Βη iv άρχτ} του ττρώτου 

τών γεωγραφικών είρημένα τοιαύτην Tivct την 

εττανόρθωσιν έχει. 

22. ^ΈιΤΓΐμένων Be τοις irepl Όμηρου ψευΒώς 

ντΓοΧηφθβΐσι καΐ ταυτά φησιν, οτι ουδέ τά τοΟ 

Νείλου στόματα olBe ττΧείω 6ντα ούΒ* αύτο 

τοΰνομα, ΉσίοΒος Be olBe* μέμνηται yap, το μ^ν 

^ 6\€povy Kramer suggeste, for ΖΚου Εϋρου, but does not 
insert. Meineke inserts ; C. MUller, A. Vogel approving. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 21-22 

Boreas in the verse : '^ Boreas and Zephjrrus that 
blow from Thrace.? But Poseidonius says that none 
of the recognised authorities on these matters, such 
as Aristotle, Timosthenes, and Bion the astrologer, 
have taught any such doctrine about the winds ; 
rather do they maintain that Caecias is the name of 
the wind that blows from the direction of summer 
sunrise, while Lips is the name of the wind that 
blows diametrically opposite to Caecias from the 
direction of winter sunset; and again, that Eurus 
is the name of the wind that blows from the direction 
of winter sunrise, while Argestes is its opposite ; and 
that the winds that lie between these are Apeliotes 
and Zephyrus. They say further that when Homer 
speaks of '^ the boisterous Zephyrus " he means what 
we call Argestes; that Homers ^^clear-blowing 
Zephyrus" is what we call Zephyrus, and that 
Homer s '^ Argestes Notus *' is our Leuc'onotus ; for 
Leuconotus causes very few clouds, while Notus 
proj>er is somewhat cloudy : " Even as when 
Zephyrus driveth the clouds of Argestes Notus, 
smiting with deep storm.** Homer here means 
"the boisterous Zephyrus,'* which usually scatters 
the thin clouds assembled by Leuconotus ; for in 
this passage " Argestes '* is applied to "Notus" as 
an epithet. Such, then, are the corrections that 
must be made to the remarks of Eratosthenes at 
the beginning of the first chapter of his Geography. 
22. But, persisting in his false assumptions, 
Eratosthenes says that Homer does not even know 
that there are several mouths of the Nile, nor yet 
does he know the real name of the river, though 
Hesiod knows, for he mentions it. Now, as to the 




οΰν όνομα elfco^ μήττω XeyeaOai κατ αυτόν τα δε 
στόματα el μβν fjv αφανή καΙ' oXiyoL^ γνώριμα, 
OTL ττΧβίω καΐ ονχ ev, Βοίη τος αν μη ΤΓβττνσθαι 
αυτόν el Be των κατ Αϊ^υτττον το ^γνωριμώτατον 
καί τταραΒοξότατον καΐ μάλιστα ττάντων μνήμην 
άξιον καΧ ιστορίας ό ποταμός και fjv καΐ ίστιν, 
0)9 δ' αι5τω9 αΐ άvaβάσeί<ζ αυτού καΧ τά στόματα^ 
τίς &ν ή τους ayyeXXovTa^ αύτω ιτοταμον Αϊ^υ- 
C 30 τΓΤον καΧ χώραν καΧ %ηβας ΚΙ^υτττίας καΧ Φάρον 
υτΓοΧάβοι μη ^νωρίζ€ίν ταύτα, η γνωρίζοντας μη 
\eyeiv, ττλην el μη Sia το ^νώριμον ; €τι δ* 
a7n0av(i)Tepov, el την μ€ν ΑΙΘιοττίαν eXeye και 
ΧιΒονίους καΧ ^Έιρ€μβους καΧ την €ξω θάΧασσαν 
καΧ το Βιχθα Β€Βάσθαι τους Αίθίοπας, τά δ' €77^^ 
καΧ yvoopip^ μη rjhei} el δέ μη ίμνησθη τούτων y 
ου τούτο σημeΐov του ayvoelv (ούδβ yctp της αυτού 
ττατρίΒος ίμνησθη oiBe ττοΧΚων αΧΚων) αλλά 
μαΧΚον τα \ίαν yvώpιμa οντά φαίη τις &ν Βόξαι 
μη ^ άξια μνήμης elvai προς τους elBότaς. 

23. Ουκ eif δέ ούδβ τοΟτο προφέρουσιν αύτφ το 
πepX της νήσου της Φαρίας, οτι φησΧ weXayiav, 
ως κατ ayvoiav XeyovTi, τουναντίον ykp καν 
μαρτυρίφ γρήσαιτό τις τούτφ προς το μη ayvo- 
eϊσθaι μηΒ^ν ύπο τού ποιητού των elpημevωv 

* ]7'«*» Jones inserts. 

• Tct λίαν 'γνώριμα ίντα ψαΐη ris hv ίό^,αι μή, Meineke, for 
του λίαν fl γνώριμα Οντα φαίη Ζόξ€ΐν. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 22-23 

name, it is likely that in Homer's time it was not 
yet in use ; but as to the mouths, if the fact that 
there were several, and not one only, was unnoticed 
or known to only a few, one might grant that 
Homer had not heard of it. But if the river was 
then, as it still is, the best-known and most 
marvellous thing in Egypt and decidedly the most 
worthy of mention and of historical record — and 
the same applies to its inundations and its mouths — 
who could ever assume either that those who brought 
to Homer the story of the River ^' Aegyptus ** and 
the country '^ Aegyptus," and Egyptian Thebes, and 
Pharos, did not know about these mouths, or that if 
they knew, did not tell about them — except for the 
reason that they were already well known ? But it 
is more incredible still that he mentioned Ethiopia, 
Sidonians, Erembians, the sea beyond,^ and the fact 
that the Ethiopians are ^^ sundered in twain," and 
yet did not know about what was near at hand and 
well known. The fact that he did not mention 
them is no sign that he did not know about them — 
he does not mention his own native country, either, 
nor many other things — but rather would one say 
that Homer thought the best-known facts were 
not worth mentioning to those who already knew 

23. Equally unjust is the reproach they cast upon 
Homer in the matter of the island of Pharos, 
because he says that it is ^^in the open sea" — as 
though he said this in ignorance. On the contrary, 
one might use that statement as bearing witness to 
the fact that not one of the things which we have 
just been talking about regarding Egypt was un- 

^ The Atlantic Ocean. 




άρτίως irepl την AiyvTrrov, ^νοίη^ δ' αν οΰτων 
αΚαζων Βη ττάς 6 πλάνην αυτού Βιη^^ούμ,^νο^* 
τούτων δ' fjv κα\ 6 ΜβΡ^λαο?, δ? άναβββηκω^ 
μέχρι^ζ Αιθιόπων έττβττυστο τα? αναβάσεις του 
Ne /λοι; καΐ την χουν, δσην βττιφέρβο Tjj χώρα, χαΐ 
τον ττρο των στομάτων ττόρον, όσον τ^δη ττροσχω- 
σας ttj ήττβίρφ προστέθβικεν, ωστ€ €ΐκότως ύττο 
του Ηροδότου καΐ την δλην Αϊ^υτττον του ποτα- 
μού h&pov \ε^€σθαί' καν el μη ^ την δΧην, την γ€ 
νπο τω ΑέΧτα, την κάτω χώραν προσα^ορευο- 
μένην. Ιστόρησε Be καΐ την Φάρον πέλα^ίαν 
ούσαν το παΧαιόν προσεψβύσατο Βη καΐ το 
πβλαγίαζ/ elvai, καίπβρ μηκέτι πβΚα'^ίαν ορσαν. 
ο δέ ταύτα Βιασκβυάξων ο ποιητής ^ν ωστ €κ 
τούτων εΐκάζβιν, οτι καϊ τας αναβάσεις yBei κα\ 
τά στόματα τού Ne /λοι;. 

24. Ή δ' αύτη αμαρτία καί περΧ τού ayvoeZv 
τον Ισθμον τον μεταξύ τού Κΐ^υπτίου πε\ά/γους 
καϊ τού ^Αραβίου κόΧπου καϊ περί τού ψευΒως 

Αιθίοπας, τοϊ Βιχθα ΒεΒαίαται έσχατοι άνΒρων 

(Od, 1. 23) 

καϊ yap τούτο εκείνου Χε^οντος καΧως, έπιτιμωσιν 

οι ύστερον ^ύκ εύ, τοσούτου yhp Βεΐ τούτ αληθές 

είναι, το ά^νοειν 'Όμηρον τον Ισθμον τούτον, ώστε 

εκείνον μεν φημι μη εΙΒέναι μόνον, αλλά καϊ άττο- 

φαίνεσθαι αντικρυς, τους Βε γραμματικούς μηΒέ 

^ Τ6, Corais deletes, after /*^ ; Meineke following ; C. MuUer, 
A. Miller, approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 23-24 

known to the poet. You might convince yourself of 
it in the following way : Everybody who tells the 
story of his own travels is a braggart ; to this class 
belonged Menelaus, who had ascended the Nile as 
far as Ethiopia, and had heard about the inundations 
of the Nile and the quantity of alluvial soil which 
the river deposits upon the country, and about the 
large extent of territory off its mouths which the 
river had already added to the continent by silting 
— so that Herodotus ^ was quite right in saying that 
the whole of Egypt is '^ a gift of the River Nile " ; 
and even if this is not true of the whole of Eg3rpt, 
it certainly is true of the part embraced by the 
Delta, which is called Lower Egypt ; and Menelaus 
was told that the island of Pharos had been " in the 
open sea " in ancient times ; so he falsely added that 
it was still '^ in the open sea," although it was no 
longer "in the open sea." However, it was the poet 
who elaborated this story, and therefore from 
it we may conjecture that Homer knew about 
the inundations of the Nile and about its mouths as 

24. The same mistake is made by those who say that 
Homer is not acquainted with the isthmus that lies 
between the Egyptian Sea and the Arabian Gulf, and 
that he is in error when he speaks of " the Ethiopians 
that are sundered in twain, the farthermost of men." 
Men of later times are wrong when they censure 
Homer for saying that, for it is correct. Indeed, the 
reproach that Homer is ignorant of this isthmus is 
so fer from being true, that I affirm not only that he 
knows about it, but that he describes it in express 
terms, and that the grammarians beginning with 

1 Herod. 2. 5. 



\eyovTO<; i/ceivov αίσθάνβσθαί άπο Αριστάργον 
άρξαμένους^ καΐ Κράτητο^ των κορυφαίων iv rfj 
έπιστημυ ταύττ), είπόντο^ yap τον ττοιητοΰ' 

Αίθίοττα^, τοί Βιχθά δβδαίαταί έσχατοι άνΒρων, 

(Od, 1. 23) 
ΤΓβρϊ του βίΓίφερομένου εττους Βιαφέρονταί, 6 μλν 
^Αρίστ άρχος ypάφωv, 

οι pkv 8υσομένου 'Ύπβρίονος, οΐ δ' άνι6ντο<;, 

ο δέ Κράτης, 

ημ€ν Βυσομένου 'Ύττερίονος, rjS^ άνίόντος, 

(Od. 1. 24) 
C 31 ούΒβν Βιαφίρον ττρος την ίκατέρου ύττοθεσιν 
οΰτω<; ή έκβίνως ypάφ€ιv, 6 μεν yap, άκοΧουθων 
τοις μαθηματικών XeyeaOai Βοκοΰσι, την Βιακε- 
καυμένην ξώνην κατεχεσθαί φησιν υττο του ωκεα- 
νού' Trap εκάτερον Βε ταύτης είναι την εΰκρατον, 
την τε καθ* ημάς καΧ την εττΐ θάτερον μέρος, 
ωσττερ οΰν οι irap" ημΐν ΑΙΘίοττες οΰτοι XiyovTai 
οί προς μεσημβρίαν κεκΧιμένοι παρ οΧην την 
οίκουμένην έσχατοι των αΧΧων τταροικονντες τον 
ώκεανον, ούτως οϊεται Βεΐν καϊ ττεραν του ωκεανού 
νοεΐσθαί τ ίνας ΑΙΘίοττας έσχατους των αΧΧων 
των εν τη έτερα εύκράτω, τταροικοΰντας τον αντον 
τούτον ώκεανον Βιττονς Βε είναι καΐ Βιχθα Be- 
Βάσθαι νπο του ωκεανού, ττροσκεΐσθαι Βε το 
ήμ^ν Βυσομένου 'Ύττερίονος, ήΒ* ανιόντος, 

{Od 1. 24) 

δτι τού ΖωΒιακού κατά κορυφην οντος άεϊ τφ εν 

^ ap^a/iiVovs, Η. Kallenberg inserts, after ^Αριστάρχου. It is 
inserted in the margin of g **secunda manu" after Κράτητοί, 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 24 

Aristarchus and Crates, the leading lights in the 
science of criticism, even though Homer speaks of 
it, do not perceive that he does. The poet says ; 
'^ the Ethiopians that are sundered in twain, the 
farthermost of men." About the next verse there is 
a difference of opinion, Aristarchus writing : '' abiding 
some where Hyperion sets, and some where he rises "; 
but Crates : ^' abiding both where Hyperion sets and 
where he rises." Yet so far as the question at 
issue is concerned, it makes no difference whether 
you write the verse one way or the other. For 
Crates, following the mere form of mathematical 
demonstration, says that the torrid zone is 
" occupied " ^ by Oceanus and that on both sides of 
this zone are the temperate zones, the one being 
on our side, while the other is on the other side of 
it. Now, just as these Ethiopians on our side of 
Oceanus, who face the south throughout the whole 
length of the inhabited world, are called the most 
remote of the one group of peoples, since they dwell 
on the shores of Oceanus, so too, Crates thinks, we 
must conceive that on the other side of Oceanus 
also there are certain Ethiopians, the most remote 
of the other group of peoples in the temperate 
zone, since they dwell on the shores of this same 
Oceanus ; and that they are in two groups and are 
" sundered in twain " by Oceanus. Homer adds the 
words, "abiding both where Hyperion sets and 
where he rises," because, inasmuch as the celestial 
zodiac always lies in the zenith above its corresponding 

^ For the purposes of demoDstration Crates identified the 
limits of Oceanus with those of the torrid zone, an assump- 
tion which was not strictly true. 




Ttj yfj ΖωΒιακφ, τούτον δ' ov/c βκβαίνοντος βξω 
της ΑΙΘωττων άμφοϊν Ttj \οξώσ€ΐ, άνά^γκη καΧ την 
ττάροΒον του ήΧίον ττασαν iv τφ ττΧάτεί τούτω 
νοείσθαι,, καί τάς άνατοΧας καΧ τάς Βύσβις σνμ- 
βαίνειν ενταύθα αΧΧας αΧΚοι<ζ κα\ κατ αΧΧα η 
αΧΧα σημεία, εϊρηκε μεν οΰτως, άστρονομικώ- 
τερον νομίσα<ζ' ην Sk κάΙ άττΧούστερον είττεΐν 
αυτό σώζοντα το οΰτω Βιτ^ρήσθαι Βίχα τους 
ΑΙΘίοττας, ώς εϊρηται* οτι άή> ηλίου ανιόντος 
μέχρι Βύσεως εφ^ εκάτερα τταρήκουσι ^ τω ώκεανφ 
ΑΙΘίοττες. τι ονν Βιαφέρει ττρος τον νουν τούτον 
η οΰτως είττείν, ωσττερ αύτος 'γράφει, ή ώς ^Αρί- 

οί μεν Βυσομένον ^Ύττερίονος, οι δ' ανιόντος; 

{Od. 1. 24) 

καΐ yelp τοΰτ εστί κα\ προς Βύσιν και προς 
άνατοΧην εφ* εκάτερα του ωκεανού οίκεΐν, 6 S* 
^Αρίσταρχος ταύτην μεν εκβάΧΧει την ύπόθεσιν, 
Βίχα Sk με μερισμένους οϊεται Χέ^εσθαι τους καθ* 
ημάς Αιθίοπας, τους τοις 'ΈΧΧησι προς μέση μ- 
βρίαν έσχατους, τούτους 8ε μη μεμερίσθαι Βίχα, 
ώστε είναι Βύο Αιθιοπίας, την μεν προς άνατοΧην, 
την δέ προς Βύσιν αλλά μιαν μόνην, την προς 
μεσημβρίαν κειμένην τοις ^'ΕΧΧησιν, ιΒρυμένην 
8ε κατ Αϊ^υπτον, τούτο δε άτγνοούντα τον ποιη- 
την, ωσπερ καΐ τά αΧΧα οσα εϊρηκεν Άττολλό- 

^ Ίταρίικουσι, the reading of AChi MSS., Madvig apparently 
prefers to ναροικονσι. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 24 

terrestrial zodiac and inasmuch as the latter does not 
by reason of its obliquity ^ extend outside the 
territory of the two Ethiopias, we must conceive 
that the entire revolution of the sun takes place 
within the width of this celestial zone, and that his 
risings and his settings take place herein, appearing 
differently to different peoples, and now in this sign 
and now in that. Such, then, is the explanation of 
Crates, who conceives of the matter rather as an 
astronomer ; but he might have put it more simply — 
still saving his point that this was the sense in which 
the Ethiopians are " sundered in twain," as Homer 
has stated — ^namely, by declaring that the Ethiopians 
stretch along both shores of Oceanus from the rising 
to the setting of the sun. What difference, I say, 
does it make with respect to this thought whether 
we read the verse as Crates writes it, or as 
Aristarchus does — ^^ abiding some where Hyperion 
sets and some where he rises"? For this, too, 
means that Ethiopians live on both sides of Oceanus, 
both towards the west and towards the east. 
But Aristarchus rejects this hypothesis of Crates, 
and thinks that the people referred to as divided 
'^in twain" are the Ethiopians in our part of the 
world, namely, those that to the Greeks are most 
remote on the south ; but he thinks these are not so 
divided "in twain" that there are two Ethiopias, 
the one lying towards the east and the other towards 
the west, but that there is just one, the one that lies 
south of the Greeks and is situated along Egypt ; 
and he thinks that the poet, ignorant of this fact, 
just as he was ignorant of those other matters which 

* Compare **the obliquity of the ecliptic" — which is now 
about 234*•. 




Βωρό<ζ iv τφ irepi Ncwi/ /caTa\6yov Βεντέρφ, 
καταψβνσίΐσθαι των τοττων τά μη οντά. 

25. Π/0Ο9 μ€ν οΰν Κράτητα μακρού \oyov Set, 
και ΐσω<ζ ονΒέν 6ντος ττρος τα νυν. ^Αριστάρχου 
δέ τοντο μ€ν €ΐΓαίνοϋμ€ν} Βιότι την Κρατητ€ΐον 
άφείς νπόθεσιν, Ββχομένην πόλΧάς €νστάσ€ί<;, 
nrepX Τ779 καθ* ημα<ζ Αιθιοπίας υττονοβΐ ye^ovkvai 
τον Xo'yov τά δ' αΧΚα ίτησκοττωμεν, καΐ ττρωτον 
ΟΤΙ καΐ αυτο9 μικροΧο^γεΐται μάτην ττερί τη<ζ 
'γραφψ, καΐ yap αν όττοτέρω^;^ ^ράφηταί, δυ- 
C 32 ναταυ €φαρμ6ττ€ΐν τοις νοήμασιν αυτόν, τι yap 
Βιαφέρβι Xeyeiv ή οΰτως, " Svo βίσΐ καθ* ημάς 
ΑΙΘίθ7Γ€ς, οι μεν προς άνατοΧάς, οι δέ ττρος 
δι;σ€^9," η όντως, " καΐ yelp ττρος ανατολάς καϊ 
ττρος Βνσβις " ; ίττβιθ^ οτι ψβνΒονς ττροίσταται 
hόyμaτoς. φέρβ yap τον ττοιητην ατονούν μ\ν 
τον ισθμον, της δέ κατ AiyvTTTOV Αίθιοττίας 
μβμνησθαι, όταν φη* 

ΑΙΘίοττας, τοί Βιχθεί ΒεΒαίαται* (Od. 1. 23) 

ττως ονν; ον Biy0h SeBaiaTai όντως, αλλ' ayvo&v 
όντως €Ϊρηκ€ν ο ποιητής ; π6τ€ρ ovS* η Aΐyvπτoς, 
ουδ' οι Α ly ύπτιοι απ ο τον ΑέΧτα άρξάμενοι μέχρι 
προς Χνηνην νπο τον Νβίλοι; Βίχα Βιτ^ρηνται, 

οΐ μ€ν Βνσομίνον 'Ύπβρίονος, οι δ' ανιόντος ; 

(Od. 1. 24) 

τί δ* αΧλο ή Aΐyυπτ6ς έστι πΧην ij ^ ποτάμια,^ 
ijv €πικΧνζ€ΐ το νΒωρ; αντη δ' βφ' €κάτ€ρα του 

^ ίναινονμ^ν^ Cobet, for 4ιταινωμ€ν. 

2 oiror4pus, Corais, for &s kriptos ; C. Miiller approving. 

' ιτλήν ί^, Corais, for ιτλήν τι ; Groskurd, Forbiger following. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 24-25 

ApoUodorus has mentioned in the second book of 
his work entitled •^ On the Catalogue of Ships/' 
told what was not true about the regions in 

25. To reply to Crates would require a long dis- 
course, which would perhaps be irrelevant to my 
present purpose. As for Aristarchus, I approve of 
him in this, that he rejects the hypothesis ojp Crates, 
which is open to many objections, and inclines to 
the view that the words of Homer have reference to 
our Ethiopia. But let us examine Aristarchus on the 
other points ; and, in the first place, take the fact 
that he too indulges in a petty and fruitless discussion 
of the text. For if the verse be written in either of 
the two ways, it can fit his thought on the subject. 
For what difference does it make whether we say : 
" On our side of Oceanus there are two groups of 
Ethiopians, some in the east and some in the west," 
or, " both in the east and in the west ** ? In the 
second place, take the fact that Aristarchus champions 
a false doctrine. Well, let us suppose that the poet 
is ignorant of the existence of the isthmus, but is 
referring to the Ethiopia on the confines of Egypt 
when he speaks of " Ethiopians that are sundered in 
twain.** What then ? Are they not thus " sundered 
in twain ** ? And did the poet make that statement 
in ignorance? Is not Egj^t also, are not the 
Egyptians also, from the Delta up to Syene, "sundered 
in twain " by the Nile, " some where Hyperion sets 
and some where he rises ** } What is Egypt but a 
river valley, which the water floods } And this valley 

* ι^σο», after ιτοτομίο, Kramer wishes to delete ; Meineke 
deletes ; Forbiger following ; C. MUller approving. 




ΤΓΟταμοΰ κ€Ϊται ττρος ανατοΧην καί Βνσιν. άλλα 
μ^ν ή Αίθιοττία βττ' evOeia^ €στΙ ττ) ΑΙ^γύπτφ καΐ 
ΤΓαραττλησίω^ ίχβί ττρός re τον NetXoi; καΧ την 
αΧΚην φύσιν των τοττων, καΐ ycip αντη στενή re 
€στί καΧ μακρ£ί καί €7Γίκ\υστο<ζ. τά δ' εξω της 
ίτηκλύστον ερημά τ€ /cal avvhpa καΧ σττανίως 
οίκεΐσθαι δυνάμενα, τά μεν ττρος εω, τά δέ ττρος 
Βύσιν κεχΧιμενα. ττως οΰν ούχΙ καΐ Βίχα Βιήρηται; 
ή τοις μέν την ^Ασίαν άπο της Αφύης Βιαφοΰσιν 
a^LoKoyov τουθ* ορών εφάνη 6 ΝβΖλος, μήκος 
μεν άνατείνων εττΐ την μεσημβρίαν ττΧεωνων 
ή μυρίων σταδίων, ττΧάτος 8ε, ώστε καΐ νήσους 
ατΓοΧαμβάνειν μυριάνΒρους, &ν μεγίστη ή Μερόη, 
το βασίΧειον καΙ μητροττοΧις των Αίθιόττων* 
αυτήν 8ε την ΑΙΘιοττίαν ούχ ικανός ήν Βιαφεΐν 
Βίχα; κα\ μην οι ^ε εττιτίμωντες τοις τάς ηπείρους 
τφ ΤΓΟταμφ Βίαιροΰσι των ε^γκΧημάτων τοΰτο 
μί'γιστον ττροφερουσιν αύτοΐς, δτί την Αϊ^υπτον 
καΧ την ΑΙΘιοττίαν Βιασττωσι καΐ ττοιοΰσι το μέν 
τι μέρος εκατίρας αυτών Αιβυκον, το S* ^Ασιατι- 
κόν ή εΐ μη βούΧονται τοΰτο ή ου Βυαφοϋσι τ ας 
ηπείρους, ή ου τφ ττοταμφ, 

26. Χω/οΙς δέ τούτων εστί καΐ αΧΧως ΒιαιρεΙΰ 
την ΑίθίΟΊτίαν. πάντες yhp οΐ παραπΧεύσαντες 
τω ώκεανφ την Αιβύην, οι τε άπο της ^Ερυθράς 
καΐ οΐ άπο των ΧτηΧων, μεχρί ποσού προεΧθοντες 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 25-26 

lies on both sides of the river, toward the east and 
toward the west. But Ethiopia lies directly beyond 
Egypt and it is analogous to Egypt in its relation 
both to the Nile and the other physical characteristics 
of the regions in question. For it, too, is narrow, 
long, and subject to inundations ; and its parts that 
lie beyond the territory subject to inundations are 
desert, without water, and habitable only in spots, 
both on the east and on the west. Of course, then, 
Ethiopia also is ^^ sundered in twain.'* Or, again, 
did the Nile seem important enough for those who 
were drawing a boundary-line between Asia and 
Libya to serve as that boundary-line (since in length 
it stretches toward the south for more than ten 
thousand stadia, and is of such width that it contains 
islands with many thousands of inhabitants, the 
largest of which is Meroe, the residence of the King 
and the metropolis of the Ethiopians) and yet was 
not important enough to "sunder" Ethiopia itself 
" in twain " ? And furthermore, the critics of the 
men who make the River Nile the boundary-line 
between the continents bring this against them as 
their most serious charge, that they dismember 
Egypt and Ethiopia, and that they reckon one part 
of each country to Libya and one part to Asia ; or 
that, if they do not wish such dismemberment, then 
either they do not divide the continents at all, or 
else do not make the river the boundary-line. 

26. But Ethiopia may be divided in still another 
way, quite apart from this. For all those who have 
made coasting- voyages on the ocean along the shores 
of Libya, whether they started from the Red Sea or 
from the Pillars of Heracles, always turned back, 
after they had advanced a certain distance, because 




elra άνέστρβψαν ύττο ττόλΧων αποριών κωΧνό- 
μ€νοι, ωστ€ καΐ ττίστιν κατέΧίττον τοΐς ττολλοΖς, 
ώς το μεταξύ SieipyoiTO Ισθμω' καΧ μην σνρρονς 
ή Ίτάσα ^ΑτΧαντικη θάΧασσα, καΐ μάλιστα ή 
κατά μεσημβρίαν, ατταντε^ he ούτοι tci τέΚευτ αΐα 
'χωρία, βφ' α ττΧέοντες ηΚθον, ΑΙΘιοττικα ττροση- 
C 33 yopevaav και άττηγ^ειΧαν οΰτως, τι ουν oKojov, 
el καΧ *'Ομηρο(; υττο τοιαύτης άκοή^ άχθείς δίχα 
hiripei, τους μεν 7rp6<i άνατοΧην λβγωι/, τους δέ 
Ίτρος 8ύσιν, των μεταξύ ου '^ινωσκο μένων, εΐτε 
είσϊν εΐτε μη είσίν ; αΚΧα μην καΧ αΧΧην Tivci 
ίστορίαν εϊρηκεν iraXaiciv "Εφορος, rj ουκ aXoyov 
4ντυχεΐν καΐ "Ομηρον, Χέ^εσθαι ηάρ φησιν ύττο 
των Ύαρτησσίων Αιθίοπας την Αιβύην ενεΧθόντας 
μίχρι ^ύρεως^ τους μ^ν αύτοΰ μεΐναι, τους δέ και 
της ιταραΧίας κατασγεϊν ττοΧΧην* τεκμαίρεται 
δ' εκ τούτου καΐ 'Όμηρον ειττεΐν οΰτως' 

Αίθίοττας, τοι Si^Oh 8ε8αίαται έσχατοι άνΒρων, 

(Od. 1. 23) 

27. Ύαΰτά τε^ 8η ττρος τον ^Αρίσταρχον Χέ'γοι 
αν τις καΐ ττρος τους άκοΧουθοΰντας αύτφ, καϊ 
αΧΧα τούτων εττιεικεστερα, αφ* ων την ττοΧΧην 
ayvoiav άφαιρησεται του ττοιητοϋ• φημϊ yhp 
κατά την των αρχαίων ^ΈιΧΧηνων 86ξαν, ωσττερ 
τα προς βορράν μέρη τα γνώριμα ενι ονόματι 
^κύθας εκάΧουν ή ^ομάΒας, ώς '^Ομηρος, ύστερον 
Βε καϊ των προς εσπεραν ^νωσθέντων Κ,εΧτοΧ κα\ 

^ Δ^ρ€«ί, C. ΜύΙΙθΓ, for Ζύσ((α3, 

* τ€, Corais, for δ^; Meineke following; C. Miiller ap- 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 26-27 

they were hindered by many perplexing circum- 
stances, ahd consequently they left in the minds of 
most people the conviction that the intervening space 
was blocked by an isthmus ; and yet the whole 
Atlantic Ocean is one unbroken body of water, and 
this is particularly true of the Southern Atlantic. 
All those voyagers have spoken of the last districts 
to which they came in their voyagings as Ethiopic 
territory and have so reported them. Wherein, 
then, lies the absurdity, if Homer, too, was misled 
by a report of this character and divided the 
Ethiopians into two groups, placing the one group in 
the east and the other in the west, since it was not 
known whether the intervening people really existed 
or not ? Furthermore, Ephorus mentions still another 
ancient tradition, and it is not unreasonable to believe 
that Homer also had heard it. Ephorus says the 
Tartessians report that Ethiopians overran Libya as 
far as Dyris,^ and that some of them stayed in Dyris, 
while others occupied a great part of the sea-board ; 
and he conjectures it was from this circumstance 
that Homer spoke as he did : " Ethiopians that are 
sundered in twain, the farthermost of men." 

27. These arguments one might urge in reply to 
Aristarchus and his followers, and also others still 
more ccmvincing, and thus set the poet free from the 
charge of gross ignorance. I maintain, for example, 
that in accordance with the opinion of the ancient 
Greeks — just as they embraced the inhabitants of 
the known countries of the north under the single 
designation "Scythians" (or "Nomads," to use 
Homer's term) and just as later, when the inhabitants 
of the west also were discovered, they were called 

* The barbarian name for the Atlas mountains. See 17. 3. 2. 


y Google 


"Ιβηρβς η μίκτως Κέλτίβηρβς καΐ Κελτοσκνθαί 
ττροση'γορεύοντο, ύφ' hf όνομα, των καθ* βκαστα 
έθνων ταττομένων δίά την ayvoiav, οΰτω τά 
μεσημβρινά ττάντα ΑΙΘιοττίαν καΧείσθαι τά ιτρο'ξ 
ώκβανω. μαρτυρεί δέ τά τοιαύτα, ο τ€ ycip 
ΑΙσχνλος iv ΤΙρομηθεΐ τω Χνομενφ φησίν οΰτω* 

φοινικόττε^ον τ ερυθράς ίερον 

χενμα θαΧάσσης, 

χαλκό μάραυγον^ τε τταο ^Άκεανφ 

Χίβίναν ιταντοτροώον Κνθίόττων, 

ϊν 6 τταντότΓτας ' ΗΧιος αΐεΐ 

χρωτ άθάνατον κάματον θ* ΐτητων 

θερμαΐς ιίδατο9 

μαλακού ττροχοαΐ^ άναιτανει, 

(/r. 192, Nauck) 

τταρ* όλον yhp το μεσημβρινον κλίμα τον ωκεανού 
ταντην προς τον ήλιον ϊσχοντος την χρείαν καΐ 
την σγέσιν, παρ* όλον καΐ τον<ζ ΑΙΘίοπα<; τάττωι/ 
φαίνεται, ο τ ΈιύριπίΒης εν^ τφ Φαεθοντι την 
ΚΧνμενην Βοθήναί φησι 

Μέροπι τήσΒ* ανακτι γης, 
tjv εκ τεθρίππων αρμάτων πρώτην χθονα 
'Ήλιος άνίσχων χρνσέα βάλΧει φλο^ί* 
καλοΰσι Κ αυτήν 'γείτονες μελάμβροτοι 
'Έω φοΈννίίς Ηλίου θ* ίπποστάσεις. (/r. 771) 

νυν μεν 8η κοινές ποιείται τας ίπποστάσεις Tfj τε 
ΉοΖ καΐ τφ Ήλίφ, εν 8ε τοις εξής πλησίον αύτάς 
φησιν είναι τ§ οίκησε ι του Μέροπος* καΐ 6λΐ[) ye 
C 34 TJ) δραματουργία τούτο παραπέπλεκται, ου Βη 
που της κατ Αιγυπτον iSiov ον, μάλλον δέ τ^ 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 27 

"Celts'* and " Iberians/* or by the compound words 
"Celtiberians** and " Celtisejrthians/' the several 
peoples being classed under one name through ignor- 
ance of the facts — I maintain, I say, that just so, in 
accordance with the opinion of the ancient Greeks, 
all the countries in the south which lie on Oceanus 
were called " Ethiopia.*' And there is the following 
testimony to this statement. Aeschylus, in his Pro- 
metheus Unbound, speaks thus : " The sacred flood of 
the Red Sea with its bed of scarlet sands, and the 
mere on the shore of Oceanus that dazzles with its 
gleam of brass and furnishes all nourishment to 
Ethiopians, where the Sun, who sees all things, gives 
rest to his tired steeds and refreshes his immortal 
body in warm outpourings of soft water." For since 
Oceanus renders this service and maintains this 
relation to the sun along the whole southern belt, 
Aeschylus obviously places the Ethiopians also along 
this whole belt. And Euripides, in his Pkaetkon, 
says that Clymene was given " to Merops, the king 
of this country which is the first country that the 
Sun, as he rises in his chariot and four, strikes with 
his golden flame. And the swarthy men who dwell 
upon the confines of that country call it the bright 
stables of Dawn and Sun." In this passage Euripides 
assigns the stables jointly to Dawn and Sun, but 
in what immediately follows he says that these 
stables are near to the dwelling of Merops, and 
indeed this is woven into the whole structure of 
the play, not, I am sure, because it is a peculiarity of 
the Ethiopia which lies next to Egypt, but rather 

^ χdKκoμάρaυyoVf G. Herrmann, for χα\κοκ4ραυνον, 
^ iy, Meineke, for M. 




irap o\ov TO μβσημβρινον κΤάμα Βιηκονση<; 

28. Μηνύβι Se καΐ ''Έιφορος την TraXatav irepX 
τη^ Αίθιοττίας Βόξαν, ος φησιν iv τφ jrepi της 
ΈίνρώίΓης Χό'γφ, των ττβρί τον ούρανον καΧ την γην 
τόττων 669 τέτταρα μέρη Βί^ρημένων, το ττρος τον 
άπηΧιώτην Ίι/δου? €χ€ΐν, ττρος νότον δέ Αίθίοπα^ζ, 
7Γ/0Ο9 8ύσιν δε Ίίέλτονς, ττρος δέ βορραν ανβμον 
Χκύθα<;, ττροστίθησι δ', οτι μείζων ή ΑΙΘιοττία 
καΐ ή ^κυθία' So/cei yap, φησί, το των ΑΙΘιόττων 
ίθνος irapaTeLveiv air άνατοΧων χ€ΐμ€ρίνων μέχρι 
Βνσμων, ή ^κυθία S* αντίκειται τούτφ, οτι δ' ό 
ΤΓοιητης όμόΧογος τούτοις, καΐ i/c T&vSe SrjXov, 
οτι ή μ€ν Ιθάκη κ€Ϊται 

" ιτρος ζοφον " {pirep ίστΧ προς αρκτον) " αί δε 
τ avevde ττρος ήω τ ήέΧιόν re," (Od. 9. 26) 

οΧον το νότιον wXevpbv ούτω Χέ^ων και €τι, 
Βταν φτ)' 

€iT eiri θ€ξι ιωσι ττρος ηω τ ηέΧιον τε, 
€Ϊτ επ' αριστερά τοι ye ττοτι ζόφον fjepoevTa, 

(II. 12. 239) 
και πάΧιν 

ω φιΧοι, ου yap τ ιομβν, otttj ζόφος, ουό owjj 

ούδ' SfTf) ηέΧιος φαεσίμβροτος βίσ virh yaiav, 
oiS οτΓΎ) αννβίται. (Od. 10. 190) 

irepl ων λεγετα* καΐ iv τοις ττβρί της ^Ιθάκη^ 
X6yoις σαφέστερον, όταν οΰν φ^* 

Ζεύ9 yap ές ^Ώ,κεανον μ€Τ άμνμονας ΑΙΘιοττηας 
χθιζος €βη, (II. 1. 423) 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 27-28 

because it is a peculiarity of the sea-board that 
stretches along the entire southern belt. 

28. Ephorus, too, discloses the ancient belief in 
regard to Ethiopia, for in his treatise On Europe he 
says that if we divide the regions of the heavens and 
of the earth into four parts, the Indians will occupy 
that part from which Apeliotes blows, the Ethiopians 
the part from which Notus blows, the Celts the part 
on the west, and the Scythians the part from which 
the north wind blows.^ And he adds that Ethiopia 
and Scythia are the larger regions ; for it is thought, 
he says, that the nation of the Ethiopians stretches 
from the winter sunrise to sunset,^ and that Scjrthia 
lies directly opposite in the north. That Homer is 
in agreement with this view is also clear from his 
assertion that Ithaca lies " toward the darkness " — 
that is, of course, toward the north — " but those 
others face the dawning and the sun " ; by which he 
means the whole country on the southern side. And 
again this is clear when he says : '^ Whether they 
fare to the right, to the dawn and to the sun, or to 
the left, to mist and darkness'*; and from this 
passage too : ^^ My friends, lo, now we know not 
where is the place of darkness or of dawning, nor 
where the sun that gives light to men goes beneath 
the earth, nor where he rises." But about all these 
passages I shall speak more fully in my account of 
Ithaca.^ And so, when Homer says, " For Zeus went 
yesterday to Oceanus, unto the noble Ethiopians," we 

^ On the winds, see page 105. 

2 That is, on the due east and west line drawn from the 
south-east point of the sky to the south-west point. 
8 See 10. 2. 11 f. 


y Google 


Koivorepov heicreov καΐ τον mxeavov τον καθ* 
oXov το μβσημβρινον κΧίμα τεταμένον καΐ τους 
ΑΙΘίοττας' φ yap &ν τόττφ τοΰδε του κΧίματος 
προσβάΧυς την οιάνοιαν, καΐ εττΐ τφ ωκβανφ eay 
καΐ iiri Ttj Αιθιοπία, οντω δε Xeyei κάΙ το 

τον δ' €ξ Αίθιόττων άνιων 

τηΧοθβν €Κ ^οΧνμων ορέων tSev, (Od. 5. 282) 

Ισον τφ άτΓΟ μεσημβρινών τοττων, %οΧνμους Xeywv 
ου τού<ζ iv τ§ ΤΙισώία, άΧΧ\ ώς εφην ττρότβρον, 
ττΧάσας^ τινας ομώνυμους, τους άναΧό^ως βγοντας 
ιτρος τ€ τον irXeovTa iv τ§ σγεΒία καϊ τους iiceZ 
μεσημβρινούς, ως &ν Αίθίοττας, ώς οι ΤΙισιΒικοΙ 
ττρος τ€ τον ΤΙόντον καϊ τους ύττ^ρ της ΑΙ^ύτττου 
Αίθίοττας. οΰτω δέ καϊ τον περί των ^εράνων 
Xoyov κοινον ττοωύμενός φησιν 

αϊ τ επεί οΰν χειμώνα φύ^ον καϊ άθέσφατον 
C 35 KXayyj) ταί yε ττετονται εττ ^ίϊκεανοϊο ροάων, 

άν8ράσι Tlυyμaίoισι φόνον καϊ κήρα φέρου- 
σαι. (II 3. 4) 

ου yhp iv μεν τοις κατΰί την ^EXXaha τόποις 
οραται φερομένη η y έρανος εττϊ την μεσημβρίαν, 
iv δέ τοις κατίί την ^ΙταΧίαν ή Ίβηρίαν ουδαμώς 
η τοΙς κατΰί τί)ν Κασττίαν καϊ Τίακτριανην, Λτατά 
ττάσαν ουν την μβσημβρινην τταραΧίαν του ωκε- 
ανού τταρατείνοντος, iφ^ αττασαν δέ καϊ γειμο- 
φυyoύvτωv, Βεχεσθαι Βεϊ καϊ τους Tlυyμaίoυς 
μεμυθευμένους κατευ ττασαν, ει δ' οί ύστερον iirl 

^ •κλάσα5, Α. Miller, for ιτκάσαι. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 28 

must understand both words in a more general sense, 
'' Oceanus " meaning the body of water that extends 
along the entire southern belt, and the ^^ Ethiopians " 
meaning the people along the same extent; for upon 
whatever point of this belt you iiii your attention, 
you will be both on Oceanus and in Ethiopia. And 
this is the meaning also of the words : ^^ On his way 
from the Ethiopians he espied Odysseus from afar, 
from the mountains of the Solymi " — which is 
equivalent to saying ^'from the regions of the 
south ** ; for he does not mean the Solymi in Pisidia, 
but, as I said before,^ he invents a people of the 
same name whom he depicts as occupying the same 
position relatively to the sailor on his raft and the 
people to the south of him (who would be the 
Ethiopians) as the Pisidians occupy relatively to the 
Pontus and to the Ethiopians that lie beyond Egypt. 
And in like manner Homer puts his assertion about 
the cranes in general terms : ^^ When they flee from 
the coming of winter and sudden rain, and fly with 
clamour toward the streams of Oceanus, bearing 
slaughter and doom to the Pygmy men." For it is 
not the case that the crane is seen migrating toward 
the south only in Greek lands, and never in Italy 
or Iberia, or in the regions of the Caspian Sea and 
Bactriana. Since, then, Oceanus stretches along the 
entire southern sea-board, and since the cranes 
migrate in winter to this entire sea-board, we must 
admit that the Pygmies also are placed by mythology 
along the entire extent of that sea-board. And if 

* See page 77 and footnote. 




τους κατ AiyvirTOv ΑΙΘίοττας^ μόνου^ζ μ€τη^α^ον 
καΧ τον irepX των Ώυyμaίωv \6yov, ovSkv αν βϊη 
ττρος τά ττάΧαι, και yctp ^Αγαιούς καϊ ^Apyeiov^ 
ου ττάντας μ^ν νυν φαμβν τους στρατεύσαντας iirX 
"WioVy '^Ομηρος Se KaXet πάντας, τταραττΧησίον 
84 €στιν ο λβγω καϊ irepl των δίχα Βΐ7}ρημ€νων 
Αίθιόττων, δτί Bel Βέχβσθαι τους τταρ οΧην δία- 
τείνοντας την ώκ€ανΐτιν αφ* ήΧίου ανιόντος μέχρι 
ήΧίου Ζυομίνου, οι yap ούτω X€y6μ€voι Αίθίοττες 
Βίχα Βιτ^ρηνται φυσικώς τφ *Αραβίφ κοΧττφ, ώς 
civ μεσημβρινού κύκΧου τμηματι a^ioX6y(p, ττοτα- 
μου 8ίκην iv μηκει σχβΒον τι καϊ ττεντακισχιΧίων 
σταΒίων iirl τοις μυρίοις, ττΧάτβι δ' ου ττοΧύ των 
χιΧίων μβίζονι τφ /χεγ/στ^)' ττροσβστι δβ τω μηκ€ΐ 
και το τον μυγρν τοΰΒε του κοΧττου Βιέχειν της 
κατά ΤΙηΧούσιον θαΧάσσης τριών η τεττάρων 
ήμερων ohov, ήν εττεχει 6 Ισθμός, καθάττερ οί>ν 
οί χαριεστεροι των Βιαιρούντων την ^Ασίαν άττο 
της Αιβύης ορον εύφυέστερον r}yox)VTai τούτον 
των ήττείρων άμφοΐν τον κόΧττον, η τον ΝεΖλοι/ 
(τον μεν yap Βιηκειν τταρ oXiyov τταντεΧώς άττο 
θαΧάττης εττΐ θάΧατταν, τον 8ε ΝεΐΧον ποΧΧα- 
ττΧάσιον άπο του ωκεανού Βιεχειν, ώστε μη 
Βιαιρεΐν την ^Ασίαν ττάσαν άττο της Αιβύης)• 
τούτον ύττοΧαμβάνω τον τρόπον Λτάγώ τα μεσημ- 
βρινά μέρη πάντα καθ* οΧην την οίκου μένην Βίχα 
Βιηρήσθαι νομίσαι τον ποιητην τφ κόΧπφ τούτφ.^ 
πώς ούν ήyvόει τον Ισθμόν, hv ούτος ποιεΐ προς το 
AlyinrTiov πεXayoς; 

* ύστερον Μ rohs κατ* Alytnrrov ΑιθίοτταΒ, Madvig, for 
ΰ(ΓΤ(ρον Tohs Aieiovas iir\ rohs κατ* Αϊγνκτον. 

2 τούτφ^ is omitted in the Diibner edition without an 
apparent rea>son. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 28 

men of later generations restricted the story about 
the Pygmies to the Ethiopians next to Egypt alone, 
that would have no bearing on the facts in ancient 
times. For nowadays we do not use the terms 
" Achaeans" and '' Argives" of all who took part in 
the expedition against Troy, though Homer so uses 
them. Now what I contend in the case of the 
Ethiopians that are ^^ sundered in twain" is similar 
to this, namely, that we must interpret ^* Ethiopians " 
as meaning that the Ethiopians extend along the 
whole sea-board of Oceanus from the rising to the 
setting sun. For the Ethiopians that are spoken of 
in this sense are '^ sundered in twain " naturally by 
the Arabian Gulf (and this would constitute a con- 
siderable part of a meridian circle) as by a river, 
being in length almost fifteen thousand stadia, and 
in width not much more than one thousand stadia, 
I mean at its greatest width ; and to the length we 
must add the distance by which the head of this 
gulf is separated from the sea at Pelusium, a journey 
of three or four days — the space occupied by the 
isthmus. Now, just as the abler of the geographers 
who separate Asia from Libya regard this gulf as a 
more natural boundary-line between the two con- 
tinents than the Nile (for they say the gulf lacks but 
very little of stretching from sea to sea, whereas the 
Nile is separated from Oceanus by many times that 
distance, so that it does not separate Asia as a whole 
from Libya), in the same way I also assume that the 
poet considered that the southern regions as a whole 
throughout the inhabited world were '^ sundered in 
twain '* by this gulf. How, then, can the poet have 
been ignorant of the isthmus which the gulf forms 
with the Egyptian ^ Sea ? 

^ Mediterranean. ,^^ 


VOL. I. κ 



29. ΚαΙ ykp Βη καΐ τβλβω? aXoyop, el τα? μεν 
AlyVTTTLOV^; %ήβα<ζ rjhei σαώων, αΐ Βιέγρυσι τη^ 
καθ* ημα^ θα\άττη<ζ σταδίου? μικρόν αττοΧεί- 
τΓοντα^ άτΓο των τετρακί,σγιΧίων,^ τον he μυγρν 
του ^Αραβίου κολττου μη vSei, μηΒβ τον Ισθμον 
τον κατ αυτόν, ττΧάτο^ εγρντα ου ηΧειόνωΡ ή 
χιΧίων σταΒίων. ττολύ δ' &ν aXoyduTepov So^etev, 
el τον μεν Νβϊλοι; yBec ομωνύμων Tjj τοσαύττ) 
χώρα \€τ/6μ€νον, την δ αΐτίαν μη εωρα τούτου' 
μάλιστα ykp αν ττροσπίτττοι το ρηθέν υή>* Ή/)0- 
C 36 δότου, Βιότι Βώρον ην ή χώρα του ττοταμοΰ καΐ 
Sih τούτο ήξιοΰτο του αύτοΰ ονοματο^ζ. αλλω? τ€ 
των τταρ εκάστοις ΙΒίων ταΰτ εστΧ ^νωριμώτατα, 
h καϊ τταραΒοξίαν εχβι τινά, και εν τφ φανερφ 
ττασιν εστί' τοιούτον δ' εστί καϊ ή του 'Νείλου 
άνάβασι<ζ καΐ ή ττροσχωσι^ του ττελατ/ους, καϊ 
καθάττερ οι ττροσαχθέντε^ ττ/οό? την Αϊ^υτττον 
ούΒέν ττρότερον ίστοροΰσι ττερί τη<; χώρα<ζ, ή την 
του Νείλου φύσιν, ota το τού^ εττιχωρίους μήτε 
καινότερα τούτων λέγειν εχειν ττροζ ανΒρας ξένους, 
μητ ετΓίφανεστερα ττερί των τταρ αύτοϊς (τψ yap 
ίστορήσαντι ττερΙ του ττοταμοΰ κατά8ηλο<; και ή 
χώρα yίvετaι ττάσα, οποία τις 4στιν), οΰτω και 
οι τΓορρωθεν άκούοντες ούΒεν ττρότερον Ιστοροΰσι 
τούτου, ττροστίθει οΰν τούτφ και το φιλείοημον 
τοΰ ΤΓοιητοΰ καϊ το φίλεκΒημον, δττερ αύτω μαρ- 
τυροΰσιν όσοι τον βίον άvaypάφoυσι, καϊ εξ 
αύτων δέ λαμβάνεται των ττοιημάτων ττολλά 
TΓapaSείyμaτa τοΰ τοιούτου, οΰτος μεν οΰν εκ 
ττλεόνων ελiyχετaι καΐ εΙΒως καϊ λέyωv ρητώς 

^ τ€τροΐ£ΐσχιλί»ν, Gosselin, for ττ^ντακισχιλίων ; Groskurd, 
Forbiger following; C. Muller approviDg. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 29 

29. And indeed it is in the highest degree un- 
reasonable that the poet had accurate knowledge 
about Thebes in Egypt, which is distant from th e 
Mediterranean Sea but a trifle less than four thousand 
stadia, and yet had no knowledge about the head of the 
Arabian Gulf, or about the adjoining isthmus, whose 
width is not more than one thousand stadia ; but it 
would seem to be much more unreasonable that he 
knew the Nile l>ore the same name as the vast 
-country A egy ptus and yet did not see the reason 
therefor ; for the thought which has been expressed 
by Herodotus ^ would occur to one at once, namely, 
that the country was '' a gift of the river " and laid 
claim for this reason to the same name as the river.^ 
Moreover, those peculiarities of each several country i 
which are in some way marvellous are most widely I 
known, and manifest to everybody ; such is the case 
with the rising of the Nile as also the silting up 
of the sea. And just as those who visit Egypt learn 
no fact concerning the country before they learn the 
nature of the Nile, because the natives cannot tell 
foreigners anything more novel or more remarkable 
about their country than these particulars (for the 
nature of the entire country becomes quite clear to 
one who has learned about the river), so also those 
who hear about the country at a distance learn this 
fact before anything else. To all this we must add 
the poet's fondness for knowledge and for travel, to 
which all who have written on his life bear witness ; 
and one may find many illustrations of such a pre- 
dilection in the poems themselves. And so it is 
proved, on many grounds, that Homer both knows 
and expressly says what is to be said, and that he 

* Herod. 2. 5. * Compare 15. 1. 16. 

κ 2 



τα ρητά καΐ σι^ων τα \ίαν €κφαρή ή επιθέτω^ 

30. @αυμάζ€ΐν δέ Bee των Αιγυπτίων καΐ Χύ- 
ρων, προς οϋς νυν ήμΐν 6 \6yo<;, el μηΒ^ βκ^ίνου 
XeyovTo^; τά ττα/ο' αντοΐ<ζ ίτη'χωρια συνυασιν, αλλά 
καΐ ayvoiav αΐτιώνται, fj αυτούς ενόχους Βευκνυσιν 
6 \6yoς. άττΧώς δέ το μη Xeyeiv ου του μη elBevai 
σημ€Ϊ6ν ίστιν ουδέ yap τίυς τροττας του Ευρίπου 
Xiyei, oiSe τας &€ρμοπυλας, ούδ' αΧΧα πΧβιω 
των yvωpίμωv παρ^ τοις ^^ΕΧΧησιν, ου μην r^yvoei 
ye» άΧΚα καΐ Xeyei, ου Soxei Se τοις εθεΧοκω- 
φοΰσιν ωστ€ εκείνους αίτιατεον, 6 ποιητής τοίνυν 
8απ€τ€ας καΧεΐ τους ποταμούς, ου τους χείμαρ- 
ρους μόνους, αλλά καΐ πάντας κοινώς, οτι πΧη- 
ροΰνται πάντες απο των ομβρίων ύΒάτων άΧΧα 
το κοινον €πΙ των κατ εξοχήν Ihiov yiverai, 
αΧΧως yap &ν τον χειμάρρουν άκούοι τις Βιιπετή 
και αΧΧως τον άέναον ενταύθα δέ ΒιπΧασιάξει 
πως ή έξοχη, και καθάπερ είσί τίνες υπερβοΧαϊ 
επι ύπερβοΧαΐς, ώς το κουφότερον εϊναι φεΧΧοΰ 
σκιάς, ΒειΧότερον δέ λαγώ Φpυyός, ελάττω δ* 
εχειν yrjv τον ώγρόν επιστοΧης Λακωνικής' οΰτως 
έξοχη επΙ εξοχτ) συντρέχει επΙ του Βιιπετή τον 
ΝβΓλοι/ Xέyεσθaι, ο μ^ν yctp χείμαρρους υπέρ- 

^ Compare 1. 2. 3. 

2 Aristarchus and Crates, respectively. 
^ That is, "heaven-fed" in the former case is used in the 
literal sense of the Greek word, ** heaven-fallen," and applies 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 29-30 

keeps silent about what is too obvious to mention, or 
else alludes to it by an epithet.' 

30. But I must express my amazement at the 
Egyptians and Syrians,'^ against whom I am directing 
this argument, that they do not understand Homer 
even when he tells them about matters in their own 
countries, and yet actually accuse him of ignorance 
— a charge to which my argument shows that they 
themselves are subject. In general, silence is no 
sign of ignorance ; for neither does Homer mention 
the refluent currents of the Euripus, nor Thermo- 
pylae, nor yet other things in Greece that are 
well-known, though assuredly he was not ignorant 
of them. However, Homer also speaks of things 
well-known, though those who are wilfully deaf do 
not think so ; and therefore the fault of ignorance 
is theirs. Now the poet calls the rivers "heaven- 
fed " — not merely the winter torrents, but all rivers 
alike — because they are all replenished by the rains. 
But the general epithet becomes particular when 
applied to things in relation to their pre-eminence. 
For one would interpret ^^ heaven-fed " in one way 
of the winter torrent and in quite another way 
of the ever-flowing stream ; and in the latter case 
the pre-eminence is, one may say, twofold. ^ And 
just as there are cases of hyperbole on hyperbole — 
for example, " lighter than the shadow of a cork," 
^^more timid than a Phrygian* hare," '^to own a 
farm smaller than a Laconian letter'* — ^just so there 
is a parallel case of pre-eminence on pre-eminence 
when the Nile is spoken of as being " heaven- fed." 
For while the winter torrent surpasses the other 

specifically to precipitate descent ; in the latter case the 
epithet has reference to volume and duration. 

* The Phrygian slave was a proverbial coward. 

♦ ^33 



βέβληται του? άλλοι»? ττοταμονς τφ ίατΓ€τη<ζ 
etvar 6 Se ΝεΖλο? fcal τους χ€ΐ>βΐάρρονς iirl το^ 
σούτον 'ττΧηρούμβνο^ καΐ ττΚηθους καΐ γρονου. 
ωστ i'Trel καΐ yif(i)pipA}v ffv το ττάθο^; του ττοταμοΰ 
C 37 τφ ΤΓοιηττ), ωσπβρ^ 7Γαραμ€μυθημ€θα, καΐ κέ- 
χρηται τφ €τηθέτφ τούτφ κατ αύτοΰ, ουκ αλλω? 
θ€ΚΤ€ον ή ώς βίοήκαμβν. το Se ττΧείοσί στόμασιν 
€κ8ί,86ναι κοινον καΐ ττΧβωνων, ωστ ουκ άξιον 
μνήμης ύττέΧαββ, καΧ ταΰτα προ9 εΙΒοτας* καθά- 
7Γ€ρ ούΒ* Άλ/ραΓθ9, καίτοι φήσας αφΐγθαι κολ 
αυτο<; €t9 Αϊ^υτττον, at he ττροσγωσεις κα\ €κ 
των άναβάσ€ων μεν δύνανται ύπονοβΐσθαι, και εξ 
ων Be βΖτΓβ irepl τή(ζ Φάρου. 6 ^hp i στ ορών αύτφ 
ΤΓ€ρΙ της Φάρου, μαΧλον δέ ή KOivij φήμη, Βιότι 
μβν τότ€ τοσούτον άττβίχεν άττό της ήττείρου, εφ* ^ 
όσον φησί, Βρομον νεως ήμερησιον, ουκ &ν εϊη 
ΒιατεθρυΧημενη εττΐ τοσούτον εψευσμενως. οτι 
δ' ή άνάβασις καΧ αί ττροσγωσεις τοιαυταί Ttj/€9, 
κοινοτερον ττεττύσθαι εΙκος ην* εξ ων συνθεΧς ο 
ΊΓΟίητης, οτι ττΧέον ή τότε άφειστηκει της r^ης η 
νήσος κατά την ^ενεΧάου τταρουσίαν, ιτροσέθηκε 
τταρ εαυτού ΤΓοΧΧαττΧάσιον Βιάστημα τού μυθώ- 
Βους χάριν. αί Βε μυθοποιίαι ουκ αγνοίας ^ 
σημεία^ Βηττου, ούΒε^ τα ττερΧ τού ΤΙρωτεως καΧ 

* £σΐΓ6ρ, Α. Miller, for ws ; Α. Vogel approving. 
2 ^ψ\ Capps inserts. 

^ χάριν, Corais deletes, after ayyolas; Meineke, Forbiger, 
following ; C. Miiller approving. 

* σημ€ΐα, is retained, against the σημ^Ίον of Corais and 
Meineke. γάρ, after σημαία, Groskurd deletes ; Forbiger 
following ; C. Miiller approving. 

* yap, after oM, Groskurd deletes ; Forbiger following ; 
C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 30 

rivers in respect of being ^^ heaven-fed/' the Nile, 
when at its flood, surpasses even the winter tor- 
rents to just that extent, not only in the amount 
of its flood but also in the duration thereof. And 
so, since the behaviour of the river was known to 
the poet, as I have urged in my argument, and 
since he has applied this epithet to it, we cannot 
interpret it in any other way than that which I 
have pointed out. But the fact that the Nile 
empties its waters through several mouths is a 
peculiarity it shares with several other rivers, and 
therefore Homer did not think it worthy of mention, 
particularly in addressing people who knew the 
fact ; just as Alcaeus does not mention those mouths, 
either, although he affirms that he too visited Egypt. 
But the matter of the silting may be inferred not 
only from the risings of the river but also from 
what Homer says about Pharos. For the man who 
told Homer about Pharos — or rather, I should 
say, the common report that it was so and so far 
from the mainland — ^this report, I say, would not 
have got abroad falsified to such an extent as the 
distance which Homer gives, namely, a day's run 
for a ship ; but as for the rising and silting, it is 
reasonable to suppose that the poet learned as a 
matter of common knowledge that they were such 
and such ; and concluding from these facts that 
at the time of the visit of Menelaus the island 
was more distant from the mainland than it was 
in his own times, he added a distance many times 
as great on his own responsibility for the sake of 
the fabulous element. Moreover, the fabulous 
creations are not, I take it, a sign of ignorance — not 
even those stories about Proteus and the Pygmies, 




των ΤΙυ'γμαίων, ovS" αί των φαρμάκων 8ννάμ6ΐ<^, 
ούδ' €Ϊ τι άΧΚο τοιούτον οΐ Ίτοιηταί ιτλάττουσί' 
ου yap κατ ayvotav των τοττικών XeycTai, άλλ' 
ήΒονής καΐ τέρψβως χάριν, πώς οΖν καΐ avvSpov 
ονσαν φησϊν ν8ωρ βχβιν ; 

iv Se \ιμην εΰορμο^ζ, δθβν τ άττο νηας ϋσας 
€9 ττοντον βάΧΚονσιν άφνσσάμενοι μέΧαν ΰΒωρ. 

(Od. 4. 358) 

αλλ' οντ€ το vSpeiov ίκΧητβΙν αδύνατον, οντ€ την 
vSpeiav €Κ τη<ζ νήσου yeveaOai φησίν, αλλά την 
άvayωyηv μονην δίά την του Χιμβνος άρετήν, το 
δ' ΰ^ωρ €κ τή<ζ τΓ€ραία<ξ άρύσασθαι τταρήν, έξομο- 
\oyoυμ€voυ πως του ποιητοΰ 8 1 βμφάσεως, οτι 
π€λayίav βίπεν ου προς άΧήθειαν, άλλα προς 
ύπ€ρβο\ην καΐ μυθοποιίαν. 

31. ΈτΓβΙ δε καΐ τα πβρί της πΧάνης της 
Μβι/βλάου Τ^χθέντα συvηyopeiv ho κει Tjj ayvoia 
TJj 7Γ€/οΙ του? τόπους βκείνους, βέΧτιον ϊσως βστίτ, 
τά iv τοις βπβσι τούτοις ζητούμενα προεκθβμένους 
αμα ταυτά τε 8ιαστεΐ\αι κσΧ περί του ποιητοΰ 
άπo\oyήσaσθaι καθαρώτερον, φησί Βη προς 
ΤηΧεμαχον 6 ΜενέΧαος θαυμάσαντα τον των 
βασιλείων κοσμον 

η yap ττολλά παθών κ αϊ ττόλλ' επαΧηθεϊς 
ήyayόμηv εν νηυσί, καΐ oyhoaTcp ετει ^Χθον, 
Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καϊ Aiyυπτίoυς επαΧηθείς, 
Αιθίοπας θ^ Ικομην καϊ ^ώονίους καϊ ^Ερεμβούς 
και Αιβύην. (Od. 4. 81) 

C 38 ζητοϋσι Βε, προς τίνας ήΧθεν Αιθίοπας, πΧεων 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 30-31 

nor the potent effects of magic potions, nor any 
other such inventions of the poets ; for these stories 
are told, not in ignorance of geography, but in 
order to give pleasure and enjoyment. How does 
it come, then, that Homer says that Pharos has 
water, when it is without water : " And therein is a 
good haven, whence men launch the well-proportioned 
ships into the deep when they have drawn a store 
of black water " ? Now, in the first place, it is 
not impossible that the source of the water has 
dried up ; and, in the second place, Homer does 
not say that the water came from the island, but 
merely that the launching of the ships took place 
thence — on account of the excellence of the harbour ; 
but the water itself may have been drawn from 
the opposite mainland, since, in a way, the poet 
by implication confesses that, when he applied the 
term ^^ in the open sea ** to Pharos, he did not use it 
in a literal sense, but as an hyperbolical or mythical 

31. Now, since it is thought that Homer's account 
of the wanderings of Menelaus, also, argues for 
ignorance of those countries on his part, it is perhaps 
better to make a preliminary statement of the 
questions called forth by those poems, and then at 
once to separate these questions and thus speak more 
clearly in defence of the poet. Menelaus says, then, 
to Telemachus, who has marvelled at the decorations 
of the palace : " Yea, after many a woe and wanderings 
manifold, I brought my wealth home in ships, and 
in the eighth year came hither. I roamed over 
Cyprus and Phoenicia and Egypt, and came to 
Ethiopians, Sidonians, Erembians, and to Libya.'* 
Now they ask to what Ethiopians he came in thus 




€ξ AlyvTTTOV ovre yap iv rfj καθ^ ημάς θαΧάτττι 
οίκονσί τίΡ€ς Αιθίοπες, ovre τον NeiXov τους 
fcarapafcra^ ffv SieXOeiv νανσί' τίνβς τ€ οι Σ*- 
hovLor ου yap οί ye iv Φοινίκτ}' ου yap &ν το 
7βΐΌ9 TrpoOeX^ το elSo^ inrfveyKe' τίν€^ τ€ οι 
^Κρβμβοί; καινον yap το όνομα, ^ Αριστ6νικο<; phf 
oifp 6 καθ* ημα<; ypaμμaτίfco<; iv Τ0Γ9 ττερΧ της 
Μβι/ελαοι; ττΧάνης ττοΧΧων άvay€ypaφ€V ανδρών 
άτΓοφάσβις ττβρί ίκάστον των βκκβίμενων κβφα- 
Χαίων ήμΐν δ' apKeaec καν ίττιτίμνοντβς '\Ayωμev. 
οί μίν 8η ττΧβϋσαι φήσαντ€<ζ eh την Αίθιοττίαν, 
οι μ€ν τΓβρίττΧουν δίΛ των^ Taheipwv μέχρι της 
^ϊνΒικής €lσάyoυσιVy αμα καϊ τον χρόνον TJj ττΧάντ) 
συνοικ€ΐοΰντ€ς, δν φησιν, οτι oyhoaTtp €Τ€ΐ ^Χθον 
οί Se Βιά του Ισθμού τον κατά τον ^Αράβιον 
κόΧτΓον οί δέ hih των Bιωpύyωv τινός. οΰτ€ δ' 6 
ΤΓβρίττΧους άvayκaΐoς, ον Κράτης eiaaryei, ούχ ώς 
άΒύνατος €Ϊη αν^ (και yctp η Όδυσσβω? ττΧάνη 
αν tfv^ αΖύνατος), άλΧ' οτι οΰτ€ ιτρος τας ύττο- 
θέσβις τάς μαθηματικας χρήσιμος, οΰτ€ ιτρος τον 
χρόνον της ττΧάνης, καϊ yap ακούσιοι 8ιατριβαι 
κατέσχον αύτον ύττο ΒνσττΧοίας, φήσαντος οτι 
άτΓΟ ίζήκοντα νβων ττβντβ ίΧβίφθησαν αύτψ, καϊ 
εκούσιοι χρηματισμού χάριν φησι yhp 6 Νβστω/ο• 

ως 6 μ€ν ίνθα ττοΧύν βίοτον και χρυσον ωγείρων 
ήΧάτο ξνν νηνσί' (Od. 3. 301) 

Κύττρον Φοινίκην Τ€ και Aιyυ7Γτίoυς βτταΧη- 

θβίς. {Od, 4. 83) 

^ διά των, Madvig, for των διά ; Α. Vogel approving. 
^ ίίη αν, Sterrett, for eJvai, adapting the suggestion in 
Madvig's conjecture. 
* hv IjVf B. Niese inserts, before ά9ύνατο5. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 31 

sailing from Egypt (for no Ethiopians live in the 
Mediterranean Sea, nor was it possible for ships to 
pass the cataracts of the Nile) ; and who the 
Sidonians are (for they are certainly not those that 
live in Phoenicia, since he would not have put the 
genus first and then brought in the species) ; and 
who the Erembians are (for that is a new name). 
Now Aristonicus, the grammarian of our own genera- 
tion, in his book On the Wanderings of Menelaus, has 
recorded opinions of many men on each one of 
the points set forth ; but for me it will be sufficient 
to speak briefly on these questions. Of those who 
say that Menelaus " sailed '* to Ethiopia, some pro- 
pose a coasting-voyage by Gades as far as India, 
making his wanderings correspond exactly to the 
time which Homer gives : *^ In the eighth year I 
came back " ; but others propose that he sailed 
across the isthmus that lies at the head of the 
Arabian Gulf, while still others propose that he 
sailed through one of the canals of the Nile. But, in 
the first place. Crates' theory of a coasting-voyage 
is unnecessary — ^not that such a voyage would be 
impossible (for the wanderings of Odysseus would 
have been impossible), but because it serves no pur- 
pose either as regards Crates* mathematical hypotheses 
or as regards the time consumed in the wanderings. 
For Menelaus was detained against his will because 
of the difficulties of sailing (he himself says that out 
of sixty ships only five were left to him), and he also 
made intentional stops for the sake of trafficking. 
For Nestor says : '^ Thus Menelaus, gathering much 
substance and gold, was wandering there with his 
ships " ; [to which Menelaus adds :] ^^ having roamed 
over Cyprus and Phoenicia and Egypt." Again, the 




ο T€ Sih του Ισθμού ττλοΟ? ή των ^ιωρύι^ων λβγό- 
μ€νο<; μ€ν ηκονβτο αν iv μύθου σχηματι, μη 
\€Ρ/6μ€νο<ζ Be 7Γ€/>Λττω9 καΐ άτηθάνω*; eiaayoiro αν, 
άτΓΐθάνως Se λβγω, ore ττρο των Ύρωνκων ούΒεμία 
Tjv Ζιωρυξ* τον he ίτηχβίρήσαντα ττοιησαι 
Έ,έσωστριν άττοστηναί φασι, μβτεωροτέραν ύττο- 
Χαβοντα την της θαλάσσης ίττίφάνειαν. άλλα 
μην οίδ' 6 Ισθμός ^ν ττΧοϊμος' αλλ' εΙκάζα 6 
^Ερατοσθένης ουκ ei, μη yap ττω το βκρη^μα το 
κατ€ί τας ^τηΚας yeyovevai νομίζει ωστ€ ενταύθα ^ 
συνάτΓΤ€ΐν την εϊσω θάλασσαν Ty ίκτος^ καΧ 
καλύπτειν τον Ισθμον μβτεωροτέραν οΰσαν, τού δ' 
€κpηyμaτoς y€voμ€voυ ταπβινωθηναι, καΧ άνακα- 
λύψαι την yrjv την κατά το Κάσων καΐ το 
ΤΙηλούσιον μέχρι της ^Ερυθράς, τίνα οΰν εχρμεν 
Ιστορίαν irepX τού €Kpηyμaτoς τούτου, SioTt προ 
C 39 των Τρωικών οΰττω ύττήρχβν; ΐσως δ' ο ττοιητης 
άμα μ€ν τον Όδυσσβα ταυττ) Βιβκπλίοντα βίς τον 
ωκ€ανον ττβΤΓοίηκεν, ως η8η iκpηyμaτoς yeyov6τoς, 
αμα Be εΙς την ^Ερυθραν τον MeveXaov €Κ της 
Aiyύ'πτoυ ναυστολεΐ, ώς οΰττω yeyovότoς. άλλα 
καΐ τον Ώρωτέα eiσάyeL XeyovTa αύτω, 

άλλα σ €9 ^ϋλύσιον weSiov και ττύρατα yaίης 
αθάνατοι ττέμψουσι, (Od, 4. 563) 

^ Groskurd inserts μ•ί\ before συνάιττ^ιν (Kramer, Meineke, 
Forbiger, Diibner-Muller following), thus referring ^ταΰθα 
to the Pillars ; A. Vogel shows that 4νταυθα refers to the 
Isthmus and that μ-ί} is wrong. 

2 Groskurd writes r^y Ιίσω θάλασσαν τγ inrhs for τ^ν Κξω 
θάλασσαρ rg ivros ; Dubner-Muller, Forbiger following. 
Meineke, too, follows except that he writes €Ϊσω for ίσω ; 
A. Vogel approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 31 

voyage through• the isthmus or one of the canals 
would, if Homer mentioned such a voyage, be 
interpreted as a kind of fiction ; but since he does 
not mention such a voyage it would be gratuitous 
and absurd for one to propose it. It would be absurd, 
I repeat, since before the Trojan War there was no 
canal ; and the person who undertook to build one — 
I mean Sesostris^ — is said to have abandoned the 
undertaking because he supposed the level of the 
Mediterranean Sea was too high. Furthermore, the 
isthmus was not navigable either, and Eratosthenes' 
conjecture is wrong. For he thinks that the breaking 
of the channel at the Pillars of Heracles had not yet 
taken place and that in consequence the Mediter- 
ranean Sea, since it was of a higher level, joined 
the exterior sea at the isthmus and covered it, but 
after the breaking of the channel took place at the 
Pillars, the Mediterranean Sea was lowered and thus 
exposed the land about Casium and Pelusium, as far 
as the Red Sea. Now what historical information 
have we regarding this break at the Pillars to the 
effect that it did not yet exist before the Trojan 
War? But perhaps — you will say — the poet has 
represented Odysseus as sailing through the strait 
at the Pillars into the ocean (as though a channel 
were already in existence) at the same time that he 
conveys Menelaus by ship from Egypt into the Red 
Sea (as though a channel were not yet in existence) ! 
Furthermore, Homer brings in Proteus as saying to 
Menelaus : '^ Nay, the deathless gods will convey 
thee to the Elysian Plain and to the end of the 

» See 17. 1. 25; also Herodotus, 2. 158, and 4. 39. 




τΓοϊα ουν; καΧ on ίσπέρων ηνα λεγβί τόττον 
τούτον βσχατον, 6 Ζέφυρος τταρατεθβΐ^ζ ΒηΧοΐ* 

αλλ' alei Ζεφύροιο Xiyv irveiovTO^ άητας 
^Ω.κ€αν6<ζ άνίησι, (Od, L• 567) 

ταντα yap αΐνί^ματο^ζ ττΧηρη, 

32. ΈιΙ δ' oip fcal σύρρονν ττοτέ νττάρξαντα τον 
ίσθμον τούτον 6 ττοιητης Ιστορηκβι, ττόσφ μείζονα 
&ν €χοιμ€ν ττίστιν του τού<; Αίθίοττας Βιχθα 
ΒίΎΐρήσθαι, ΤΓορθμψ τηΚικούτφ Βιβιρ^ομενου<ζ; τί<ζ 
Se καΐ χρηματισμοί; τταρίυ των βξω καϊ κατίί τον 
ώκ€ανον Αίθιοττων; άμα μ^ν yap θαυμάζουσι του 
κόσμου των βασιλείων οΐ irepX ΎηΚΑμαχον το 
ττΧήθος, ο εστΛ 

χρυσού τ ηΧέκτρου τ€ καϊ άpyύpoυ ^δ' i\e- 
φαντος. (Od. 4. 73) 

τούτων δ' ούΒενος ττΧην ελέφαντος βιητορία irap 
Ικείνοις εστίν, άττορωτάτοις των άττάντων ol•σι 
τοΐ<ζ Ίτλείστοις καΧ νομάσι, νη Αία, αλλ' ή * Αραβία 
ττροσήν και τα μέχρι της ^Ιν8ικής* τούτων δ* ή 
μεν ευδαίμων κεκΧηται μόνη των άττασων, την 8έ, 
€1 και μη ονομαστί καΧοΰσιν οΰτως,^ ύττοΧαμ- 
βάνουσί yε καϊ ίστορούσιν, ως εύΒαιμονεστάτην 
την μεν ουν *1ν8ικην ουκ olSev '^Ομηρος, εί8ως δέ 
εμέμνητο αν^ την δ' *Αραβίαν, fjv εύΒαίμονα 
πpoσayopεύoυσιv οι νΰν,^ τότε δ' ουκ ffv ττΧουσία, 
αλλά καϊ αύτη άπορος καΐ ή ττοΧΧη αύτή^ 

^ κα\ουσΐ¥ οΰτωί, with a comma after o9t»s, A. Miller, for 
καλουσιν, oSrws ; A. Vogel approving. 

^ Keelhoff deletes tlSits δ« ^μίμνητο &v as a marginal gloss. 

'^ Meineke, Cobet delete Groskurd's olie μ4ν (which Kramer, 
Dubner-MuUer, Forbiger follow) after ol νυν. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 31-32 

earth." What end of the earth, pray ? Why, the 
citing of " Zephyrus " shows that he means by this 
remote region a place somewhere in the west : " But 
always Oceanus sendeth forth the breezes of the 
clear-blowing Zeph3nrus." Really, these matters are 
full of puzzling questions. 

32. If, however, the poet had heard that this 
isthmus was once submerged, should we not have 
all the greater reason for believing that the Ethiopians, 
since they were separated by so great a strait, were 
really *^ sundered in twain " ? And how could 
Menelaus have gotten treasures from the remote 
Ethiopians who lived along Oceanus ? For at the 
moment when they marvelled at the ornaments them- 
selves in the palace of Menelaus, Telemachus and 
his companions marvelled at the great quantity of 
them — ^^of gold and of amber and of silver and of 
ivory " ; but with the exception of ivory, there is 
no great store of any of these things among those 
people, most of whom are the poorest of all peoples 
and are wandering shepherds. ^* Very true," you 
say ; ^' but Arabia and the regions as far as India 
belonged to them ; and though Arabia alone of all 
these countries has the name ^ Blest,* India is sup- 
posed and reported to be in the highest degree 
'blest,' even though people do not so call it by 
name." Now as to India, Homer did not know of 
it (for had he known of it, he would have men- 
tioned it) ; but he did know the Arabia which is 
to-day called " Blest." ^ In his time, however, it 
was not rich, and not only was the country itself 
without resources but most of it was occupied by 

1 That is, Arabia Felix, east of the Red Sea. Strabo 
defines it in 16. 3. 1. 




σκηνίτων άνΒρων οΚί^η δ' η άρωματοφόρο<;, 8ι 
ήν καΧ τούτο τοννομα evpero ή χώρα Βια το και 
τον φόρτον είναι τον τοιούτον iv τοΐ<; τταρ ήμΐν 
σττάνιον καΐ τίμιον. νυνί μ^ν οΰν βύττορούσι και 
ττΧοντούσι Bih το και την ίμττορίαν είναι πυκνην 
κα\ Βαψιλή, τότε δ' ουκ εΙκός. αύτων δέ χάριν 
των αρωμάτων εμττορω μίν καΐ καμηλίτ'ρ ^ενοιτ 
αν τί9 εκ των τοιούτων φορτίων εύττορία' ΜενεΧάφ 
8ε Χαφνρων ή 8ωρεων ε8ει τταρά βασιλέων και 
Βνναστων, εχόντων τε & Βώσονσι και βουΚομενων 
ΒιΒοναι 8ια την εττιφάνειαν αυτού καΐ ενκΧειαν, 
οι μεν οΰν AiyvTjrrioi και οι ττλησίον Αιθίοττε^ 
καϊ "Αραβες ον^ οντω τεΧέως άβιοι, οΰτ άνήκοοι 
τ^9 των ^ΑτρειΒών Βόξη^, και μάΧιστα Βια την 
κατορθωσιν τοΰ ^ΐΧιακού ττοΧεμου, ωστ εΧπί'ζ fjv 
C 40 τ^9 εξ αύτων ώφεΧεία^ζ' καθάττερ εττϊ τού θώρακος 
τού ^ Α^^αμεμνονος λβγβταί, 

τον ΤΓοτέ οι Κινύρης 8ώκε ξεινηϊον eivar 
ττεύθετο jctp ΚύττρονΒε μέ^α κΧεος. (II. 11. 20) 

και Βη καϊ τον ττΧείω χρόνον τή<$ ττΧάνης Χεκτέον 
μεν εν τοις κατεί Φοινίκην καΐ Χνρίαν καΐ 
AiyvTTTOv και Αιβύην γενέσθαι κα\ τά ττερϊ 
Κύπρον χωρία καϊ οΧως την καθ* ημάς τταραΧίαν 
και τάς νησου^' και yap ξένια πα/οά τούτοις καϊ 
το βία καϊ το εκ ΧεηΧασίας ττορίσασθαι, καϊ 
μάΧιστα τταρα των συμμαχησάντων τοις Ύρωσίν, 
εντεύθεν fjv. οι δ' έκτος καΐ πόρρω βάρβαροι 

1 The Troglodytes on the western side of the Arabian 
Gulf (1. 1. 3). 2 See 16. 2. 21. ^ gee 16. 2. 1. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 32 

dwellers in tents. The part of Arabia that produces 
the spices is small ; and it is from this small terri- 
tory tliat the country got the name of ^' Blest/' 
because such merchandise is rare in our part of the 
world and costly. To-day, to be sure, the Arabs 
are well to do and even rich, because their trade is 
extensive and abundant, but it is not likely to have 
been so in Homer's time. So far as the mere spices 
are concerned, a merchant or camel-driver might 
attain to some sort of wealth by trafficking in them, 
whereas Menelaus needed booty or presents from 
kings or dynasts who had not only the means to 
give, but also the good-will to make him presents 
because of his distinction and fame. The Egyptians, 
however, and the neighbouring Ethiopians and 
Arabs,^ were not wholly destitute of the means of 
livelihood, as were the other Ethiopians, nor wholly 
ignorant of the fame of the sons of Atreus, particu- 
larly in view of the successful issue of the Trojan 
War, and hence Menelaus might hope for profit from 
them. Compare what Homer says of the breastplate 
of Agamemnon : *' The breastplate that in time past 
Cinyras gave him for a guest-gift ; for afar in Cyprus 
did Cinyras hear the mighty tale." Furthermore, we 
must assert that Menelaus' time in his wanderings was 
spent mostly in the regions about Phoenicia,^ Syria,^ 
Egypt, and Libya, and in the countries round Cyprus, 
and, generally speaking, along the Mediterranean 
sea-board and among the islands. For Menelaus 
might procure guest-gifts among these peoples 
and also enrich himself from them by violence and 
robbery, and more particularly from those who had 
been allies of the Trojans. But the barbarians that 
lived outside these regions or at a distance could 




ού8€μίαν τοιαύτην vm^yopevov βΧττίΒα, €t9 oifv 
την ΑΙΘιοττίαν άφΐχθαι \4yeTai 6 Mevekao^, ονχ 
δτί €t9 την ΑΙΘιοττίαν τφ οντι άφϊκτο, αλλ' οτί^ 
μβ'χρί των δρων των ττρος ΑΙ^ύτττφ. τάχα μεν 
jcip καΧ ττλησιαίτβροί ^σαν ταΓ? ®ήβαί<; οι τ6τ€ 
δροι, αλλά καϊ οι νυν ττΧησίον βίσίν, οί κατά 
'ϊ,νηνην fcal tcL<; ΦίΧας' ων ή μ€ν της AlyvTTTOV 
€στίν, αϊ δέ Φίλα* κοινή κατοικία των Αίθιόττων 
καϊ των ΑΙ^ντττίων, 6 οΰν eh &ήβας άφι^μβνος 
el καϊ μέχρι των ορών άφϊκτο η και 'πepaιτepω 
των Αίθιόττων, και ταύτα τ'ρ βασιΚικτι ξevίa 
χρώμ€νο<;, ovSkv aXoyov. οντω Se καΐ ΚυκΧώττων 
€19 yaiav άφΐχθαί φησιν 6 Όδυσσβν?, μέχρι του 
σττηΧαίου ΤΓρο€ΧηΧυθως άττο θαΧάττης' eV εσχα- 
τιάς ykp ΙΒρΰσθαί ττου Xeyet. καϊ €ΐς ΑίοΧίαν δέ 
καϊ Aaιστpυyόvaς καΐ τους αΧΧους, δττου τγοτ€ 
καΐ καθωρμίσατο, €Κ€Ϊσ€ φησιν άφΐχθαι. καί 6 
Μ€ν€ΧαΌς ουν οΰτως eiς ΑΙΘιοττίαν ήκβν, οΰτω δέ 
καϊ eίς Αιβύην, δτι ττροσέσχε τόττοις τισίν αφ' 
ο δ καϊ 6 κατά, την *Αρ8ανίΒα^ Χιμην την ύτΓ€ρ 
Τίαραιτονίου ΤΛενίΧαος KaXeiTai. 

33. Et δέ Φοίνικας €ΐττων ονομάζβι και '^iSo- 
νιους, την μητροττοΧιν αυτών, σχηματι συνήθ€ΐ 
χρήται, ως 

Ύρωάς τ€ καΐ ''ΈίΚτορα νηυσΐ TreXaaae* 

{11 13. 1) 

^ €t» Ύ^ν Aieiowlcof τφ 6vrt άφΐκτο, άλλ*3τί, Caeaubon inserts ; 
Forbiger, Sterrett, ifollowing ; Kramer approving. 
^ 'Αρ^ανίδα, Kramer, for *Αρ9ανίαν. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 32-33 

prompt in him no such expectations. Now Homer 
says that Menelaus " came to " Ethiopia, not 
meaning that [he really came into Ethiopia, but 
that] he reached its frontier next to Egypt. For 
perhaps at that time the frontier was still nearer 
Thebes ^ (though to-day it is quite near) — I mean the 
frontier that runs by Syene and Philae. Of these 
towns the former belongs to Egypt, but Philae is 
inhabited alike by Ethiopians and Egyptians. Ac- 
cordingly, when Menelaus came to Thebes, it need 
not cause surprise if he also came as far as the 
frontier of the Ethiopians or even farther, especially 
since he was enjoying the hospitality of the 
king of Thebes. 2 And it is in the same sense 
that Odysseus says he ^^came to" the country of the 
Cyclopes, although he did not get any further away 
from the sea than the cave ; for he says that the 
cave lay ^^on the edge " ^ of the country, I believe ; 
and again in referring to the country of Aeolus, to 
the Laestrygonians and the rest — wherever, I say, 
he so much as came to anchor, he says he " came to " 
the country. It is in this sense, therefore, that 
Menelaus "came to"* Ethiopia and in this sense to^ 
Libya, too, namely, that he "touched at" certain 
points; and it is from his having touched there 
that the harbour at Ardanis above Paraetonium ^ is 
called " Menelaus." 

33. Now if Homer, in speaking of the Phoenicians, 
mentions Sidonians also, who occupy the Phoenician 
metropolis, he is but employing a familiar figure of 
speech, as when he says : " Now Zeus, when he had 
brought the Trojans and Hector to the ships " ; and. 

1 See 17. 1. 46. 2 q^, 4. 126. 3 q^i^ 9. i82. 
* Od. 4. 84. δ Now, Baretoun. 

L 2 





ου yap €τ ΟΙνήο<; μβ^^άΧητορο^ υΐέες Tjaav, 
ουδ' α ρ €T αντος εην, θάνβ Be ξανθοί Μβλβ- 
ar^por {II 2. 641) 

καΐ "^ΙΒην δ' ΐκαρβν*^ καΐ "Fapyapov^^ (ILSA7) 
καΐ " 0C δ' Έίΰβοιαν βχοζ/" καί "XaX/cuSa τ Είρέ- 
τριάν Τ6• " {IL 2. 536). 

καί Χαττφώ* 

ή σ€ Κύπρος ή ΤΙάφος ή ττάνορμος} 

καίτοι καΐ αΧλο τι tfv το ττοίήσαν, καίττερ η8η 
μνησθέντα της Φοινίκης, ΙΒίως τταΚιν καί την 
Σίδόι/α σνγκαταΧέξαι, ττρος μ€ν jap το τα βφεξής 
ίθνη κατάλέξαί ίκανως βίχεν όντως elirelv, 

Jiwrpov Φοινίκην τ€ καΐ ΑΙ^υτΓτίους έτταΧηθάς 
Αιθίοπας θ^ Ικομην (Od. 4. 83) 

C 41 ίνα δ' έμφηντ) καΐ την παρίί τοΐς ^ιΒονίοις άπο- 
Βημίαν, καΧως βίχεν €Ϊτ άναΧαββΙν €Ϊτ€ καΐ 
παραΧαββΐν, ην €πΙ πΧέον ^€νομ€νην έμώαίνει^ 
Sia των ίπαίνων της παρ αντοϊς εύτβγνιας καΐ 
τον την ^ΕΧένην προβξβνωσθαί τοΐς άνθρώποις 
μ€τ^ ^ ΑΧεξάνΒρον οιοπβρ παρίυ τφ ^ΑΧβξάνΒρφ 
ποΧΧΰί τοιαύτα άποκείμβνα Xiyer 

€νθ^ βσαν οι πέπΧοι παμποίκιΧοι, epya γυ- 
ΧιΒονίων, ας αντος ^ ΑΧέξανΒρος θβοβιΒης 
ijyaye ΧιΒονίηθεν 
την οΒόν, fjv ΈΧένην π€ρ ίυνηηαη^' (IL 6. 289) 

^ η vavop^ost Casaubon, for ^ Ώάνορμο$ ; Corais, Groskurd, 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 33 

"For the sons of great-hearted Oeneus were no 
more, neither did he still live, and the golden-liaired 
Meleager was dead *' ; and, " So fared he to Ida " and 
^* to Gargaros " ; and, " But they possessed Euboea " 
and " Chalcis and Eretria " ; and likewise Sappho, in 
the verse : " Either Cyprus or Paphos of the spacious 
harbour holds thee." And yet there was another 
reason which induced Homer, although he had 
already mentioned Phoenicia, to repeat Phoenicia in 
a special way — that is, to add Sidon to the list. For 
merely to list the peoples in their proper order it 
was quite enough to say : " I roamed over Cyprus 
and Phoenicia and Egypt, and came to Ethiopia.** 
But in order to suggest also the sojourn of Menelaus 
among the Sidonians, it was proper for Homer to 
repeat as he did, or even add still more than that ; 
and he suggests that this sojourn was of long duration 
by his praise of their skill in the arts and of the 
hospitality formerly extended to Helen and Paris by 
these same people. That is why he speaks of many 
Sidonian works of art stored up in the house of 
Paris — "where were her embroidered robes, the 
work of Sidonian women, whom godlike Alexandros 
himself brought from Sidon, that journey wherein 
he brought back Helen to his home '* ; and in the 

2 The reading of the MSS. is : ίίΐτο^ημίαρ τ^ν 4•πΙ irXiov 
Ύ€νομ4ιτην ίμφαΐν^ι hih. των 4ναΙνων rrjs 'καρ* avroTs βύτι/χίο^, 
καλώι <7χ€ν €ίτ* ίναλαββΐν eire κ<ύ itapa\a$tiv €ϋτ€χνίαί καί. 
Δβ a result of the conjectures of Casaubon and Corais it 
appears in the editions of Kramer and Dubner as : ά-κοΒημίαν 
tV ^"""i ΊΓ\4ον 7«Ό/*^ν, καλώϊ «ϊχ«»' «ϊτ* &ναλαβ€Ίν €ΪΤ€ καΐ 
trapaXafieiv 4μφαίν€ΐ [δβ] ίιλ των ίιταΐνων Trjs trap* avroTs €v- 
τυχίο5 [icol] f{/T€xvlas καΐ. Spengel, Meineke, C. Miiller, 
Cobet, delete €ύτ€χνΙα$ [/cai], and with this as a basis Madvig 
reads as given in the text above. 




ical iraph τφ ΤΛ^νέΚάφ* \iyei yap 7rpo<; Ύηλ€- 

δώσω toc κρητηρα τβΎν^μενον apyvpeo^ Se 
iariv αττα?, χρυσφ δ' iirl γεΙΧεα κβκράανται. 
epyov S* Ήφαίστοιο* πορεν Si i Φαί^ιμος^ ηρω<ζ 
ί,ιΒονίων βασιλεύς, οθ* €09 δό/^09 άμφβκάλνψβ . 
κεΐσέ μ€ νοστησαντα. {Od, 4. 615 ; Od, 15. 115) 

Set Sk Βέξασθαί rrrpo^ υττερβοΧην είρημένον το 
Ηφαίστου epyov, ώ<ζ XeyeTat * Αθήνας Ipya τά 
fcakci κα\ Χαρίτων καΐ Μουσών, εττβΐ οτί ye οι 
avSpe^ ^σαν καΧλΙτεννοι, Βηλοΐ τον κρατήρα 
€7Γαινων, hv 6 Έ^ΰνεως €θωκ€ν άι^τΐ Αυκάονος* φησί 

κάΧΚει ivL/ca ττάσαν βττ' αιαν 
ΊΓοΧΧόν βτΓβΙ Σίδόι^€9 7Γθ\υ8αί8α\θί βδ ησκησαν. 
Φοίνικες δ' ayov avSpe^, (IL 23. 742) 

34. Tlepl δέ των ^Έιρβμβών ττολλά μ^ είρηται, 
ΤΓίθανώτατοι δ' εΙσΧν οι νομίζοντες τους "Αραβας 
'\ίyeσθμι, Ζήνων δ' 6 ημέτερος καΐ ypάφeL• 

Αιθίοπας θ^ ίκομην και ΧιΒονίους *" Αραβας τ€. 

(Od 4. 84) 

τί)ν μεν oiv ypaφηv ουκ avάyκη κινεΐν, iraXaiciv 
οΖσαν* αΐτίάσθαι δέ βίλτιον την του ονόματος 
μετάτΓτωσιν, ττοΧΧην και εττιττοΧαίαν οΰσαν εν 
ττασι τοΙς ίθνεσιν, αμεΚει δέ κα\ ποιοϋσί τίνες 
πapaypaμμaτίζovτες, άριστα δ' αν Βόξειεν είττεΐν 
ο ΤΙοσειΒώνιος, κανταυθα άττο της των εθνών 
συyyεvείaς καΐ κοινότητος ετυμo\oyωv, το yap 
^ Φαί^μοί, Sterrett, for ψαίΒιμο$, 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 33-34 

house of Menelaus too, for Menelaus says to 
Telemachus : " I will give thee a mixing-bowl 
beautifully wrought ; it is all of silver, and the lips 
thereof are finished with gold, the work of Hephaestus; 
and the hero Phaedimus, the king of the Sidonians, 
gave it me, when his house sheltered me on my 
coming thither." But the expression " the work of 
Hephaestus ** must be regarded as a case of hyperbole, 
just as beautiful things are spoken of as " works of 
Athene,** or of the Graces, or of the Muses. For 
Homer makes it clear that the Sidonians were makers 
of beautiful works of art, by the praise he bestows 
on the bowl which Euneos gave as a ransom for 
Lycaon ; his words are : '^ In beauty it was far the 
best in all the earth, for artificers of Sidon wrought 
it cunningly, and men of the Phoenicians brought it." 
34. Much has been i^id about the Erembians ; but 
those men are most likely to be correct who believe 
that Homer meant the Arabians. Our Zeno ^ even 
writes the text accordingly: "And I came to the 
Ethiopians and Sidonians and Arabians.'* However, 
it is not necessary to change the reading, for it is 
old. It is better to lay the confusion to the change 
of their name, for such change is frequent and 
noticeable among all nations, than to change the 
reading — as in fact some do when they emend 
by changing certain letters. But it would seem 
that the view of Poseidonius is best, for here he 
derives an etymology of the words from the kinship 
of the peoples and their common characteristics. 

^ See Introduction, page xvi. 




τώι/ ^Αρμενίων βθνος καΐ το των ^νρων καϊ ^Αρά- 
βων τΓολΧην ομοφυΧίαν εμφαίνει, κατά τ€ την 
ΒιάΚβκτον καΐ του9 βίους καΐ του9 των σωμάτων 
χαρακτήρας, καΐ μάΧιστα καθ 6 ττΧησιόχωροί elai. 
ΒηΧοΐ δ' ή MecroTTora/ita €κ των τριών συνβστωσα 
τούτων εθνών μάΧιστα jcip ev τούτοις ή ομοιότης 
διαφαίνεται, el Be τις πάρα τα κΧίματα γίνεται 
Βιαφορα τοις ττροσβόρροις iirl irXeov ττρος τους 
μεσημβρινούς καΐ τούτοις ττρος μέσους τους 
C 42 εύρους, ^ αλλ' επικρατεί ye το κοινον. και οι 
^Ασσύριοι δε καΐ οι ^ΑριανοΙ καΧ οΐ ^Αραμμαΐοι^ 
παραπΧησίως πως εγρυσι καΐ προς τούτους καΧ 
προς άΧΧήΧους, εΙκαζει je Srj καϊ τας των εθνών 
τούτων κατονομασίας εμφερεΐς άΧΧηΧαις είναι, 
τους yap ύφ* ημών γύρους καΧουμένους υπ" αυτών 
τών Χύρων ^Αριμαίους^ καΙ ^Αραμμαίους καΧεΙ- 
σθαι* τούτω δ' εοικεναι τους ^Αρμενίους και τους 
"Αραβας καϊ ^Ερεμβούς, τάχα τών πάΧαι Έλλ»;- 
νων οΰτω καΧούντων τους "* Αραβας, άμα καϊ του 
ετύμου συvεpyoΰvτoς προς τούτο, άπο yap του εις 
την εραν εμβαίνειν τους *Ερεμβούς ετυμoXoyoΰσιv 
οΰτως οι ποΧΧοί, οί)ς μεταΧαβόντες οι ύστερον 
επΙ το σαφέστερον ΎpωyXoSύτaς εκάΧεσαν ούτοι 
Βέ είσιν ^Αράβων οι επι θάτερον μέρος του ^ Αρα- 
βίου κόΧπου κεκΧιμένοι, το προς Aiyύπτψ καΧ 
Αιθιοπία, τούτων δ' εΙκος μεμνήσθαι τον ποιη- 
την καϊ προς τούτους άφΐχθαι Xέyειv τον Μενέ- 
Χαον, καθ^ hv τρόπον εϊρηται καϊ προς τους 

1 'S.Opovs, Α. Miller, for ipovs ; Α. Vogel approving. 

2 Several MSS., including A, have καΧ oi *Αρμ4νιοι after 
*ApiavoL Groskurd reads *Αραμα7οι. For this Sterrett reads 
*Αραμμάιοι, which has MS. authority. 

^ *ΑριμαΙου5, Groskurd, for Άρμβνίουε, 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 34 

For the nation of the Armenians and that of the Syrians 
and Arabians betray a close affinity, not only in their 
language, but in their mode of life and in their bodily 
build, and particularly wherever they live as close 
neighbours. Mesopotamia, which is inhabited by 
these three nations, gives proof of this, for in the 
case of these' nations the similarity is particularly 
noticeable. And if, comparing the differences of 
latitude, there does exist a greater difference between 
the northern and the southern people of Mesopotamia 
than between these two peoples and the Syrians in 
the centre, still the common characteristics prevail. 
And, too, the Assyrians, the Arians, and the Aram- 
maeans display a certain likeness both to those just 
mentioned and to each other. Indeed, Poseidonius 
conjectures that the names of these nations also are 
akin ; for, says he, the people whom we call Syrians 
are by the Syrians themselves called Arimaeans and 
Arammaeans ; and there is a resemblance between 
this name and those of the Armenians, the Arabians 
and the Erembians, since perhaps the ancient Greeks 
gave the name of Erembians to the Arabians, and 
since the very etymology of the word " Erembian " 
contributes to this result. Most scholars, indeed, de- 
rive the name " Erembian " from eran embainein,^ 
a name which later peoples changed to "Troglodytes 2" 
for the sake of greater clearness. Now these 
Troglodytes are that tribe of Arabians who live on 
th6 side of the Arabian Gulf next to Egypt and 
Ethiopia. It was natural for the poet to mention 
these Erembians and to say that Menelaus ^' came to " 
them, in the same sense in which he says that 
Menelaus "came to "the Ethiopians (for they too 

* To go into the earth. '^ Cave-dwellers. 




Αιθίοπας* τ^ yap &ηβαί8ί> /cal ούτοι ιτλησιά- 
ζονσιν ομως^ ουκ ipyaaia^ ovSe χρηματισμού 
χάριν τούτων ονομαζόμενων (ον ποΧν ycip fjv 
τούτο), άΧΧα τον μηκου<; της άττοΒημίας καϊ τον 
€ν86ζου• ίν^οξον yap τοσούτον έκτοττίσαι, τοιού- 
τον Se /cal το 

ποΧΚων ανθρώπων ϊΒβν αστ€α, καΐ νοον εγι^ω• 

{Od, 1. 3) 
καϊ το 

?} yap ΤΓολλά παθών κα\ ττόλλ' ίπαΧηθείς 
ηyay6μηv, (Od, 4. 81) 

'Ησιοδθ9 δ' ev Καταλογή ή>ησ\ 

καΧ κονρην ^Αράβοιο, τον Έρμάων άκάκητα 
yeivaTO καΧ &ρονίη, κονρη ^ηΧοιο ανακτος, 

fr, 23 (45) 

οντω δέ καΧ Στησίχορος Xeyei* είκάξβιν ούν βστιν, 
δτι άπο τούτον καΧ ή χώρα * Αραβία η8η τότ€ 
ωνομάζβτο' κατά hk τονς ήρωας τνχον ϊσως ονπω, 
35. 0/ Be π\άττοντ€ς Άρβμβονς ϊΒιόν τι βθνος 
Αίθιοπικον καΧ αΧΚο Κηφήνων καΧ τρίτον Πυγ- 
μαίων καΧ aXka μνρία ήττον &ν πιστβνοιντο, 
προς τφ μη άξιοπίστφ καΧ σvyχvσίv τίνα βμφαί- 
νοντβς τού μνθικού_^αΧ ιστορικόν σχήματος, 
όμοιοι δ' βΙσΧ τούτοις καΤ οΓ^ϊΒονίονς iv τ^ κατά 
ΤΙερσας θαΧάτττ) Sιηyovμevoι, ή αΧΚοθί πον τού 
ώκ€ανού, και την τού MeveXaov πΧάνην έξωκεα- 
νίζοντβς' ομοίως Se καΧ τονς Φοίνικας, της δ' 
απιστίας αϊτιον ονκ βΧάχιστον εστί το βναντιού- 
σθαι άΧΧηΧοις τονς X€yovτaς' οι μβν yap καΐ 

^ 3/i«i, Corais, ίοτ'δμο(ω%. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 34-35 

are near the territory of Thebes); however, they 
were mentioned not on account of their handicraft 
nor yet on account of the profit Menelaus made 
among them (for that could not amount to much), 
but on account of the length of his sojourn among 
them and the fame of having visited them; for it 
was a famous thing to have travelled so far abroad. 
This is the meaning of : " Many were the men whose 
towns he saw and whose mind he learnt " ; and of : 
" Yea, and after many woes and wanderings manifold, 
I brought [my wealth home in ships]/' Hesiod in 
his Catalogue speaks of " the daughter of Arabus, 
the son of guileless Hermaon^ and of Thronia the 
daughter of king Belus." And Stesichorus says the 
same thing. Therefore, we may conjecture that at 
the time of Hesiod and Stesichorus the country was 
already called Arabia from this "Arabus," although 
it may be that it was not yet so called in the times 
of the heroes. 

35. Those scholars who invent the explanation ^ 
that the Erembians are some particular Ethiopian 
tribe, or, again, a tribe of Cephenians, or thirdly, a 
tribe of Pygmies — or a host of other tribes — are less 
deserving of credence, since in addition to the in- 
credibility of their theories they betray a tendency 
to confound myth and history. Like them are the J 
writers who tell of Sidonians on the Persian Gulf, 
or somewhere else on Oceanus, and who place the 
wanderings of Menelaus, and likewise place the 
Phoenicians, out in Oceanus. And not the least 
reason for not believing them is the fact that they 
contradict one another. For some of them say that 

^ Hermes. 




T0U9 XtBoviov^ τού<ί καθ" ημ^α^ άποικους elvat των 
€V τφ ώκβανφ φασι, ττροστιθέντβ^ καί 8ια τι 
Φοίνικβς i/caXovvTO, δτι καί ή θαΚαττα ερυθρά* 
οί δ' eKeivov^ τούτων, etal S' oi καΧ την Αίθιο- 
C 43 ττίαν eh την καθ* ημα<ξ Φοινίκην μβτά^γονσι, καί 
τά ΤΓβρΙ την * AvhpopAhav iv ^Ιόπη σνμβήναί 
φασιν ου 8ήπου κατ άγνοιαν τοττικην καΐ τούτων 
Χε^ομένων, αλλ* iv μύθου μαΧΧον σχήματί* καθά- 
πβρ καΐ των τταρ Ήσίόδ^ καΧ τοί^ οίΧΚοι^ζ α 
ΤΓοοφέρεί 6 Άπολλόδω/?θ9, ούδ' ^ ον τρόπον τταρα- 
τιθησι τοις Όμηρου ταύτα είδώ?. τά μ€ν jap 
Όμηρου, τά ττερί τον ΤΙόντον καΐ την Αϊ^υτττον, 
τταρατίθησιν ayvoiav αΐτίώμβνος, ώς \ejecv μ€ν 
τά δντα βουΧομένου, μη XeyovTo^ δέ τά οντά, 
άλλα τά μη οντά ώς οντά κατ ayvocav. ^HaioBov 
δ' ουκ αν τις αΐτιάσαιτο ayvocav, Ήμίκυνας 
XiyovTO^ καί ΜακροκεφάΧους καΐ ΤΙυ^μαίους' 
oxjhk yap αυτού Όμηρου ταύτα μυθβύοντος, ων 
είσι καΐ ούτοι oi Tίυyμaloί, ούΚ ^ΑΧκμάνος 
XTeyavoTToBa^ ίστορούντος, ουδ' 'Αισχύλου Ίίυνο- 
κβφάΧους καί ^τβρνοφθ άΚμους καί ΙΛονομμάτους, 
οτΓου ye ουδέ τοΙ<; ττεζτί συyy ράφουσιν iv Ιστορίας 
σγτιματί προσέχομβν ττβρί ττοΧΧών, καν μη i^o- 
pOXoycovTai την μυθoypaφίav, φαίνεται yap 
ευθύς, δτι μύθους τταραττΧέκουσιν εκοντες, ουκ 

* ohh\ Corais, for οΰθ^ ; Meineke following. 

^ Phoen means ** red." 

• For example, by Sophocles or Euripides. 

^ These quotations are from works now lost, though 
Aeschylus refers to certain one-eyed men in Promethetis 804 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 35 

even the Sidonians who are our neighbours are 
colonists from the Sidonians on Oceanus, and they 
actually add the reason why our Sidonians are 
called Phoenicians,^ namely, because the colour of 
the Persian Gulf is " red " ; but others hold that 
the Sidonians on Oceanus are colonists from our 
Phoenicia. And there are some who transfer 
Ethiopia also to our Phoenicia, and who say that 
the adventure of Andromeda took place in Joppa, 
though the story is surely not told in ignorance of 
its local setting 2 but rather in the guise of myth ; 
and the same is true of the stories that Apollodorus 
cites from Hesiod and the other poets without even 
realising in what way he is comparing them with the 
stories in Homer. For he compares what Homer 
says about the Pontus and Egypt and charges him 
with ignorance, on the ground that, though he 
wanted to tell the truth, he did not do so, but in 
his ignorance stated as true what was not true. 
Yet no one could charge Hesiod with ignorance 
when he speaks of ^^men who are half-dog," of 
"long-headed men" and of ^'Pygmies"; no more 
should one charge Homer with ignorance when he 
tells these mythical stories of his, one of which is 
that of these very Pygmies ; nor Alcman when he 
tells about " web-footed men " ; nor Aeschylus when 
he speaks of '^ dog-headed men," or of ^^ men with 
eyes in their breasts," or of " one-eyed men " ^ ; 
since, at all events, we do not pay much attention 
to prose writers, either, when they compose stories 
on many subjects in the guise of history, even 
if they do not expressly acknowledge that they 
are dealing in myths. For it is self-evident that 
they are weaving in myths intentionally, not through 




α/γνοία των όντων, αλλά ττλάσβο των άΖυνάτων 
τβρατβίας καΐ τέρ^^^ω^ χ^/ο^ι/• Βοκοϋσι δβ κατ 
ayvoiav, οτι μάΧιστα καΐ πιθανω<; τα τοιαύτα 
μυθβύονσι irepX των ά^ηΚων καϊ των ayvoov μένων. 
^βοΊΓομπο^ Bk εξομοΧο^γβΐταί φήσα^ οτί καΧ 
μύθους iv ταϊς ίστορίαις ipel, κρβΐττον ή ως 
'Ηρόδοτος καϊ Κτησίας καΐ 'ΈίΧΧάνικος καϊ οΐ τά 
^IvSifch avjjpayjravTe^. 

36. Tlepl δέ των τον ώκβανον τταθων είρηται 
μβν iv μύθου σχήματα καϊ yap τούτον στοχά- 
ζβσθαι Bel τον ποιητην, άττό γά/ο των αμττώτεων 
καϊ των ττΧημμνρίΒων ή ^άρυβΒίς αντφ μ€μύ- 
θενταν, ούδ' αντη Ίταντάττασιν Όμηρον ττλάσμα 
ονσα, αλλ' άττο των ίστορονμένων nrepl τον St^re- 
Xlkov ΤΓορθμον 8ΐ€σκ€νασμένη. el δβ δΐ? της 
τταΧιρροίας γινομένης καθ^ €κάστην ήμέραν καϊ 
νύκτα €Κ€Ϊνος τρΙς €Ϊρηκ€, 

τρϊς μβν yap τ άνίησιν €π ή μάτι, TpU δ' άνα- 
ροιβΒ€Ϊ, {Od. 12. 105) 

XkyoiT αν καΐ όντως* αν yap κατ ayvoiav της 
ιστορίας νττοΧηιττέον XeyeaOai τοντο, αλλά τρα- 
yφ8ίaς χάριν καϊ φόβον, hv ή Κίρκη ττοΧυν τοις 
λόγοί? προστίθησιν άποτροττής χάριν, ωστ€ καΐ 
το ψβνΒος 7rapaplyvva0ai. iv αντοΐς yovv τοις 
iireai τούτοις €Ϊρηκ€ μ^ν ούτως ή Κίρκη* 

τρΙς μβν yap τ άνίησιν iir ήματι, τρις δ' 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 35-36 

ignorance of the facts, but through an intentional 
invention of the impossible, to gratify the taste for 
the marvellous and the entertaining. But they give 
the impression of doing this through ignorance, 
because by preference and with an air of plausibility 
they tell such tales about the unfamiliar and the 
unknown. Theopompus expressly acknowledges the 
practice when he says that he intends to narrate 
myths too in his History — ^a better way than that of 
Herodotus, Ctesias, Hellanicus, and the authors of ι 
the Histories of India. ^ -^ 

36. What Homer says about the behaviour of \ 
Oceanus is set forth in the guise of a myth (this too 
is a thing the poet must aim at) ; for he borrowed 
the myth of Charybdis from the ebb and flow of the | 
tides ; though even Charybdis herself is not wholly 
an invention of Homer, for she was dressed up by 
him in accordance with what had been told him 
about the Strait of Sicily. And suppose that by the 
words, ^' For thrice a day she spouts it forth, and ( 
thrice a day she sucks it down," Homer does affirm 
that the refluent tide comes in three times within 
the course of each day and night (although it comes 
in but twice), he might be permitted to express it in 
this way ; for we must not suppose that he used 
these words in ignorance of the facts, but for the / 
sake of the tragic effect and of the emotion of fear/ 
upon which Circe plays largely in what she says to 
Odysseus in order to terrify him ; and for that reasoi 
she ming led the f alsejvij:h the^true. At any rate, 
in these very lines Circe has said : '* For thrice a day 
she spouts it forth and thrice a day she sucks it 

^ De'imachus, Megasthenes, Onesicritus, Nearchus and 
others. See 2. 1. 9. 




Setvov μη συ ye κ€Ϊθι τνχοις, ore ροιβ8ησ€ί€' 
ου yap k€V ρύσαιτό σ ύττ^κ κακοΰ ούΚ ^Έ^νο- 
σίχθων. {Od. 12. 105) 

και μην ΤΓ αρέτυχέ τε Tjj άναρροιβ8ησ€ΐ 6 Όδυσ- 
σευ? καΐ ουκ άττώλβτο, ώ? φησιν αυτό?• 

C 44 ή μεν άνερροίβΒησε θαΧάσση^ αΧμυρον ν8ωρ' 

ανταρ βγω, ττοτΐ μακρόν ipiveov νψοσ^ αβρθεί*;, 
τω ττροσφν^ ^χόμην, ώ? νυκτερί^. {Od. 12. 431) 

είτα ΤΓΒριμβίνα^; τα vavayia κα\ Χαβομβνο^ ττάΧιν 
αντων σώζεται, ωστ βψενσατο ή Κίρκη, ώ? oifv 
τούτο, κάκεΐνο το *' τρι<; μεν yap τ άνίησιν έττ* 
η μάτι " άντΙ του St?, άμα καϊ τη<ζ ύιτερβοΧής τή<; 
τοιαύτης συνήθους ττάσιν οΰση<ζ, τρισ μακαρίου^ 
καϊ τρισαθΧίους \€y6vτωv' καϊ 6 ποιητής* 

τρισμάκαρε^ Ααναοί, {Od, 5. 306) 


άσττασίη τρίΧΚιστο*;, (Μ, 8. 488) 

τριχθά τε κα\ τετραχθά, {II, 3. 363) 

?σω9 δ' αν τι<; καϊ άττο τή^ ωρα<; τεκμηραιτο, ζτι 
υτταινίττεταί ττω? το άΧηθε<;* μάΧλον yhp εφαρ- 
μοττει ^ τφ δΙς yεvεσθaι την τταΚίρροιαν κατά τον 
συνάμφω χρόνον, τον εξ ημέρας καϊ νυκτός, η τω 
τρις, το ^ τοσούτον χρόνον μεϊναι τα vaυάyιa 
υτΓοβρύχια, οψε δέ άναβΧηθήναι ττοθούντι καϊ 
συνεχώς ττροσισχομενω τοις κΧάΒοις* 

νωΧεμεως δ' εχόμην, οφρ εξεμέσειεν οττίσσω 
ίστον καϊ τρόττιν αΐηις, εεΧΒομενφ Βέ μοι ^Χθον^ 
oyjr* Τίμος δ' * εττϊ Βόρνον άνηρ άyopηθεv ανέστη, 
^ 4ψαρμόττ€ΐ, Corais following kno, for 4ψαρμόττοι. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 36 

down — a terrible sight ! Never may est thou be 
there when she sucks the water, for none might save 
thee from thy bane, not even the Earth-Shaker." 
Yet Odysseus later on was present when she 
" sucked it down," and he did not perish ; as he 
himself says : " Now she had sucked down the salt 
sea-water, but I was swung up on high to a tall 
fig-tree, whereto I clung like a bat." Then waiting 
for the pieces of wreckage and laying hold of them 
again, he saved himself on them ; and so Circe lied, j 
And as she Ued in this statement, so she lied in that ^ 
other statement, ^^for thrice a day she spouts it 
forth," instead of " twice a day," although it is true, 
at the same time, that this kind of hyperbole is 
familiar to everybody — as, for instance, when we say 
" thrice-blessed " and ^' thrice- wretched." The poet 
himself says : ^^ Thrice-blessed those Danaans " ; 
and again : ^' Welcome, thrice-prayed for " ; and yet 
again : *' Into three, yea, into four pieces." Perhaps 
one might infer also from the time involved that 
Homer is, in a way, hinting at the truth ; for the 
fact that the pieces of wreckage remained so long 1 
engulfed and were only tardily cast up for Odysseus, 
who was longing for them and constantly clinging to 1 
the limbs of the tree, better suits the assumption 1 
that the refluent tide came in twice, rather than / 
thrice, during the twofold period, consisting of a day 
and a night : ^' Steadfastly I clung," he says, " till 
she should vomit forth mast and keel again; and 
late they came to my desire. At the hour when a 
man rises up from the assembly and goes to supper, 

* TO before τοσούτον f Corais inserts, following g ; Madvig 
' iikOoff Sterrett, for ^κθ€ν, * δ*, Sterrett, for τ\ 


VOL. I. Μ 



κρίνων veixea ττολλά Βικαζομένων αίζηων, 
και Tore δ?; μ,οι Βονρα ΧαρνβΒιο*; €ξ€φαάνθη. 

(Od. 12. 437) 

ττάντα yap ταύτα χ^ρονου τινο^ βμφασιν άξιόλό^γον 
ΒίΒωσι, καΐ μάλιστα το την eanrepav βττιτβϊναι, 
μη κοινω<ζ βίττοντα, ηνίκα 6 8ικαστη<ζ άνίσταται, 
ίΐλλ' ηνίκα κρίνων veiKca ττολλά, ώστ€ βραΖυναι 
ττλέον τι. καΐ άΧΧως δέ ου ττιθανην &ν νττέτβινε 
τφ ναυαγώ την άτταΧΚα^ην, et, ττρίν άττοσττασ- 
θηναι ΊΓοΧύ} αντίκα eh τούττίσω τταΧίρρονς 

37. ΆτΓολλόδω/οος δέ ίττιτιμα ΚαΧΚιμάχφ, 
συνηγόρων τοΪ9 irepl τον ^Ερατοσθένη, Βιότι, 
καίπβρ ^ραμματικο<ζ ων, τταρα την Όμηρικην 
ντΓοθβσιν καΐ τον βξωκβανισμον των τοττων, ττβρί 
0&9 την ττΚάνην φράζβι, FavSov και Κ,όρκνραν 
ονομάζβι, αλλ' el μεν μη^αμοΰ yiyovev ή ττΧάνη, 
αλλ' οΧον ττΧάσμα ίστιν ^Ομηρου τούτο, ορθή η 
έτΓίτίμησις' ή, el yeyove μεν, irepl αΧΧους Be 
τοΊΓον^, eSei^ Xiyeiv €ύθύ<; καΐ irepl τίνας, 
εττανορθούμενον αμα την ayvoiav, μήτε δέ οΚου 
ΊΓΧάσματο^ elvai τηθανω^ Xεyoμεvoυ, καθάττερ 
εττεΒείκννμεν, μητ αΧΧων τοττων κατά ττίστιν 
μύζω Βεικννμένων, άττοΧύοιτ αν τή<ζ αίτιας 6 

^ κοί, Corais deletes, before αντίκα*, Groskurd, Forbiger, 
following. * Ιδ€ΐ, Corais, for Wi. 

^ That is, three times a day. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 36-37 

the arbiter of many quarrels of the young men that 
plead their cases, at that hour the timbers came 
forth to view from out Charybdis." All this gives 
the impression of a considerable lapse of time, and 
particularly the fact that the poet prolongs the time 
to the evening, for he does not merely say in general 
terms, '^ at the hour when the judge rises up," but 
he adds "arbiter of many quarrels ** ; hence he had 
been detained somewhat longer than usual. And 
another consideration: the means of escape which 
the poet offers the shipwrecked Odysseus would not 
be plausible, if each time, before he was carried far 
away by the tide, he was immediately thrown back 
by the refluent tide.^ 

37. Apollodorus, agreeing with Eratosthenes and 
his school, censures Callimachus, because, though a 
scholar, Callimachus names Gaudos ^ and Corcyra as 
scenes of the wanderings of Odysseus, in defiance of 
Homer's fundamental plan, which is to transfer to 
Oceanus the regions in which he describes the 
wanderings as taking place. But if the wanderings 
never took place anywhere, and if this is wholly a 
fiction of Homer's, then Apollodorus' censure is 
just. Or if the wanderings did take place, but in 
other regions, then Apollodorus should have said so 
at the outset and should have told in what regions 
they took place, thus at once correcting the ignorant 
view of Callimachus. But since the story cannot 
with plausibility be called wholly a fiction, as I have 
shown above,^ and since no other places are pointed 
out that have a greater claim to our credence, Calli- 
machus might be absolved from censure. 

• Tl)e island of Gozo, south of Sicily, which Callimachus 
makes the Isle of Calypso. » χ 2. 9 ff. 

Μ 2 



C 45 38. Ουδ' 6 Έ,κηψιο^ Be Αημητριο<; eJ, άλΧά 
καΐ τψ ΆτΓολλοδώ/ο^ των αμαρτιών €νίων αίτίο^ 
€Κ€Ϊνο<ζ κατέστη, ττρος yhp Νβανθη τον Κνζικηνον 
φιλοτιμοτέρω<ζ avTcXiywv, βίττοντα οτι οΐ *Apyo- 
ναΰται ττΤ^οντβς eh Φάσιν τον ύφ' Όμηρου καϊ 
των αλΧων 6μο\ο^ονμ€νον πΚουν, ΙΒρύσαντο τα 
της Ίδαύΐ9 μητρο<ζ ieph irepl Κύζίκον, άρχην 
φησι μηΒ* elBivai την €ΐ<ζ Φάσιν άττοΒημίαν τον 
* Ιάσονος "Ομηρον, τούτο δ' ου μόνον τοις ύφ* 
\}μηρον \&^ομίνοις μάχεται, αλλά καΐ τοις υττ 
αυτού. φησΙ yap τον Άχίλλεα Αέσβον μεν 
ΊΓορθήσαι καΐ αΧΧα χωρία, Αημνου δ* άττοσχέσθαι 
καϊ των ττΧησίον νήσων Βια την προς ^Ιάσονα και 
τον υίον Έιΰνεων συyyev€ιav τον^ τ6τ€ την νησον 
κατέχοντα, πως οΰν 6 ποιητής τούτο μεν ^Bei, 
Βιοτι συyy€veΐς η ομοεθνείς ή yείτov€ς ή οπωσούν 
οικείοι ύπήρχον 6 τε ^ΑχιλΧεύς καΧ 6 ^Ιάσων 
{όπερ ούΒαμόθεν αΚΚοθεν, αλλ' εκ τού %εττα\ούς 
αμφότερους είναι συνέβαινε, καΐ τον μίν ^Ιώλκιον, 
τον δ' εκ της ΦθιώτιΒος *ΑχαιίΒος ύπάρχειν), 
τούτο δ' ήyv6ει, πόθεν επήλθε^ τφ ϊάσονι, 
^ετταΧφ και *1ω\κίφ υπάρχρντι, εν μ^ν Trj 
πατρίΒι μηΒεμίαν καταΧιπεΐν ΒιαΒοχήν, Αημνου 
Βε καταστησαι κύριον τον υΙον; καΧ \\.εΚιαν μ\ν 
ηΒει κάΧ Τ€ίς ΤΙεΧιάΒας και την "ΑΧκηστιν^ την 
άρίστην αύτων, καΧ τον υίον αυτής 

ΈΛμηΧον, τον υπ' ΆΒμητφ τεκέ Βία yυvaικωv 
"ΑΧκηστις, ΐΙεΧίαο θυyaτpωv ειΒος αρίστη' 

[ΐΙ 2. 714) 

* τίίι/, Η. Kallenberg inserts, before τ^«. 

2 4ΐΓη\θ€, Cobet, for ήλβ€ ; Bemadakis, Α. Vogel, approving. 

* tV 'Άλκηστιν, Kramer inserts. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 38 

38. Nor is Demetrius of Scepsis right; on the 
contrary, he is the cause of some of the mistakes of 
Apollodorus. For in his excessive eagerness to 
refute the statement of Neanthes of Cyzicus that 
the Argonauts erected the sanctuary of the Idaean 
Mother ^ in the neighbourhood of Cyzicus when they 
were sailing to Phasis ^ on the voyage which is 
admitted by Homer and other writers, Demetrius 
says that Homer knew absolutely nothing about the 
voyage of Jason to Phasis. Now this is opposed not 
only to Homer s statements but to the statements 
made by Demetrius himself. For Demetrius says that 
Achilles sacked Lesbos and other places, but spared 
Lemnos and the islands adjacent thereto on account 
of his kinship with Jason and with Jason's son 
Euneos who at that time possessed the island of 
Lemnos. Now how comes it that the poet knew 
this, namely, that Achilles and Jason were kinsmen 
or fellow-countrjmien, or neighbours, or friends in 
some way or other (a relationship that could not be 
due to any other fact than that both men were 
Thessalians, and that one was born in lolcus and the 
other in Achaean Phthiotis), and yet did not know 
what had put it into the head of Jason, a Thessalian 
and an lolcan, to leave no successor on the throne of 
of his native country, but to establish his son as lord 
of Lemnos? And did he know about Pelias and the 
daughters of Pelias, and about Alcestis, the noblest 
of them, and about her son ^^Eumelus, whom 
Alcestis, fair among women, bare to Admetus, 
Alcestis that was most beauteous to look upon of 
the daughters of Pelias," and yet, as regards the 

1 Cybele. See 10. 3. 1^13. 

2 See 11. 2. 16-18. 




των Se ττερϊ τον ^Ιάσονα συμβάντων καί την 
'Αργώ fccH τον<; ^Apyovairra^, των μλν ομχΐΚο^γου' 
μίνων πάρα ττάσιν άνηκοο^ ffv, iv he τφ ώκβανφ 
τον τταρ Αίητον ττΧοΰν ίττΧαττβν, άρχην μηΒεμίαν 
έξ ιστορίας Χαβών ; 

39. Ώ? μ€ν yap ατταντες Χ&γονσι,ν, ο τ€^ βξ αρ- 
χής ττλοΟς ό - βττΙΦάσιν €χ€ΐ ττιθανον τι, του ΤΙέλίου 
στβίΧαντος^ καΐ ή βττάνοΒος κ αϊ η iv τφ ΊταράΐΓΚφ 
νήσων οσηΒη εττικράτβια καΧ νη Αία ή €7γΙ irXeov 
'γ€νηθ€Ϊσα τίΚάνη, καθάττβρ καΧ τφ Οδυσσβ? κα\ 
τφ Μβϊ^βλάω, ίκ των €τι νυν Ββικνυμβνων και 
ττεττιστευ μίνων, €τι Be ^ etc της Όμηρου φωνής, 
η τ€ yap Ala Βείκνυταν irepl Φάσ^ν ττόλις• καΐ 
6 Αΐήτης πβττ/στβυτα^ βασι\€ΰσαι τής ΚοΧχίΒος, 
και ίστι τοις e/cet τοΰτ έτηχώριον τοΰνομα, ή τ€ 
Mi^Beia φαρμακίς ίστορβΐται, καΐ 6 ΐΓΧοΰτος της 
ίκεΐ χώρας i/c των χρυσ€ίων καΐ apyυpeίωv καΧ 
σι&ηρ€ίων καΐ χαΧκβίων * Βικαίαν τννα ύτταγο/οβνε* 
ττροφασιν τής στρατβίας, καθ" tjv καΐ Φρίξος 
ττροτβρον €στ€ΐΧ€ τον ΊτΧοΰν τούτον καϊ ^στιν 
υπομνήματα τής άμφοΐν στpaτeίaς, το τ€ Φρίξαον 
το iv τοις μεθορίοις τής τ€ Κολχ^δθ9 καΐ τής 
^Ιβηρίας, καί τα ^Ιασονβια, h ποΧΧαχοΰ καΧ τής 
^Apμevίaς καΧ τής ΜηΒίας καΧ των πΧησιοχώρων 
C 46 αύταΐς τόπων Ββίκνυται, καΧ μην καΧ πeρX 

* 5 Τ6 ^{ ipxrjs rkovSf Corais, for Ζτι 4ζ άρχ^ί ^ irKovs; 
Madvig approving. 

^ ό, Η. Kallenberg inserts, before inl Φασιν. 
' Ιτι δ^, Madvig, for iffriy. 

* ffidriptiwy κα\ χαλκ^Ιων ΒικαΙαν, Α. Miller, for σιΒηρίίων καί 
hiKaiay ; Α. Vogel approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 38-39 

adventures of Jason and the Argo and the Argo- 
nauts, had never heard of the things that are ^reed 
upon_J>)Leverybody, but invented the voyage away 
from Aeetes' country and placed it on Oceanus, with- 
out any foundation for his story in history ? 

39. For, as all admit, the original voyage to 
Phasis ordered by Pelias, the return voyage, and 
the occupation, however considerable, of islands on 
the coasting- voyage thither, contain an element of 
plausibility, as do also, I am sure, the wanderings/ 
which carried Jason still further — just as there is 
an element of plausibility in the wanderings of 
both Odysseus and Menelaus — as evidenced by 
things still to this day pointed out and believed 
in, and by the words of Homer as well. For 
example, the city of Aea is still shown on the 
Phasis, and Aeetes is believed to have ruled over 
Colchis, and the name Aeetes ^ is still locally current 
among the people of that region. Again, Medea 
the sorceress is a historical person ; and the wealth 
of the regions about Colchis, which is derived from 
the mines of gold, silver, iron, and copper, suggests 
a reasonable motive for the expedition, a motive 
which induced Phrixus also to undertake this voyage \ 
at an earlier date. Moreover, memorials of both 
expeditions still exist : the sanctuary of Phrixus,^ 
situated on the confines of Colchis and Iberia, and 
the sanctuaries of Jason, which are pointed out 
in many places in Armenia and Media and in the 
countries adjacent thereto. More than that, it is 

^ Aeetes was a patronym of a dynasty of Colchian kings. 
See Xenopbon, Anah, 5. 6. 37. 

' On this sanctuary and Iberia (east of Colchis) see 
11. 2. 18. 





^ινώττην καϊ την ταύττ} ^ τταραΧίαν και την Π/οο- 
τΓοντίΒα καΐ τον 'ΈΐλΧησποντον μ^χρι των κατά 
την Αήμνον τόττων Χέτ/βται ττολλά τβκμηρια της 
τ€ ^Ιάσονος στρατβίας καϊ τή<; Φρίξον τή<; δ* 
ΊασοΐΌ9 καϊ των βτΓΐΒιωξάντων ΚόΧχων καϊ μ€χρι 
τή<; Κρήτης καϊ της ^ΙταΧίας καΧ του *Α8ρίον, ων 
evia καϊ 6 ΚαΧΚίμαχος επισημαίνεται, τοτβ μεν 

ΑίγΚήτην ^Ανάφην τε'ΑακωνίΒι ^γείτονα ^ήρχι 

λ€γωι/ εν εΚε^εία, ^9 η αρχή' ^ 

"Αρχμενος, ώς ήρωες απ Αίήταο Κνταίον, 
αϊτης ες άρχαίην εττΧεον Αίμονίην 

τότε Βε ττερϊ των ΚόΧχων, 

οι μεν επ ^ΐΧΚυριοΙο^ ττορου σχάσσαντες ερετμΰΐ 
Χαα ττάρα ξανθής ^Αρμονίης τάφιον * 

αστυρον εκτίσσαντο, τό κεν^ ΦvyάBωv τις ενίσττοι 
Γραικός, άταρ κείνων γλώσσ' ονόμηνε ΤΙοΧας, 

τίνες 8ε καϊ τον "Ίστρον άναττΧευσαί φασι μέχρι 
ποΧΧού τους ττερϊ τον ^Ιάσονα, οι Βε καϊ μέχρι 
τον ^ΑΒρίον οι μεν κατά ayvoiav των τόττων, οι 
Βε καϊ τΓοταμον *Ίστρον εκ του με^γαΧον ^Ίστρου 
την αρχήν έχοντα εκβάΧΧειν εΙς τον *ΑΒρίαν φασί• 
ταΧΧα ^ Bk ουκ αττιθάνως ούΒ^ άττίστως Χε^οντες, 

40. Ύοιαύταις Βή τισιν άφορμαΐς 6 ποιητής 
χρησάμενος τά μ^ν ομόΧο^ει τοΙς ίστορουμενοις, 

^ τούτρ, Meineke (Vind. 4), for ravrris ; Α. Vogel approving. 
2 iv i\€y€l:^, ^s ri apxh'i Meineke (Vind. 5) inserts, after 
Χ^Ύων ; Forbiger, C. Miiller, Tardieu, following. 

' *l\Kvptoio, Meineke, for *\Κ\υρικοίο ; C. Muller approving. 

* τάφιον y Bentley, for 6<pn)s ; Meineke following. 
® r6 K€v, Corais, for τ^ μ4ν ; Meineke following. 

* τάλλα, Groskurd, for τα ; Forbiger approving. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 39-40 

said that there are many evidences of the expeditions 
of Jason and of Phrixus in the neighbourhood of 
Sinope and the adjacent sea-board and also about 
the Propontis and the Hellespont as far as the 
regions about Lemnos. And there are traces of 
the expedition of Jason, and of the Colchians who 
pursued him, as far as Crete and Italy and the ; 
Adriatic Sea, some of which Callimachus notes when ^ 
he says, " Aegletes ^ and Anaphe hard by Laconian 
Thera,* " in an elegy whose opening words are, 
" At the outset I shall sing how the heroes sailed 
back from the kingdom of Aeetes of Cytaea to 
ancient Haemonia.* " In another place Callimachus 
speaks about the Colchians, who " stayed their oars 
in the Sea of Illyria beside the tomb-stone of blonde 
Harmonia, and there built a little city, which a 
Greek would call ' the city of the exiles,' but which 
their language has named Polae.^ " Some say 
that Jason and his companions even sailed up the 
Ister * a considerable distance, while others say that 
he ascended aa far as the Adriatic Sea ; the former 
make their statement in ignorance of these regions, 
whereas the latter make the assertion that a river 
Ister branches off from the great Ister and empties 
into the Adriatic Sea; but apart from this, what 
they say is neither improbable nor incredible. 

40. Accordingly, it is by availing himself of some 
such basis of fact that Homer tells his story, 
agreeing in some respects with matters of history, 

* "The radiant one," epithet of ApoUo. To save the 
Argonauts he caused the island of Anaphe, now Nanfi, to 
rise from the sea. ■ The Argonauts erected a temple there 
to «* Apollo Aegletes." « In Cyrene. See 8. 3. 19. 

3 Thessaly. See 9. 5. 23. * See 5. 1. 9. * Danube. 




προσμυθβνει he τοντοι<ζ, βθος τι φνΧάττων καΙ 
KOLVOV καΧ ϊΒιον. 6μo\oy€ΐ μέν, όταν τον ^ ΑΙήτην 
ονομάζγι, καϊ τον ^Ιάσονα κα\ την 'A/yyo) Χέγη, 
καΙ παρά την Αίαν^ την Αίαίην ττλάττι;, fcal τον 
Έιΰνβων iv Αημνφ καθιΒρντ), καΐ irocp τφ Άχίλλβί 
φίΧην την νησον, καΐ τταρα την M^rfheiav την 
Κίρκην φαρμακί^α ποι^ 

αύτοκασι^νητην ολΌοφρονος ΑΙηταο' 

(Od, 10. 137) 

ητροσμυθοττοίβΐ he τον €ξωκ€ανισμον Τον κατά την 
ττλάνην συμβάντα την άττ e/ceivov τάν ττλοδ. eirel. 
KCLKelvo, v^Γ0ίeeLμ€vωv μ€ν τούτων, €v XeyeTac, 

'Apya> ττασίμΑΧουσα, {Od, 12. 70) 

ώς ev Ύνωρίμοις τόττοις καΐ evavhpovat ττγζ ναν- 
στο\ία<ζ 'γ€νομ€νης• el δ', &aTrep 6 2/ί^'ψ'^09 
φησι τταραΧαβών μάρτυρα Μίμν€ρμον, δς ev τφ 
ωκ€ανφ ιτοιησας την οϊκησιν του Αίήτου ττρος 
τα?9 άνατοΧαΐς €κτο<; ^Γeμφθrjvaί φησιν ύττο του 
Tle\ίoυ τον ^Ιάσονα καϊ κομίσαι το Sepo^, οΰτ &ν 
ή €7γΙ το Sepos €Κ€Ϊσ€ ττομττη ιηθανω<ζ \eyoiTO eh 
άγνωτα<ί καϊ άφαν€Ϊ^ τόπους οίσα? οΰθ* ο hC 
έρημων καϊ αοίκων καν καθ" ημα^ τοσούτον €ΚΤ€- 
τοτΓίσμένων ττλοί)? ούτ €ν8οξος οΰτ€ πασίμέλων. 

C 47 (ούΒέ κοτ αν μέ^α κωα<ζ avryyayev αύτος 

ίξ Αϊης, τελβσα? aKyιv6eσσav ohov, 

^ τ<ίι/, Corais inserts, before Αΐήτι»»'. 

2 r^v Αίαν, Corais inserts before r^v ΑϊαΙην (or rhv Αΐίιτην) ; 
Kramer, Forbiger, Meineke, following. 

^ οίσα, Β. Niese inserts, after tottqvs. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 40 

but adding to them an element of myth, thus 
adhering to a custom that is not only his own but 
one common to poets. He agrees with history 
when he uses the name of ^^ Aeetes," ^ when he 
tells of Jason and the Argo, when, with " Aea " 
in mind, he invents ^^ Aeaea," ^ when he establishes 
Euneos in Lemnos, when he makes the island of 
Lemnos beloved of Achilles, and when, with Medea 
in mind, he makes the sorceress Circe " own sister 
to the baleful Aeetes/* But he adds an element 
of mjrth when he transfers to Oceanus the wanderings 
that follow the voyage to Aeetes* country. For if 
the facts above-mentioned be assumed, then the 
words, ^Hhe Argo that is in all men's minds," are 
also properly used, inasmuch as the expedition is 
supposed to have taken place in well-known and 
populous regions. But if the facts were as Demetrius 
of Scepsis maintains, on the authority of Mimnermus 
(Mimnenhus places the home of Aeetes in Oceanus, 
outside the inhabited world in the east, and affirms 
that Jason was sent thither by Pelias and brought 
back the fleece), then, in the first place, the expedi- 
tion thither in quest of the fleece would not sound 
plausible (since it was directed to unknown and 
obscure countries), and in the second place, the 
voyage through regions desolate and uninhabited 
and so out-of-the-way from our part of the world 
would be neither famous nor "in all men's minds." 
Mimnermus says : ^' Never would Jason himself have 
brought back the great fleece from Aea, accom- 
plishing his mind-racking journey and fulfilling the 

1 Od. 12. 70. 

« Od. 11. 70; 12. 3. Homer's "Aeaea" (home of Circe) 
was an invention based upon ** Aea," which he actually 
knew. Strabo alludes to tne same thing in 1. 2. 10. 




υβριστή TleXirj τέΚέων χαΚεπηρβ^ αβθΧον, 
ούί' αν iir* *Ω,Κ€ανον κάλον Ικοντο ροον 

καΙ νΊΓοβάς, 

Αίηταο ΊΓοΚιν, τοθι τ ώκ€0<ζ 'HeXtoto 
άκτΐν€<ζ χρυσέίρ κείαται iv θάλάμφ 
^Ω, /ceavov irapk χ6/λ€σ', Χν* ωχβτο Oelo^ ^Ιησων,γ 


1. Ovhe τούτ εδ ^Ερατοσθένης;, δτι άνΒρων ουκ 
αξίων μνήμη<ζ εττΐ ττΧίον μέμνηται, τά μέν έκέγχων, 
τά he ΊΓίστβνων real μάρτυσι χρώμ€νο<ζ αυτοί?, 
οίον Δα/χάστι; /cai τοιούτοι^ aWot^. κα] yap €Ϊ τι 
Xiyovaiv ά\ηθ€<ζ, ου μάρτυσι ye ifceivoi^; χρηστέον 
irepl αύτοΰ, oiSe 7Γl•στevτeov Sia τοΰτο' αλλ' cttI 
των άξιo\6yωv άνΒρων μόνων τφ τοωύτφ τρόττφ 
χρηστέον, οΐ πολλά μ€ν βίρηκασι,ν el•, ττολλα he 
καΐ τταραΧέΚοίττασιν η ουχ ικανών eξeΐ^ΓOV, oihev 
S* iyjreυσμ€vω<ζ. 6 he Ααμάστί) xp<i>p,evo<; μάρτυρι 
oihev hLa^>ep€l• του καΧοΰντος μάρτυρα τον TAep- 
yahv ή τον Μ€σσήνιον Εύι^μβρον καΐ τους άΧλους, 
οϋς αύτος €Ϊρηκ€ ^ιαβάΚΚων την φΧυαρίαν. /cal 
τούτου δ' eva των Χήρων αύτος Xeyei, τον μ€ν 

^ These lines are regarded as a marginal note by Kramer, 
Meineke, C. Miiller. 

' Since Antiphanes of Berga, in Thrace, was the typical 
romancer, **Bergaean" became a proverbial epithet for 
writers of his type. It is not known whether Euhemerus 
was from Messene in Sicily, or from Messene in the Pelopon- 
nesus. He made extensive journeys by order of Cassander, 
King of Macedonia (316-297 B.C.). In his work on ** Sacred 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 2. 40-3. ι 

difficult ta3k for insolent Pelias, nor would they 
have come even to the fair stream of Oceanus**; 
and further on he says : ^^ To the city of Aeetes, 
where the rays of the swift Sun lie in a chamber of 
gold beside the lips of Oceanus, whither glorious 
Jason went.'* ^ 


1 CE ratost h en^ is wrong on this point too, that he 
makesmention at too great length of men who do 
not deserve mention, censuring them in some things, 
while in other things he believes them and uses 
them as authorities — for instance, Damastes and 
others of his type. For even if there is an element 
of truth in what they say, we should not on that 
account use them as authorities, or believe them, 
either ; on the contrary, we should use in such 
a way only men of repute — ^men who have been 
right on many points, and who, though they have 
omitted many things, or treated them inadequately, 
have said nothing with false intent. But to use 
Damastes as an authority is no whit better than to 
cite as auth^^i^a_tlie " Bergaean " — or rather the 
Messenian-QEuhemeruH and the other writers whom 
Eratostheneslil mself ci tes, in order to ridicule their 
absurdities. Eratosthenes himself tells us one of the 
absurd stories of Damastes, who assumes that the 

History" he gave a fanciful account of hie travels, and, 
on the basis of various inscriptions which he said he 
saw, attempted to rationalize tne whole system of Greek 




^Αράβιον κοΚίΓον Χίμνην νπόλαμβάνοντος elvai, 
Αιότιμον Be τον Χτρομβίχον πρβσββίας * Αθηναίων 
άφη^ονμβνον Sict του ΚνΒνου avairXevaat €Κ της 
Κιλικία^: iwl τον Χοάσπην ττοταμόν, δ? τταρα τα 
Χονσα pel, καϊ αφικίσθαι τβσσαρακοσταΐον €t9 
Χονσα* ταύτα δ' αντφ Βι/η^ησασθαι αύτον τον 
Αίότιμον, είτα θαυμάζβιν ^ ei τον Έιύφράτην καΐ 
τον Tiypiv fjv Βννατον Βιακόψαντα τον KvSvov eh 
τον Χοάσιτην €κβa\eΐv. 

2. Ου μόνον Be ταΰτ αν τις έττισημήναιτο, αλλ* 
OTL κάΙ irepl των πόντων^ oiBk καθ^ ίαυτον ττω 
ψ^ώριαα elvai φήσας^ τα καθ* €καστα ακριβό- 
Χο^ουμ€να, καϊ Κ€\€ύσας ήμΐν μη ραΒίως τοις 
τυγρυσι 'mστeύeιv, καϊ τας αίτιας Βιά μακρών 
άτΓοΒούς, Βι &ς oiBevl * ττιστευτέον μυθόΧο^οΰντι 
ΊΓβρί των κατίί τον ΤΙοντον καϊ τον *ΑΒρίαν, 
αύτος iiriaTevae τοις τνχρυσι, ToiyapToi τον μ€ν 
^Ισσικον κοΚιτον ^ττιστβι/σβι/ ίωθινώτατον της καθ* 
ημάς θαλάττης σημeΐov, του κατά ΑιοσκουριάΒα 
την ev τφ του ΤΙόντου μυγ<ρ σχεΒόν τι καϊ 
τρισγιΚίοις σταΒίοις ίωθινωτέρου οντος καϊ κατ* 
αύτον €Κ του σταΒιασμοΰ ου φησί' του τ€ 
*ΑΒρίου καϊ τά αρκτικά καϊ τα ίσχατα Βΐ€ζιων 
ούΒενος άπ€χ€ται μυθώΒους, πβττίστβυκβ δέ καϊ 
7Γ€ρϊ των ίξω στηΚων ΉρακΧείων ττοΧΚοΐς 
μυθώΒβσι, Κέρνην τ€ νησον καϊ αΚΚους τόττους 

* On βαυμάζ^ιν see Η. Berger {Die geog. Frag, dee Erat., p. 
44) and C. Frick (Bursian's Jahresh, 1880, p. 552). 

2 Ίτόντων, Kramer conjectures, for τόιτων; C. Muller, 
Forbiger, Tardieu, following. 

* ^f σατ , A. Miller, for φ•ησί ; A. Vogel approving. 

* oi^tyi, A. Miller, for ovU; and μvθoλoyov^frι, for μ€θ* h 
\4yfi 5ti, for which Siebenkees* oTov appears in the editions. 



GEOGRAPHY, [. 3. 1-2 

Arabian Giilf is a lake, and that Diotimus, the son 
of Strombichus, sailed, at the head of an embassy 
of the Athenians, from Cilieia up the Cydnus River 
to the Choaspes River, which flows by Susa, and 
reached Susa on the fortieth day ; and Eratosthenes 
says that Damastes was told all this by Diotimus 
himself. And then, Eratosthenes adds, Damastes 
wonders whether it was really possible for the 
Cydnus River to cut across the Euphrates and the 
Tigris and to empty into the Choaspes. 

2. Not only might one disapprove of Eratosthenes 
for telling such a story, but also for this reason : after 
admitting that the exact details about the seas were 
not yet known even in his own time, and although 
he bids us not to be too ready to accept the authority 
of people at haphazard, and although he gives at 
length the reasons why we should believe no one 
who writes mythical tales about the regions along 
the Euxine and the Adriatic, yet he himself accepted 
the authority of people at haphazard. So, for 
example, he believed that the Gulf of Issus is the 
most easterly point of the Mediterranean ; whereas 
the point at Dioscurias in the extreme comer of the 
Euxine Sea is farther east by almost three thousand 
stadi^ even according to Eratosthenes himself, if we 
follow the reckoning by stadia which he gives. And 
when he describes the northernmost and extreme 
parts of the Adriatic Sea there is nothing fabulous 
about them from which he holds aloof. And he has 
also given credence to many fables about the regions 
beyond the Pillars of Heracles, mentioning an 
island named Ceme and other countries which are 




C 48 ονομάζων tovs μηΒαμοΰ νυνί Ββικνυ μένους, irepl 
ων μνησθησομβθα καΐ ύστερον, βΐιτών Τ€ τους 
ά(/χαιοτάτους irkeiv μεν^ κατίί Xrjareiav rj ίμίΓο- 
ρίαν, μη ττεΚα^ίζβιν δβ, άλλα τταρα yrjv, καθάττβρ 
τον ^Ιάσονα, ovirep καί μέχρι της * Αρμενίας καΧ 
^ίηΖίας €κ των ΚόΧχων στρατεΰσαι άφέντα τάς 
ναϋς, ύστερον φησι το ΊταΧαιον οΰτβ τον Έιΰξεινον 
θαρρεϊν τίνα ττΧεΐν, οΰτε τταρα Αφύην καΐ ^υρίαν 
καΐ ΚιΚικίαν, ei μεν οΰν τους τταΚαι τους ττρο 
της ημετέρας Χέγει μνήμης, ούΒεν εμοί μέλει ττερΧ 
εκείνων Κε^ειν, ουτ ει ειτλεον, ουτ ει μη. ει όε 
irepl των μνημονευομένων, ουκ αν οκνησαι τις 
είττεΐν ώς οι τταΧαιοΙ μακροτέρας οΒούς φανοΰνται 
καΐ κατά yrjv καΐ κατά θάΧατταν τεΧέσαντες των 
ύστερον, ει χρη ττροσέχειν τοΙς Χε^ομένοις* οίον 
Αιονυσος και ΉρακΧής καΐ αύτος 6 ^Ιάσων, ετι S* 
οι ύτΓΟ του ττοιητοΰ Xεyόμεvoι, *08υσσεύς καΐ 
ΜενέΧαος, και @ησέα δέ και ΤΙειρίθουν μακράς 
εικός εστί στρατείας ύττομείναντας καταΧιττεϊν 
8όξαν ΊτερΧ εαυτών ως εις "AtSou καταβάντας, τους 
Βε Αιοσκούρους εττιμεΧητάς της θαΧάσσης Χεχθή- 
ναι καΐ σωτήρας των ττΧεοντων. ή τε ΉΙίνω 
θαΧαττοκρατία θρυΧεΐται και η Φοινίκων ναυτιλία, 
οΐ καΐ τα εξω των ΉρακΧείων στηΧων εττήΧθον 
καϊ ΤΓοΧεις έκτισαν κακεΐ καΐ ΊτερΙ τά μέσα της 
Αιβύης ΊταραΧίας μικρόν των Ύρωικων ύστερον. 
Αΐνείαν δέ καΐ ^Αντήνορα καϊ ^Ενετούς και άπΧώς 

^ μ4ν, Bernhardy, Groskurd, Β. Niese, for καί; Forbiger, 
Α. Vogel, approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 2 

nowhere pointed out to-day — matters about which I 
shall speak later on. And although Eratosthenes 
has said that the earliest Greeks made voyages for 
the sake of piracy or of commerce, not, indeed, in 
the open sea, but along the coast — as did Jason, who 
actually abandoned his ships and, starting from the 
Colchians^ penetrated as far as Armenia and Media 
— ^he says later on that in ancient times no one had 
the courage to sail on the Euxine Sea, or along 
Libya, Syria, or Cilicia. Now if by ^^ the ancients " 
he means those who lived in the times of which 
we of to-day have no records, then I am in no wise 
concerned to speak about them, as to whether they 
made voyages or not. But if he means men who 
are mentioned in history, then one would not 
hesitate to affirm that the ancients will be shown to 
have made longer journeys, both by land and by sea, 
than have men of a later time, if we are to heed 
what tradition tells us : for instance, Dionysus, and 
Heracles, and Jason himself ; and, again, Odysseus 
and Menelaus, whose stories are narrated by the 
poet. And again, it is doubtless because Theseus 
and Pirithous had the hardihood to make such long 
journeys as they made that they left behind them 
the reputation of having gone down to Hades, and 
that the Dioscuri were called "guardians of the sea'* 
and "saviours of sailors.'* Again, the maritime 
supremacy of Minos is far-famed, and so are the 
voyages of the Phoenicians, who, a short time after 
the Trojan War, explored the regions beyond the 
Pillars of Heracles and founded cities both there and 
in the central parts of the Libyan sea-board. As to 
Aeneas, Antenor, and the Enetians, and, in a word. 


VOL. I. Ν 



το 1^9 iic του Ύρωίκον ττοΧέμου ΐΓΧανηθέρτας β*9 
ττάσαν την οίκουμβνην άξιον μη των τταΧαι&ν 
άνθρώττων νομίσαι ; συνέβη ycip Βη τοΐς τ6τ€ 
'^ΚλΧησιν ομοίως καΐ τοις βαρβάροις Bici τον της 
στρατείας χρόνον άττοβαΧεΐν τα τ€ ίν οϊκφ καΧ τ§ 
στρατεία ττορισθέντα' ωστ€ μετά την του ^ϊλίου 
καταστροφην τους τ€ νικησαντας eVl Χ^στείαν 
τραττέσθαι Βιά τας απορίας, κα\ ττοΧύ μαΧΧον τους 
ηττηθέντας καΐ ire piyevo μένους ίκ του ποΧέμου. 
κα\ Βη καΐ ΤΓοΧβις ύττο τούτων τΓΧεΐσται κτισθήναι 
Xέyovτaι κατά πάσαν την εξω της ^ΈίΧΧάΒος 
τταραΧίαν, εστί δ' οττου κα\ την μβσό^αιαν, 

3. Έ^Ιττων δέ καΧ αυτός, οττοσον ττροΰβη τά της 
οικουμένης €ΐς γνώσιν τοις μετ ^ΑΧέξανΒρον καΐ 
κατ αύτον ήΒη, μεταβέβηκβν έτη τον irepl του 
σγ/ιματος Xoyov, ούχΙ irepl του της οικουμένης, 
οπ€ρ ην οικ€ΐότ€ρον τφ ττβρί αυτής Χ6^φ, άλλ^ 
του της συμπάσης γ%• Βεί μεν yap καΧ τούτου 
μνησθήναι, μη ατάκτως Βέ, ειττων οίν, οτι 
σφαιροειΒης η σύμπασα, ούχ^ ώς έκ τόρνου Βέ, 
C 49 αλλ' βχει τινάς άνωμαΧίας, επιφέρει το πΧήθος 
των εν μέρει μετασχηματισμών αυτής, οι συμβαί- 
νουσιν εκ τε ΰΒατος καΐ πυρός καΧ σεισμών καΧ 
άναφυσημάτων καΧ αΧΧων τοιούτων, ούΒ^ ενταύθα 
την τάξιν φυΧάττων, το μίν yap σφαιροειΒες 
περί οΧην την yήv άπο τής του οΧου ?ξεω<ζ 
συμβαίνει, οι Βε τοιούτοι μετασχηματισμοΧ την 

^ See note 2, page 40. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 2-3 

the survivors of the Trojan War that wandered forth 
into the whole inhabited world — is it proper not to 
reckon them among the men of ancient times ? For 
it came about that, on account of the length of the 
campaign^ the Greeks of that time, and the bar- 
barians as well, lost both what they had at home and 
what they had acquired by the campaign ; and so, 
after the destruction of Troy, not only did the 
victors turn to piracy because of their poverty, but 
still more the vanquished who survived the war. 
And, indeed, it is said that a great many cities were 
founded by them along the whole sea-coast outside 
of Greece, and in some places in the interior also. 

3. Now after Eratosthenes has himself told what 
great advances in the knowledge of the inhabited 
Avorld had been made not only by those who came 
after Alexander but by those of Alexander's own 
times, he passes to his discussion of the shape of the 
world, not indeed of the inhabited world — which 
would have been more appropriate to his discussion 
of that subject — but of the earth as a whole; of 
course, one must discuss that point too, but not out 
of its proper place. And so, after he has stated 
that the earth as a whole is spheroidal^— not spher- 
oidal indeed as though turned by a sphere-lathe, but 
that it has certain" irregularities of surface — he pro- 
ceeds to enumerate the large number of its successive 
changes in shape— changes which take pls^ce as the 
result of the action of water, fire, earthquakes, 
volcanic eruptions, and other similar agencies ; and 
here too he does not preserve the proper order. 
For the spheroidal shape that characterises the earth ! 
as a whole results from the constitution of the uni- 
verse, but such changes as Eratosthenes mentions do .' 




μ€ν οΚην yrjv ovBev βξάΧΧάττουσιν (eV ycip τοϊς 
μβΎοΚοιςτ. ίναφανίζεται τα οντω μικρά), τήν δέ 
οίκου μέι^ης hiaOeaei^ ετέρας καΐ ίτέρας τινάς 
άτΓβρ^άζονται, και τας ττροσεχβϊς αίτιας άΧΚας 
καΐ αΧΚας βχουσι. 

4. ΜάΚιστα Si φησι ζητησιν τταρασχβΐν, ττως 
iv ΒισχιΧίοις και τρισχιΧίοις άττό θάλάττης 
σταΒίοις κατά την p^aoyaiap οραται ττολλαχοΟ 
κό'γχων καΧ οστρέων και γτ^ραμύΖων ττΧηθος καϊ 
ΧιμνοθάΧατται, καθώιτβρ φησι ττβρι το iepov του 
"Άμμωνος καϊ την έττ αυτο^ ohov τρισχιΧίων 
σταΖίων οΰσαν ττοΧΧην yap elvai χύσιν όστριων, 
αΧας τ€ καϊ νυν βτι €ύρίσκ€σθαι ττοΧΧούς, άνα- 
φυσηματά τ€ θαΧάττης βίς ΰψος άναβάΧΧειν, προς 
ω και vaυάyιa θαΧαττίων ττΧοίων Βείκνυσθαι, 
α €φασαν Βιά του^ χάσματος ίκβββράσθαι, κα\ 
ίπί στυΧιΒίων άνακβΐσθαι ΒέΧφΐνας e^Γιypaφηv 
έχοντας Κυρηναίων θβωρών. ταύτα δ' βΐΊτων την 
Χτράτωνος eiraivei Βόξαν του φυσικού, κάί βτι 
Ηάνθου του ΑυΒοΰ, του μβν Βάνθου Xeyovτoς βττΐ 
*Αρταξ€ρξου yeveaOai μέyav αύχμόν, ωστ ckXi- 
ττβίν ΤΓοταμούς και Χίμνας καΐ φρέατα' αυτόν τ€ 
iSeiv^ ΤΓοΧΧαχή πρόσω άπο της θαΧάττης Χίθους 
τ€ κoyχυXιωB€lς * κα\ όστρακα ^ κτβνώΒβα καϊ 
χηραμυΒων τυπώματα και ΧιμνοθάΧατταν^ ev- 
Αρμβνίοις καϊ Ματιηνοΐς και iv Φpυyίa ττ} κάτω, 

^ iv* ahro, Α. Miller, for ^ir* αΐτφ^ and Cascorbi's ^ir* αυτού, 

- hia TOW, Corais, for Zih. του, 

^ ibfiVf Corais on the authority of ghnOj for ci^hai ; Cobet 
independently ; Bernadakis, A. V ogel, approving. 

■* \Ιθου5 T6 κυ•γχυ\ιώ^€ΐ5, the old reading of the editors on 
the authority of Β is retained by Corais, for the λίθον τ€ καϊ 
κογχυλιώΖη of ΙΑ ; Kramer, Meineke, Muller-Dubner, follow- 
ing, but omitting the καΐ. 




GEOGRAPHY, i. 3. 3-4 

not in any particular alter the earth as a whole 
(changes so insignificant are lost in great bodies), 
though they do produce conditions in the inhabited 
world that are diiFerent at one time from what they 
are at another, and the immediate causes^ which 
produce them are different at different times. ^ 

4. Eratosthenes says further ,tj|iat this question in 
particular has presented a prmilem : how 'does it 
come about that large quantities 6f mussel-shells, 
oyster-shells, scallop-shells, and also s^lt-marshes are 
found in many places in the interior at a distance of 
two thousand or three thousand Vtadia from the sea — 
for instance (to quote Eratosthenes) in^the neighbour- 
hood of the temple of Ammon and along the road, 
three thousand stadia in length, that leads^to it ? 
At that place, he says, there is a large deposit of 
oyster-shells, and many beds of salt are still to be 
found there, and jets of salt-water rise to some 
height ; besides that, they show pieces of wreckage 
from seafaring ships which the natives said had been 
cast up through a certain chasm, and on small columns 
dolphms are dedicated that bear the inscription : 
^'Of Sacred Ambassadors of Cyrene." Then he 
goes on to praise the opinion of Strato, the physicist, 
and also that of Xanthus of Lydia. In the first 
place he praises the' opinion of Xanthus, who says 
that in the reign of Artaxerxes there was so great a 
drought that the rivers, lakes, and wells dried up ; 
that far from the sea, in Armenia, Matiene, and 
Lower Phrygia, he himself had often seen, in many 
places, stones in the shape of a bivalve, shells of the 
pecten order, impressions of scallop-shells, and a 

* όστρακα, Madvig,.for ra. 

^ ΚιμνοθάΚατταν, Meineke, for λιμνοβάΚασσαν. 




ων €V€fca ΐΓβίθεσθαι τα irehia irore θάΚατταν 
yeveaOai. τον Be Χτράτωνο<ζ ert μαΧΚον άτττο- 
μένον της alTioXoyia^y otl φησϊν όΐεσθαι τον 
Έιΰξβινον μη €χ€ΐν ιτροτερον το κατίυ Βυζάντιον 
στόμα, τού^ Be ττοταμου^ξ βίάσασθαι καϊ άνοΐξαί 
T0V9 €ΐς αντον βμβάΧΚοντας, βίτ iKireaelv το 
ν8ωρ €t9 την ΤΙροΊΓοντίΒα καϊ τον 'ΈέΧΧησττοντον, 
το δ' αυτό σνμβηναι καϊ irepl την καθ* ημα^ 
ΘάΚατταν καϊ yap ίνταΰθα τον κατά 'ΧτηΚα^ 
eKpayrjvai ττορον, πΧηρωθβίσης ύττο των ττοταμων 
τη^ θαΧάττης, κατά Be την βκρυσίν άνακαΧνφθήναι 
τα τevayώBη frpoTepov. φ€ρ€ΐ δ' αΐτίαν, ττρώτον 
μ^ν ΟΤΙ της ίζω θαΧάττης καϊ τή<ζ €ντος τονΒαφος 
erepov ίστιν, €τγ€ιΘ* οτι καΐ νυν €tl ταινία τις 
νφαΧος BiaTeTaKev άττο της Έυρώττης €πΙ την 
C 50 Αιβύην, ώς αν μη μιας ούσης ττρότβρον της τ€ 
€ντος καΐ της €κτός. καϊ βραχύτατα μ€ν elvai τα 
vepi τον ΤΙόντον, το Be Κρητικον καϊ %iKeXiKov 
καΧ ΧαρΒφον ττελαγο? σφοΒρα βαθέα, των yhp 
ΤΓοταμων τΓΧ€ίστων καϊ μeyL•στωv ρεόντων άττο 
της άρκτου καΙ της άνατοΧής, eKelva μίν ΙΧύος 
ττΧηρονσθαι, τα αΧΧα Be pAveiv βαθέα, Βώ καϊ 
yXυκυτάτηv elvai την ΐΐοντικην θάΧατταν, τάς τ 
€κρύσ€ΐς yiveaOai €ΐς οΰς iyKCKXiTai τοττονς τα 
€Βάφη, BoKelv Be καν χωσθήναι τον ΐΐόντον οΧον 
eU vaTepov, αν μένωσιν αΐ €πιρρύσ€ΐς τοιαΰται* 
καϊ yap νυν ηΒη τevayίζeιv τα iv άριστ€ρα τον 
ΤΙοντον, τον τ€ 'ϊ,αΧμυΒησσον και τα καΧονμ€να 

^ Western side. * * See 7. 6. 1. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3, 4 

salt-marsh, and therefore was persuaded that these 
plains were once sea. Then Eratosthenes praises the 
opinion of Strato, who goes still further into the 
question of causes, because Strato says he believes 
the Euxine Sea formerly did not have its outlet at 
Byzantium, but the rivers which empty into the 
Euxine forced and opened a passage, and then the 
water was discharged into the Propontis and the 
Hellespont. The same thing, Strato says, happened 
in the Mediterranean basin also ; for in this case the 
passage at the Pillars was broken through when the 
sea had been filled by the rivers, and at the time of 
the outrush of the water the places that had hitherto 
been covered with shoal-waters were left dry. 
Strato proposes as a cause of this, first, that the beds 
of the Atlantic and the Mediterranean are on different 
levels, and, secondly, that at the Pillars even at the 
present day a submarine ridge stretches across from 
Europe to Libya, indicating that the Mediterranean 
and the Atlantic could not have been one and the 
same formerly. The seas of the Pontus region, Strato 
continues, are very shallow, whereas the Cretan, the 
Sicilian, and the Sardinian Seas are very deep ; for 
since the rivers that flow from the north and east 
are very numerous and very large, the seas there are 
being filled with mud, while the others remain deep ; 
and herein also is the reason why the Pontus is 
sweetest, and why its outflow takes place in the 
direction of the inclination • of its bed. Strato 
further says it is his opinion that the whole Euxine 
Sea will be silted up at some future period, if such 
inpourings continue ; for even now the regions on 
the left side ^ of the Pontus are already covered 
with shoal waters ; for instance, Salmydessus,^ and 




'ϊ,τηθη νπο των ναυτικών τα irepX τον "Ίστρον καΐ 
την 'ϊικυθων ίρημίαν, τάχα he^ καΐ το του "Αμμω- 
νος lepov ττροτβρον inl τή^ θαΧάττης ον €κρύσ€ως 
'γενομένης νυν iv tj} μ€σο<γαία κύσθαι. άκάζει 
τ€ το μαντβίον βύλόγω? eirX τοσούτον γενέσθαι 
€7Γΐφαν€ς Τ€ καΙ γνώριμον iirl θαΧάτττ) ον τον τ€ 
€7γΙ ΤΓοΧύ οΰτως ίκτοτησμον άττό τη^ θαΧάττης 
ουκ euXoyov iroieiv την νυν οΖσαν έττιφάνειαν καΐ 
Βόξαν την τ€ ΑΪ'γυτΓτον το παΧαιον θαΧάτττ) 
κΧύζβσθαι μέχρι των iX&v των irepl το ΤΙηΧούσιον, 
καΐ το Κάσων ορός καΐ την ΧφβωνίΒα Χίμνην 
€τι yoOv καΐ νυν κατά την Αϊγυτττον της άΧμυρίΒος 
ορυττομενης ύφάμμους καϊ KoyxyTudSei^ ευρί- 
σκβσθαι τους βόθρους, ως αν τβθαΧαττωμένης της 
χώρας καϊ του τόπου παντός του ττβ/οΐ το Κάσιον 
καϊ τα Πρρα καΧούμενα τ€ναψζοντος, ώστε 
συνάπτ€ΐν τφ της ^Έιρυθράς κόΧπφ* ίνΖούσης he 
της θαΧάττης άνακαΧυφθήναι, μβΐναι Be την 
Χφβωνί8α Χίμνην, είτ iKpayrjvai καϊ ταύτην, 
ωστ€ έΧωΒη ηενίσθαι. ως δ' αΰτως καϊ της 
καΧουμίνης ΜοίριΒος^ Χίμνης τους αΙ^ιαΧους 
αΙψαΧοΙς^ ΘαΧάττης μάΧΧον ή ποταμού προσβοι- 
κ4ναι, το μίν οΰν €πικΧύζ€σθαί πoτe ποΧυ μέρος 
των ήπύρων €πΙ καιρούς τινας καϊ πάΧιν άνακα- 
Χύπτ€σθαι Βοίη τις αν ως δ' αΰτως καϊ το τοις 
€Βάφ€σιν άνώμαΧον elvai την yfjv άπασαν την νυν 
ΰφαΧον, καθάπ€ρ ye νη Αία και την €ξαΧον, 
iv fi οίκουμ€ν, τοσαύτας^ Ββχομένην, όσας αύτος 

^ δ€, Corais, for δ^. 

^ κα\ουμ4ν'η$ ΜοΙρώο5, Corais, for ΆλμυρίΒο5. 
3 aiyiaXoist Corais inserts, after αΐ'γιαλού5 ; Meineke follow- 
ing ; C. Miiller, A. Vogel, approving. 
•* T€, Meineke deletes, after τοσαύτα5 ; A. Miller approving. 


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GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 4 

the land at the mouth of the Ister, which sailors 
call " the Breasts," and the desert of Scythia ^ ; 
perhaps too the temple of Ammon was formerly on 
the sea, but is now situated in the interior because 
there has been an outpouring of the sea. Strato 
conjectures that the oracle of Ammon with good 
reason became so distinguished and so well-known as 
it is if it was situated on the sea, and that its 
present position so very far from the sea gives no 
reasonable explanation of its present distinction 
and fame ; and that in ancient times Egypt was 
covered by the sea as far as the bogs about Pelusium, 
Mt. Casius, and Lake Sirbonis ; at all events, even 
to-day, when the salt-lands in Eg3^t are dug up, the 
excavations are found to contain sand and fossil-shells, 
as though the country had been submerged beneath 
the sea and the whole region round Mt. Casius and 
the so-called Gerrha had once been covered with 
shoal water so that it connected with the Gulf of the 
Red Sea ; and when the sea retired, these regions 
were left bare, except that the Lake Sirbonis 
remained ; then the lake also broke through to the 
sea, and thus became a bog. In the same way, 
Strato adds, the beaches of the so-called Lake 
Moeris* more nearly resemble sea-beaches than 
river-banks. Now one may admit that a great part 
of the continents was once covered by water for 
certain periods and was then left bare again ; and in 
the same way one may admit also that the whole 
surface of the earth now submerged is uneven, at the 
bottom of the sea, just as we might admit, of course, 
that the part of the earth above water, on which we 
live, is subject to all the changes mentioned by 

1 See 7. 4. 5. 2 Birket-el-Kerun. See 17. 1. 35. 




^Έ»ρατοσθένης βίρηκε μεταβοΧάς* ωστ€ ττ/οό? 7^ 
τον Ηάνθου \oyov ovhev &ν βχοι τις προσφέρειν 

5. Προ? Se τον Χτράτωνα XeyoiT αν, οτι 
ΤΓοΧΚων αίτιων όντων άή)€ίς ταΰτα τα μη οντά 
αιτιάται, ττρώτην yap αΐτίαν φησίν, οτι της 
έντος θαΧάττης καΧ της έκτος ου ταύτον το €8αφος 
C 51 fcal 6 βυθός, ττρος yhp το μβτεωρίζεσθαι ταύτην 
και ταπ€ΐνοΰσθαι καΐ ίπικΧύζβιν τόπους τινάς και 
άναχωρεΐν αττ αυτών ου τοΰτό ίστιν αϊτιον, το^ 
άχτια και αΧΧα εΒάφη τά μ€ν ταττβινότβρα eivai 
τά he ύψηΧότ€ρα, άΧΧλ το αυτά τά^ βΒάφη ττοτέ 
μ€ν μ€Τ€ωρίζ€σθαι, ττοτέ δ' αΰ ταττεινοΰσθαι και 
συν€ξαίρ€ΐν ή συν€νΒιΒόναι το ττβλαγο?• έξαρθνε 
μ€ν yctp ίτΓίκΧύσαι αν, ταττεινωθεν δέ άναΒράμοι 
&ν €ΐς την άρχαίαν κατάστασιν, ei γά/>^ ούτω, 
8€ήσ€ΐ ττΧεονασμφ της θαΧάττης αΙφνιΒίφ ^ενομίνφ 
την βττίκΧυσιν συμβαίνειν, καθάττερ iv ταΐς ττΧημ- 
μυρίσιν^ η ταΐς άναβάσεσι των ποταμών, τοτ€ 
μβν ίτΓβνεγθέντος ίτέρωθβν, τοτέ δ' αύξηθέντος 
του ΰΒατος, αλλ' οΰθ^ αί αυξήσεις άθρόαι καϊ 
αιφνίδιοι οΙΒαίνονται,^ οΰθ^ αί πΧημμυρίΒες 
τοσούτον εττιμενουσι γ^ρόνον, ούδ' άτακτοι είσιν, 
οΰτ€ κατΰί την ήμετέραν εττικΧύζουσι θάΧατταν, 
ονδ' δτΓου έτυχε, Χοιττον οΰν αΐτιασθαι το ίΒαφος 

^ τό, Corais inserts, before άλλα καϊ άλλα ; Meineke fol- 
lowing ; C. Miiller approving. 

2 avrit ray Sterrett, for τά aina. 

3 Sterrett deletes the ουχ inserted by Kramer before ojjtu ; 
Meineke, C. Miiller, Forbiger, following Kramer. 

* ip rats τλημμυρίσιν, omitted by the type-setters in the 
edition of Kramer, and left uncorrected in the edition of 
Meineke. • oldaivomaiy C. MuUer, for δύνανται, 

1 86 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 4-5 

Eratosthenes himself; and therefore, so far as the 
argument of Xanthes is concerned, one cannot bring 
against it any charge of absurdity. 

5. Against Strato, however, one might urge that, 
although there are many real causes of these changes, 
he overlooks them and suggests causes that do not 
exist ; for he says their primary cause is that the 
beds of the Mediterranean Sea and of the Atlantic 
Ocean are not on the same level, and that their depth 
is not the same. But I reply that the cause of the 
rising and the falling of the sea, of its inundation of 
certain tracts of country, and of its subsequent 
retirement from them, is not to be sought for in the 
varying levels of the beds of the sea, in that some 
are lower and others higher, but in the fact that the 
beds of the sea themselves sometimes rise, and, on 
the other hand, sometimes sink, and in the fact that 
the sea rises or recedes along with its beds ; for when 
the sea is lifted up, it will overflow, and when it is 
lowered, it will subside to its former level. Indeed, 
if what Strato says is true, then the overflow will 
necessarily follow every sudden increase in the 
volume of the sea ; for instance, at every high tide 
of the sea or whenever the rivers are at their flood — 
in the one case the water having been brought in 
from other parts of the sea, in the other case the 
volume of water having been increased. But neither 
do the increases from the rivers come on all at the 
same time and suddenly and thus cause a swelling of 
the sea, nor do the tides persist long enough to do so 
(they are not irregular, either), nor do they cause 
inundations either on the Mediterranean Sea or any- 
where else. Therefore, it remains for us to find the 
cause in the floor of the sea, either that which under- 


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η το Tfj θαΧάτττ) ύπο/ΰβίβίενορ ή το €πικ\νζ6βΐ€νον, 
fAoKKov Bk το νφάλον, τΓοΧν yap €ύκινητ6τ€ρον 
καΐ μ€ταβο\ας θάττονς Βέξασθαι Svpa/ievov το 
epuypov teal γά/ο το ιτνενμΛΤίκον το ττάντων των 
τοιούτων αίτιον ifXAov ενταύθα, αλλ', ώς εφην, 
των τοιούτων awepycuTTi/cov iori τταθων το αύτα 
τά^ ίΒάφη ποτ€ fiev εξαίρεσθαι iroTe Se ύφίζησιν 
λαμβάνειν, ου το Tct, μλν eivcu νψηΧα τα Be ffrrov 
6 Be τοντο λαμβάνει, νομίζων oirep hrl των 
ποταμών σνμβαίνει, τούτο καϊ εττϊ τής θαΧάττη^ 
αττανταν, το άπο των μετεώρων τσίτων είναι την 
ρύσιν. ovBi yap άν τον κατά Βυζάντιον ρου το 
εΒαφος ^ιάτο, Χεγων νψηΧότερον το τοΟ Ευξείνου 
η το της ΤΙροποντίΒος και του έξης ιτεΧάτ/ους, αμα 
καί αΐτίαν ττροστιθείς* άττο yap της ιλύος της 
άνο των ΊΓΟταμων καταφερομένης ττληροΰσθίη 
τον βυθον καΐ βραγυν yίvεσθaι, Bik τούτο Βε και 
ρεϊν εΙς τα εκτός, τον δ' αυτόν Xoyov καΐ εττΐ την 
ημετεραν θάλατταν σύμπασαν μεταφέρει προς 
την εκτός, ως και ταύτης μετεωρότερον τοΰΒαφος 
ποιούσης του υποκείμενου τφ *Ατλαντικφ πελό/^εΐ' 
καΐ yap αΰτη εκ ποΧΚων ποταμών πληρούται, 
καϊ την ίητοστάθμην της ιλύος Βεχεται την ανά- 
λογον• _ εγρην ουν καΙ τον εϊσρουν ομοιον yίvεσθcu 
τφ κατά Βυζάντιον τον κατά Χτηλας καί την 
Κάλπην. άλλα τοντο μεν εώ* εροϋσι yap κάκ€Ϊ 

^ αντά τά, Sterrett restores, the reading of the MSS., 
against the τά οντά of Corais and subsequent editors. 

» The Rock of Gibraltar. See 3. 5. 5. 
* That is, the current of the Mediterranean should be 
toward the Atlantic just as that of the Euxine is toward 

1 88 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 5 

lies the sea or that which is temporarily flooded, but 
preferably the subniarine floor. For the floor that is 
saturated with water is far more easily moved and is 
liable to undergo more sudden changes ; for the air- 
element, which is the ultimate cause of all such 
occurrences, is greater there. But, as I have said, 
the immediate cause of such occurrences is that the 
b^s of the sea themselves are sometimes elevated 
and sometimes undergo a settling process, and not 
that some of the beds are high, while others are less 
so. Strato, however, assumes this, believing that 
what happens in the case of rivers occurs also in the 
case of the sea, namely, that the flow is away from 
the liigh places; otherwise, he would not have 
suggested that the bed is the cause of the current at 
Byzantium, saying that the bed of the Euxine is 
higher than that of the Propontis and the sea next 
after the PiOpontis, and at the same time adding 
the reason, namely, tliat the deeps of the Euxine are 
being filled up by the mud w*hich is carried down 
from the rivers, and are becoming shallow, and that, 
on this account, the current is outward. He applies 
the same reasoning to the Mediterranean Sea as a 
w^hole as compared with the Atlantic Ocean, since, 
in his opinion, the Mediteri*anean Sea is making its 
bed higher than that which lies beneath the Atlantic 
Ocean; for the Mediterranean Sea, too, is being 
filled uj) with silt from many rivers, and is receiving 
a deposit of mud similar to that of the Euxine Sea. 
It should also be true, then, that the inflow at the 
Pillars and Calpe^ is similar to the inflow at 
Byzantium.' But I pass this point by, for people 

the Aegean, and the amount of the two inflows should be 
proportional to the deposits received. 




τοΰτο σνμβαίν€ΐν, ΊΓβρίσττασθαί Sk νττο των άμττώ' 
Τ€ωρ καΐ των ΊΓ\ημμνρί8ων καΐ €ΐηκρν7ΓΤ€σθαί, 

6. *Εκ€Ϊνο Be ττυνθάνομαι, τι €κώ\υ€, ττριν 
aveipyevai το στόμα το κατίί Βυζάντιον, ταττβινΟ' 
τερον ον το του Έιύξείνου ίΒαφος τον τ% Ώρο- 

C 52 τΓοντίΒο^ καΐ της ίξψ θαΧάττης ιτΧηρωθηναι 
ντΓο των ττοταμων, €Ϊτ€ θάΚατταν οΖσαν κα\ 
ΤΓ ρότερον εΧτε Χίμνην μείζω της ΜαιώτίΒος; εΐ 
yap τούτο συ^γωροΐτο, Ίτροσερησομαι καΐ τοΰτο* 
&ρά γβ ή ετΓΐφάνεί,α του ΰΒατος εκείνου και τον 
της ΤΙροίΓοντίΒος ούχ οΰτως είχεν, ώστε, μέχρι 
μβν ή αυτί) fjv, μη βιάζεσθαι προς εκρυσιν Sia 
την έξ ϊσης άντέρεισιν και θΧίψιν, εττειΒη 8ε 
υττερετΓοΧασεν η εντός, βιάσασθαι καΧ άττερασαι 
το ττΧεονάζον εκ Βε τούτου γενέσθαι σύρρουν το 
εξω ττέΧα^ος τφ εντος^ καΐ την αύτην εττιφάνειαν 
εκείνφ Χαβεΐν, είτε θαΧαττίφ εϊτε Χιμναίω μ^ν 
ττρότερον οντι, ΘαΧαττίφ Βε ύστερον, Βια την μίξιν 
και την εττικράτειαν; ει yap και τοντο Βώσουσιν, 
ή μεν εκρυσις ουκ civ κωΧύοιτο ή νυν, ουκ άττό 
ύττερτερον Βε εΒάφους ουδέ έττικΧινοΰς, δττερ ήξίου 

7. Ύαΰτα δέ Βεϊ ^ μεταφερειν καϊ εΊτΙ την δΧην 
την καθ^ ημάς θάΧατταν καϊ την εκτος^ μη εν τοις 
εΒάφεσι και ταϊς εττικΧίσεσιν αυτών την αΐτίαν 
του εκρον τιθεμένους, αλλ' εν τοις ττοταμοΐς* εττεί 

^ $€*, Corais inserts ; Groskiird, Meineke, Forbiger, 
Dubner-Miiller, following ; A. Vogel, L. Kayser, approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 5-7 

will say that the same thing does occur here, but 
that the inflow is lost in the ebb and flow of the 
tides and thus escapes observation. 

6. But what I wish to learn is this : supposing the 
bed of the Euxine Sea was lower ^ than that of the Pro- 
pontis and of the sea next after the Propoiitis before 
the opening of the outlet at Byzantium, what was 
there to prevent the Euxine from being filled up by 
the rivers, was previously a sea or merely 
a lake greater than Lake Maeotis ? If this point be 
conceded, then I shall go on to ask this question 
too : Is it not true that the water-levels of the Euxine 
and the Propontis were such that, so long as they 
remained the same, there could be no straining for 
an outflow, for the reason that resistance and pressure 
were equal, but that, as soon as the inner sea 
reached a higher level, it set up a strain and discharged 
its excess water ? And is not this the reason why 
the outer sea became confluent with the inner sea 
and why it assumed the same level as the inner sea — 
regardless of whether the latter was originally a sea 
or once a lake and later a sea — simply because of its 
mingling with the inner sea and prevailing over it ? 
For if this point be granted as well as the first, the 
outflow that now takes place would go on just the 
same, but it would not be away from a higher sea-bed, 
or from a sloping one, as Strato contended. 

7. Now we must apply these principles to the 
Λvhole of the Mediterranean Sea and to the Atlantic 
Ocean, finding the cause of the outflow not 
in their beds, nor in the sloping of their beds, 
but in the rivers. For according to Strato and 

^ Strabo has assumed (§ 4 preceding) that the bed was 
higher. \ 




ουκ άττίθανον κατ αυτούς, ouS* el την οΧην θά- 
\ατταν την ήμετέραν \ίμιη)Ρ ττροτβρον elvat 
συνέβαινε, ττληρουμένην ύπο των ττοταμων, €τη- 
ΊΓοΧάσασαν cKireaeiv εξω Sea των κατά Χτηλα^ 
στενών, ώ? εκ καταράκτου' ετταυξομενην δ' άεΐ 
καΐ μαΧΚον εκείνην^ την θάΧατταν σύρρουν 
ηενεσθαι υπ αύτή<: τω χρονφ καΧ συνΖραμεΐν εΙς 
μίαν ετΓΐφάνειαν, εκθαΧαττωθήναι δέ ταύτην ^ Βια 
την επικράτειαν. ου φυσικον δ' όλως το ^ tow 
ΊΓΟταμοΐ^ί εΐκάζειν την θάλατταν* οΐ μεν yap 
φέρονται κατά εττικΧινε^ ρεΐθρον, ή 8ε άκ\ινη<ζ 
εστηκεν, οΐ Βε Ίτορθμοί ρευματίζονται κατ aWov 
τροτΓον, ου Sia το την ιλύν την εκ των ττοταμων 
Ίτροσγοΰν τον του ττβλάγοι/ς βυθον. ή yctp 
ττροσχωσί^ ττερΧ αυτά, συνίσταται τα στόματα 
των ποταμών, οίον ττερί μεν τα του "Ιστρου τα 
Χε^ομενα Χτήθη και ή Ζκυθων ερημιά καϊ 6 
Χα\μυΒησσό<;, και αΧΚων χειμάρρων συνερηούντων 
ττρος τοντο, ττερΙ Ζε τα του ΦάσιΒος ή ΚοΧχικη 
παραΧία, Βίαμμος καϊ ταττεινη κα\ μαΧακη οΰσα, 
Ίτερι δέ τον &ερμώ8οντα και τον ^Ιριν οΧη &εμί- 
σκυρα, το των ^Αμαζόνων ττεΒίον, και της ΧιΒηνή^ζ 
το ττΧεον' οΰτω Βε και εττΐ των άΧΧων. ατταντες 
yap μιμούνται τον ΝεΐΧον, εξηττειροΰντες τον ττρο 
αύτων ττορον, οι μεν μαΧΧον, οι Βε ^ττον* ^ττον 
μ^ν οΐ μη τΓοΧΧην καταφεροντε<: την ΐΧύν, μαΧΧον 
Βε οι τΓοΧΧήν τε καϊ μaXaκόyειov χώραν εττιόντες 
και χείμαρρους Βεχόμενοι ττοΧΧους, ων εστί καϊ 

^ 4κ€ΐρην, Forbiger inserts. 

2 ταύτην, Forbiger inserts ; improving on Groskurd's 

^ TO, Corais, for oire ; Groskurd, Meineke, Forbiger, follow- 
ing ; C. Milller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 7 

Eratosthenes, it is not improbable that our whole 
Mediterranean Sea (even granting that in former 
times it was a lake) became flooded by the rivers, 
overflowed, and poured its waters out through the 
narrows at the Pillars as over a waterfall ; and that 
the Atlantic Ocean, swollen ever more and more, 
was finally made confluent by it, and united with it 
on one sea-level ; and that thus the Mediterranean 
basin was turned into a sea because the Atlantic 
prevailed over it. It is wholly contrary to physical 
science,^ however, to liken the sea to rivers ; for the 
rivers are carried down a sloping course, whereas 
the sea has no slope. But the current through the 
straits is accounted for by another principle, and is not 
due to the fact that the mud carried down by the 
rivers silts up the deeps of the sea. For this silting 
up occurs only at the very mouths of the rivers, as 
for example the so-called " Breasts " at the mouth 
of the Ister, the Scythian desert, and Salmydessus — 
where other violent streams also contribute to this 
result ; and, at the mouths of the Phasis, the Colchian 
seaboard, which is sandy, low-lying and soft ; and, at 
the mouths of the Thermodon and the Iris, the 
whole of Themisc3Ta, that plain of the Amazons, 
and the most of Sidene. The same is true of the 
other rivers also ; for they all imitate the Nile in 
that they keep converting the channel just in front 
of them into land, some to a greater and others to a 
less extent ; to a less extent those that do not bring 
down much mud, but to a greater extent those that 
flow for a great distance through a country with a soft 
soil and have many torrents as tributaries. To the 

^ On page 181 Strabo has referred to Strato as *'the 


VOL. I. Ο 



ο Ώνραμο^ί 6 τ^ ΚιΚικία ττολύ μβρος ιτροσθβί^, e<f> 
ου καΧ \6yiov €ΚΊΓ€7Γτωκ€ rt τοίοντον 

C 53 €σσ€ταί €σσομ4νοι<ζ, ore ΐΙύραμο<ί apyvpoSimj^^ 
ηΐονα ττροχοων ^ ιβρην €9 Κύπρον ΐκηταί, 

έκ μέσων ycLp των της Καταονίας 7Γ€Βίων βνβχθβΐς 
ττλωτο? zeal Ζιβκτταισάμβνος hih των του Ύαύρου 
στβνων eh την ΚίΧικίαν ίκΖί^ωσιν eh τον ττρο 
ταύτης τe καΧ της ΙίχπΓρου Ίτόρον, 

8. Αϊτιον Be του μη φθάν€ίν την χουν eh το 
7Γ€λαγο9 ττροϊούσαν την ύττο των ποταμών κατά- 
φepoμevηv το την θάΚατταν avaicoTrrew αυτήν 
eh τούττίσω, τταΧιρροοΰσαν φύσeι. eotfce yap τοις 
ζφοίς, καΧ fcaSdirep exelva συν€χως avairvel τe 
καί eKirvei, τον αύτον τρόπον καΧ αύτη €ξ αυτής 
τe καΧ eh ίαυτην συveχως παΧυνΒρομικην τίνα 
Κινούμενη κίνησίν, hrjXov^ he τ φ ίπΧ του aiytaXoO 
ίστωτί κατίί την κυμάτωσιν αμα yhp κΧύζονται 
οι ποΒβς καΧ yυμvoΰvτaι καΧ πάΧιν κΧύζονται, 
καΧ τούτο συν€χως, τ φ δέ κΧύΒωνι και κύμα 
€πιτρ€χ€ΐ, δ,* καν γαΧηνότατον f}, eπιή>eρ6μevov 
€χ€ΐ τινά βίαν πXeίω, καΧ άπορρίπτ€ΐ παν το 
άΧΧότριον eh την yrjv, 

ποΧΧον δέ παρ^ξ αΧα φΰκος eχeυe. (11, 9. 7) 

μαΧΧον μ^ν ούν iv ανέμφ συμβaiveι τούτο, αλλά 

^ άργυροδίι/τ;*, Meineke,for ίύρυο9ΐνη5 ; C. Miiller, L•. Kayser, 
approving. ^ irpox<<«i', Sterrett, for τροχιών. 

* 9η\ον, Casaubon, for JijAoi ; Siebenkees, Corais, Meineke, 
Forbiger, following ; C. Miiller, L. Kayser, approving. 

* 5, Casaubon inserts, after ίιητρίχ^ι ; Groskurd, Meineke, 
Forbiger, following ; Corais, C. Miiller, approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 7-8 

latter class belongs the Pyramus, which has added 
much land to Cilicia, and it is to this fact that the 
following oracle refers : ^^ Men that are yet to be 
will experience this at the time when the Pyramus 
of the silvery eddies shall silt up its sacred sea-beach 
and come to Cj^rus/' The Pyramus, making its 
course as a navigable stream from the midst of the 
plains of Cataonia, and then breaking a passage for 
itself into Cilicia through the gorges of the Taurus 
Mountains, empties into the strait that lies between 
Cilicia and Cyprus. 

8. Now the reason why the alluvium brought down 
by the rivers does not reach the open sea in its 
forward course ^ is that the sea, which is naturally 
refluent, drives it back again ; for the sea is like 
animated beings, and, just as they inhale and 
exhale their breath unremittingly, so in like manner 
the sea too is subject to a certain recurrent motion 
that proceeds from itself and returns to itself un- 
remittingly. This is apparent to any one who stands 
on the beach at the time when the waves break ; 
for no sooner are one's feet washed than they are 
left bare by the waves, and then again tliey are 
washed, and this goes on unremittingly. And close 
upon the wash comes a wave also, which, however 
l^entle it may be, possesses a certain increase of 
power as it rushes in, and casts all foreign matter 
out upon the land — " and casteth much tangle out 
along the sea." Now while this takes place to a 
greater extent when there is wind, yet it occurs 

^ It has to . prepare the way for itself gradually. The 
foUowiDg illustration conoerning the action of the waves 
does not mean that the alluvium cannot eventually build its 
•w&y over the whole bottom of the sea — a possibility 
admitted by Strabo in § 9. 

ο 2 



fcal iv νηνβμία καΐ iv άττογα/ο*? irvev^aaiv ovBev 
yap ήττον iirl yrjv φ€p€τat ro κύμα νττεναντίως 
τφ άνέμω, ώς &ν ihiav τίνα τη<ζ θαΧάττη<; κίνησιν 
συ^κινούμενον ainy, Ύοωντον Be καΧ το 

άμφΐ Be τ άκρας 
κυρτον iov κορνφονται, άττοΊΤτυβι δ' άλο? αχ- 
νην {η, 4. 425) 

καΧ το 

ήϊονβς βοόωσιν ίρβν^ομίνης άλθ9 βίςω} (II. 1 7. 265) 

9. Ή μβν ουν βφοΒος τον κύματος βχβι τίνα 
βίαν, ωστ απωθβίσθαί το άΧΚότρων. καΧ Βη καΧ 
κάθαρσίν τίνα της θαΧάττης ταύτην φασι, καθ* 
ήν καΧ τά v€Kpa σώματα καΧ τά vavayia βίς yrfv 
€κκυμαίν€ται. ή Β^^ άναγωρησις ουκ e^ei τοσαν- 
την βίαν, ωστ6 νεκρον ή ξνλον ή το κονφότατον, 
φεΧλόν, υτΓο του κύματος εΙς yrjv άναβΧηθέντα 
€κ των ττΧησίον αυτής τόττων εΙς το ^Γe\ayoς 
7Γρο7Γ€σ€Ϊν ύτΓολβιφθέντα υττο του κύματος? ούτω 
Βη καΧ την χουν καΧ το συν αύττ} τεθοΧωμένον 
νΒωρ έκκυμαίνβσθαι συμβαίνει, καΧ του βάρους 
αμα συvepyoύvτoς, ωστ€ θαττον κατ€ν€χθήναι 
ττρος την yfjv κάτω, ττρΧν εις το ττρόσω 7Γ€\ayίσaι. 
καΧ yap ή του ττοταμοϋ βία παύεται,, μικρόν 
ττροέλθοΰσα του στόματος, οΰτω μεν oiv ενΒ4- 

^ The words Τοιούτον . . . a\hs Ι|ω are deleted by Meineke 
on the ground that they prove the contrary of what the 
writer desires ; C. Mtiller approving. 

2 δ*, Meineke, for r'. 

^ The MSS. have δσ-τβ vtKphv , . . oirb του κύματο5 tis yvp 
iLuaβ\ηθηualf οΰτω δ€ καΐ των ιτλησ Iov αυτή s τόιτων (is Th if (Kayos 
τροσχ(σ(1ν ύιτοληφθί^τω^ irh του κύματο5, without meaning. 
Attempts at a reconstitution of the passage have been made 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 8-9 

both when there is a calm and when the winds blow 
from the land ; for the wave is carried to the land 
none the less even against the wind, as though it 
were subject, along with the sea itself, to the sea's 
own motion. This is what Homer means when he 
says : ^' And goeth with arching crest about the 
promontories, and speweth the foaming brine afar," 
and " The shores cry aloud as the salt sea belches 

9. Accordingly, the onset of the wave has a power 
sufficient to expel foreign matter. They call this, 
in fact, a '^ purging^" of the sea — a process by 
which dead bodies and bits of wreckage are cast 
out upon the land by the waves. But the ebb 
has not power sufficient to draw back into the 
deep sea a corpse, or a stick of wood, or even that 
lightest of substances, a cork (when once they have 
been cast by the wave upon the land) from the 
places on the shore that are near the sea, where 
they have been stranded by the waves. And so it 
comes about that both the silt and the water fouled 
by it are cast out by the waves, the weight of the 
silt cooperating with the wave, so that tlie silt is 
precipitated to the bottom near the land before 
it can be carried forward into the deep sea ; in 
fact, even the force of the river ceases just a short 
distance beyond the mouth. So, then, it is possible 

* Catharsis: commonly used of (1) the purification of the 
soul by sacrifice, or (2) the purging effect of tragedy upon 
the emotions, or (3) as a medical term for various bodily 

by Kramer, Groskurd, Meineke, C. Mtiller, A.Miller, Madvig, 
and A. Vogel. That by A. Vogel has been adopted and 
plsrced into the text above. But none ie^really satisfactory. 




XeroA προσγωσθηναι το TriXayo^ τται/, άττό των 
alyiaX&v άρξάμενον, αν σννβχβΐς €χτ} τάς €κ των 
τΓΟταμων εττιρρύσβίς, Ύοΰτο δ' &ν^ σνμβαίη, κάν 
τον XapSoviov irekayovs βαθντερον νττοθώμβθα 
C 54 τον ΙΙοντον, οττβρ XeyeTat των άναμβτρηθέντων 
βαθντατον, χιλίων ττου opyvt&v, ώ? ίΙοσ€ΐ8ώνι6ς 

10. Ύην μεν oiv τοιαύτην ahioXoyiav fJTTOV 
αν Tt9 άτΓοΒέξαίτο' μάΧΧον δ' άπο των φανερω- 
τέρων καΧ των καθ* ήμέραν τρόπον τίνα όρωμένων 
άνατΓτέον τον Xoyov. καΐ yap κατα^ΧνσμοΙ . . .^ 
/cai σεισμοί καΧ άναφυ σήματα καΧ άνοιΒησει^ ^ τή<ζ 
νφάΧον yή'ζ μετεωρίζουσι καΧ την θάΧατταν, αί 
δέ συνιζήσεις ταττεινονσιν α if την. ου yap μύδροι 
μεν ανενεχθηναι δύνανται καΧ μικραΧ νήσοι, 
μεyάXaι δ' ου* ούΒε νήσοι μεν, ήττειροι δ* ου, 
ομοίως δέ καΧ συνιζήσεις καΧ μικραΧ καΧ p^ydXai 
yivoivT^ αν, εΪΊτερ καΧ χάσματα καΧ καταπόσεις 
χωρίων καΧ κατοικιών, ώς εττΧ Έούρας τε καΧ 
Έιζώνης καΧ άΧΧων ττΧειόνων, υττο σεισμού 
yεvεσθaι φασί* καΧ την ΧικεΧίαν ούΒέν τι μαλΧον 
airoppSiya της 'Ιταλία? εΐκάζοι τις αν, η άνα- 
βΧηθεΐσαν υττο του Αίτναίου ττυρος εκ βυθού 
συμμεΐναί' ωσαύτως δέ καΧ τας Αιτταραίων νήσους 
καΧ ΤΙιθηκούσσας, 

^ Α. Miller points out that something has fallen out after 
or before κατακλυσμοί, because it is absurd to say κατακλυσμοί 
. . . μ§τ€ωρΙζουσι κάΙ riiv θάλατταν, and the statement contra- 
dicts the argument of the paragraph above. 

2 avoiiiifftis, Meineke, for htroibiiads ; Forbiger, C. Miiller, 
A. Miller, Tozer, following. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 9-10 

for the sea, beginning at its beaches, to be entirely 
silted up, if it receives the inflow from the rivers 
uninterruptedly. And this would be the result 
even if we assume that the Euxine Sea is deeper 
than the Sea of Sardinia, which is said to be the 
deepest of all the seas that have been sounded — 
about one thousand fathoms, as Poseidonius states. 

10. However, one might be rather disinclined to 
accept such an explanation, and is necessary for 
me to bring my discussion into closer connection 
with things that are more apparent to the senses 
and that, so to speak, are seen every day. Now 
deluges [as we have seen, are caused by upheavals 
of the bed of the sea] ; and earthquakes, volcanic 
eruptions, and upheavals of the submarine ground 
raise the sea, whereas the settling of the bed of 
the sea lowers the sea. For it cannot be that 
burning masses may be raised aloft, and small 
islands, but not large islands ; nor yet that islands 
may thus appear, but not continents. And in a 
similar way settUngs in the bed of the sea, both 
great ones and small, may also occur, if it be 
true, as people say, that yawning abysses and en- 
gulfments of districts and villages have been caused 
by earthquakes — as happened in the case of Bura 
and Bizone and several other places ; and as for 
Sicily, one might conjecture that it is not so much 
a piece broken away from Italy as that it was cast 
up from the deeps by the fire of Aetna and remained 
there ^ ; and the same is true both of the Lipari 
Islands and the Pithecussae. 

1 But compare 6. 1.6, where Strabo discusses this subject 
again and leaves a different impression. 




11. Ό δ' όντως ήΒύς iariv, ώστε καΧ μαθη- 
ματικός ων ovhe την ^ΑρχιμηΒους βεβαιοϊ Βόξαν, 
ΟΤΙ φησίν εκείνος εν τοις ττερί των οχουμενων, 
Ίταντος vypov καθεστηκοτος καΧ μένοντος την 
ετηφάνειαν σφαφικην είναί, σφαίρας ταύτο κέν- 
τρον εχούσης TJj yfj. ταύτην yap την 86ξαν 
άτΓοΒέχονται ττάντες οι μαθημάτων ττως άψά- 
μενοι, εκείνος Sk την εντός θαΚατταν, καητερ 
μίαν οΰσαν, ως φησιν, ου νομίζει νττο μίαν ετη- 
φάνειαν τετάχθαι, αλλ' ούδ' εν^ τοις σύνεγγυς 
τότΓΟίς. καί μάρτυρας γε της τοιαύτης άμα- 
θίας αρχιτέκτονας ανΒρας ττοιεϊται, καίτοι ^ των 
μαθηματικών καΐ την άργιτεκτονικην μέρος της 
μαθηματικής άττοφηνα μένων, φησί ycip καΐ Δ?;- 
μήτριον ΒιακοΊΓτειν εττιγειρήσαι τον των Πβλοττοι/- 
νησίων Ισθμών ττρος το τταρασγεΐν ΒιάττΧουν 
τοις στοΧοις, κωΧνθήναι δ υττο των αρχιτεκτόνων 
άναμετρησάντων και ά7Γayyεί7uivτωv μετεωροτέ- 
ραν την εν τφ Κορινθιακφ κόΧττφ θάΧατταν της 
κατίί Κβγχρεάς είναι, ώστε, ει Βιακόψειε το 
μεταξύ χωρίον, εττικΧυσθήναι άν άπαντα τον 
ττερΙ Aiyivav ττόρον καΐ αύτην την^ Aiyivav και * 
τάς ττΧησίον νήσους, καΐ μηΒ^ τον ΒιάττΧουν &ν 
yεvέσθaι χρησιμον» Bict Bk τούτο καΐ τους εύρί- 

^ ^1', Corais inserts. 

2 καίτοι, Corais. for «αί, following Β and t. 

' τ^ν, Cobet inserts, before ktyivav (Corais reads κα\ r^v 
kXyivaof, omitting αύτ^μ, as in editions before Kramer). 

* abrasy before raj, Kramer prefers to delete ; Meineke 
deletes ; C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 1 1 

11. But Eratosthenes is so simple that, although 
he is a mathematician, he will not even confirm , 
the doctrine of Archimedes, who, in his treatise 
On Floating Bodies says that the surface of every 
liquid body at rest and in equilibrium is spherical, 
the sphere having the same centre as the earth ^ — a 
doctrine that is accepted by every one who has 
studied mathematics at all. And so, although 
Eratosthenes himself admits that the Mediterranean 
Sea is one continuous sea, yet he does not believe 
that it has been brought under a law of one con- 
tinuous surface, even in places that lie close to- 
gether. And as authorities for such an ignorant 
opinion as this he summons engineers, although 
the mathematicians have declared that engineering 
is a branch of mathematics. For he says that 
Demetrius, too, attempted to cut through the 
Isthmus of Corinth in order to provide a passage 
for his fleets, but was prevented by the engineers, 
after they had taken measurements and reported 
to him that the sea in the Corinthian Gulf was 
higher than at Cenchreae, so that, if he should 
cut through the intervening land, the whole strait 
a;bout Aegina, Aegina itself, and the neighbouring 
islands would be submerged, and the canal would 
not be useful, either. And Eratosthenes says that 
this is the reason why the narrow straits have 

* Chapter 1, Theorem 2 : ** Of every liquid body perfectly 
at rest, the surface is spheroidal and has the same centre 
as the earth." Archimedes says *' spheroidal," and not 
** spherical" as Strabo quotes him ; but Archimedes used his 
term in the literal and not the geometrical sense, and the 
term is equivalent to *• spherical" when it is applied to 
**a liquid body perfectly at rest" Compare the use of 
"spheroidal" by Strabo himself on page 41. 



7Γ0ΐ;9 /5οώδ€£9 elvai, μαΧιστα hk τον fcarct 'Ζίκέλίαν 
ΤΓορθμον, ον φησιν ομοίοτταθείν ταΓ? KaTh τον 
ωκβανον πΧημμνρίσι Τ€ καΐ άμττώτβσ^ ΒΙς^ yap 
μ€ταβά\\€ΐ>ν τον ρουν ίκάστη^ ημίοα^ καΧ νυκτός, 
καί ^ καθάπερ τον ωκβανον δΙς μ€ν ττΚημμνρύν, 
C 55 δΙς δέ άναχωρ€Ϊν, tj} μβν οΐν ττλημμυρίΒι ομο- 
Xoyeiv τον ίκ του Τυρρηνικού TreXayov^ eh το 
XiKeXiKov καταφβρόμβνον ώς αν €Κ μβτβωροτέρας 
€7ηφαν€ία<ζ, ον ^η καΐ κατιόντα ονομάξεσθαι, 
op^Xoyeiv δ' οτί καΐ κατά τον αύτον καιρόν 
αργ^ταΐ Τ€ καΐ τταύεται καθ* hv at ττΧημμνρίοβ^ζ' 
άρχ€ται μβν yhp irepl την άνατοΧην της σβΧήρης 
καΐ την Βύσιν, Χψ/€ΐ δ* όταν συνάττττι τ§ μεσου- 
ρανήσει €κατ€ρα, Trj τ€ xmep γης καΐ ttj ύττο γης' 
τη Sk ^ άμττώτει τον εναντίον, ον ^ εξιόντα καΧεΐ- 
σθαι, ταΐς μεσουρανησεσι της σέΧηνης άμψοτέραις 
συναρχόμενον,^ καθάττερ αΐ άμιτώτεις, ταις δέ 
συνάψεσι ταΐς προς τ^ς άνατοΧίις καϊ δύσεις 

12. ΤΙερΙ μ^ν οΰν των ττΧημμυρβων κα\ των 
άμττώτεων είρηκασιν Ικανως Τϋοσεώώνιός τε καΐ 
^ Αθηνόδωρος* ττερί Βε της των ττορθμων τταΧιρ- 
ροίας, εχόντων καΧ αύτων φυσικώτερον Xoyov η ^ 
κατά την νυν ύττόθεσιν, τοσούτον ειττεΐν άττόχρη, 
ΟΤΙ οΰθ"^ εΙς τρόπος του ροώΒεις είναι τους 

^ τ«, Meineke deletes, before yap ; C. Miiller approving. 
2 Kai, Corais inserts, before καθάπ^ρ. 

* Z4, Corais, for re ; Groskurd, following ; C. Miiller 
approving. * Up, Corais inserts ; all following. 

* συναρχόμ^νον^ Madvig, for ίναρχόμ^ρον. 

* Hi, Corais inserts, before κατά, and punctuates after 
ύΐΓΟθ€σιν ; Meineke following ; C. Miiller approving. 

' οΰΰ^, Corais, for ovi4 ; Meineke, C. Miiller, approving. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. ii-i2 

strong currents, and in particular the strait off 
Sicily, which, he declares, behaves in a manner 
similar to the flow and the ebb of the ocean ; for 
the current changes twice within the course of 
every day and night, and like the ocean, it floods 
twice a day and falls twice a day. Now cor- 
responding to the flood-tide, he continues, is the 
current that runs down from the Tjnrrhenian Sea 
to the Sicilian Sea as though from a higher water- 
level — and indeed this is called the ^'descending" 
current — and this current corresponds to the flood- 
tides in that it begins and ends at the same time 
that they do, that is, it begins at the time of the 
rising and the setting of the moon, and it stops 
when the moon attains either meridian, namely, 
the meridian above the earth or that below the 
earth; on the other hand, corresponding to the 
ebb-tide is the return-current — and this is called 
the "ascending" current — which begins when the 
moon attains either meridian, just as the ebbs do, 
and stops when the moon attains the points of her 
rising and setting. 

12. Now Poseidonius and Athenodorus have satis- 
factorily treated the question of the flow and ebb 
of the tides ; but concerning the refluent currents 
of straits, which also involve a discussion that goes 
deeper into natural science than comports with the 
purpose of the present work, it is sufficient to say 
that neither does one principle account for the 
straits' having currents, the principle by which 




ΤΓορθμον*;, ο y€ κατ eZSo?• ον yap αν 6 μεν 
%tKeXLKO<; Si^ βκάστης ήμέρα^; μβτέβαΧΧεν, ώς 
ουτ09 φησιν, ο he ΙίαΧκίΒ/,κος ετττάκίς, 6 Be Karh 
Βνζάντων ουδέ μ€Τ€βαΧλεν, άΧΧΛ BiereXec τον 
€κρουν μόνον €χων τον €κ τον ΐΐοντίκοϋ ττβΧώγονς 
ek την ΙΙροτΓοντίΒα, ώς Be "Ιτηταργρ^ ίστορ€Ϊ, και 
μονά^ 7Γ0Τ€ iiroieiTo* οΰτ el τρόπος eh εϊη, ταύτην 
&ν (ίγρι την αΐτίαν, ην φησιν 6 ^Ερατοσθένης, οτυ 
η €φ^ €κάτ€ρα θάΧαττα αΧΧην καΐ αΧΧην έτη- 
φάν€ίαν exjEi,' ovBe yhp eirl των ττοταμων τούτο 
yevoiT αν, el μη καταράκτας βχοιεν e^ovTe^ Be 
ου τταΧφροοϋσίν, αλλ' eirl το TaireivoTepov ael 
φέρονται, καΐ τούτο Be συμβαίνει Βια το Κ€κΧι- 
μένον etvai το ρεύμα κα\ την ίτηφάνβιαν αύτον. 
ΤΓ€Χά^ους Bk τίς &ν φαίη κ€κΧίμ€νην έτηφάν^αν; 
καΐ μάΧιστα κατίί τας σφαιροττοιούσας ύ7Γθθέσ€ΐς 
τα τέτταρα σώματα, h Βη καΐ στοίγ€Ϊά φαμεν. 
ωστ ούχ οτι παΧφροοΰντας, αλλ' oiBe καθεστώ- 
τας καΐ μένοντας, συρροίας μίν ev αύτοίς οΰσης, 
μη μίας Be έτηφανείας, άΧλά της μέν ύψηΧοτέρας^ 
της Be ταττεινοτέρας} ου yhp ωσττερ η jrj κατά, 
εξ IV έσχημάτισται στeρεh ούσα, ώστε καϊ κοι- 
ΧάΒας εχ€ίν συμμevoύσaς και αναστήματα, οΰτω 
καϊ το ΰΒωρ, αλλ' αύττ) ttj Kafh το βάρος poTrfj την 

^ The editors transfer &ar ουχ . . . ταιτ€ΐνοτ4ρα5 to a posi- 
tion before irt\ayous. Jones follows both reading and order 
of the MSS. 


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GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. i2 

they are classified as straits (for if that were the 
case, the Strait of Sicily would not be changing its 
current twice a day, as Eratosthenes says it does, 
but the strait of Chalcis seven times a day, while 
the strait at Byzantium makes no change at all 
but continues to have its outflow only from the 
Pontus into the Propontis, and, as Hipparchus reports, 
even stands still sometimes), nor, if one principle 
should account for the currents, would the cause 
be what Eratosthenes alleges it to be, namely, that 
the two seas on the sides of a strait have different 
levels. Indeed this would not be the case with the 
rivers either, except when they have cataracts ; 
but since they have cataracts, they are not refluent, 
but run continuously toward the lower level. And 
this, too, results on account of the fact that the 
stream and its surface are inclined. But who would 
say that a sea-surface is inclined ? And particularly 
in view of the hypotheses by which the four bodies 
(which, of course, we also call " elements " ^) are 
made spheres. And so not only is a strait not 
refluent, but it is also not subject to standing still 
without any current at all, since, although there is a 
confluence therein of two seas, yet there is not 
merely one level, but two of them, one higher, the 
other lower. The case of the water, indeed, is not 
the same as that of the earth, which, being solid 
in character, has taken shape accordingly; and 
therefore it has hollows that keep their shape, and 
elevations as well ; but the water, through the mere 

^ A Pythagorean doctrine: "The bodies of the four ele- 
ments" (water, earth, air, and fire) "are spherical, fire onljr 
excepted, whose figure is conical" (Plutarch, De Placitta 
PhUoaophorum 1. 14). 




οχησιν 67γΙ τή^ 7% iroLelrat,, και τοιαντην Χαμ- 
βάν€ί την έτΓίφάνβιαν, οίαν ό ^Αρχ^ίμήΒη^; φησίν, 

13. ^Έ/ΤΓΐφέρβί Be Τ0Ζ9 irepl τον 'Άμμωνο<ζ καΐ 
τή<; AiyvirTOv ρηθάσιν, οτί Βοκοίη καΐ το Κάσιον 
δρος πβρικλνζβσθαι θαΧάτττ), καΐ ττάντα τον 
τότΓον, δτΓου νυν τά καΧούμβνα Τέρρα καθ" €καστα} 
τ^ναηίζβίν συνάτΓτοντα τφ ττβ 'Ερυθρά? κοΚττφ, 
συν€\θ ούσης δέ της θαΚάττης αττοκαΚυφθηναι, 
το 8η τβνα'^ίζβιν τον Χβχθέντα τοττον σννάτττοντα 
C 56 τ^ της ^Ερυθράς κόΧττφ, αμφίβοΧόν ίστιν iirciBif 
το σννάτΓΤ€ΐν σημαίνει καΐ το σύν€η^υς καΐ 
το ψαν€ίν, ώστε, el νΒατα €Ϊη, σύρρονν elvai 
θάτβρον θατέρφ, εγώ μ€ν οΰν Βέχομαι^ το 
σνν€^τγίζβίν τα τβνά^^η ttj ^Ερυθρά θαΧάτττ}, δως 
ακμην €Κ€κΧ€ίστο τά κατ^ τας ΧτήΧας στενά, 
ίκρα^εντων Sk την άναχώρησιν γενέσθαι, ταττβινω- 
θείσης της ημετέρας θαΧάττης Sta την κατά τας 
^τηΧας εκρυσιν, ^^Ιττπαρχος Sk εκΒεξάμενος το 
συνάτΓτειν ταντον τφ σύρρονν 'γενέσθαι την ήμε- 
τέραν θάΧατταν ttj ^Ερυθρ^ δίά την ττΧηρωσιν, 
αίτναταί τι Βη ποτέ ούχϊ ττ} κατά τ^ς ΧτήΧας 
εκρύσει μεθ ιστάμενη εκεισε η καθ* ημάς θάΧαττα 
συμμεθίστα καΐ την σύρρονν ανττ} 'γενομένην την 

^ τ^, after έκαστα, Corais omits ; so Meineke. 

2 Kaij Corais deletes, after ί4χομαι ; A. Miller approving. 

^ A little town in Egypt between Pelusium and Mt. 
Casiue ; not the Arabian Gerrha. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 12-13 

influence of gravity, rides upon the earth and 
assumes the sort of surface which Archimedes says it 

13. Eratosthenes adds to what he has said about 
Ammon and Egypt . his opinion that Mt. Casius 
was once washed by the sea, and also that all the 
region where the so-called Gerrha^ now is, was in 
every part covered with shoal-water since it was 
connected with the gulf of the Red Sea, and that it 
became uncovered when the seas^ came together. 
Now it is ambiguous to say that the region mentioned 
was covered with shoal-water since it was connected 
with the gulf of the Red Sea, for " to be connected 
with" means either "to come near to" or "to touch" ; 
so that, if we were referring to bodies of water, the 
phrase would mean, in the latter sense, that one 
body of water is confluent with another. My inter- 
pretation, however, is that the shoal-waters "came 
near to " the Red Sea as long as the narrows at the 
Pillars of Heracles were still closed, and that after 
the narrows had been broken through, the retire- 
ment of the shoal-water took place because the level 
of the Mediterranean Sea had been lowered by the 
outflow at the Pillars. But Hipparchus, interpreting 
the phrase " to be connected with " to be the same 
thing as "to become confluent with," that is, that 
our Mediterranean Sea "became confluent with" 
the Red Sea because of its being filled up with 
water, finds fault by asking why in the world it is 
that, at the time when our Mediterranean Sea, 
because of the outflow of its waters at the Pillars, 
underwent its change in that direction, it did not 
also cause the Red Sea, which had become confluent 

^ The Atlantic and the Mediterranean. 




^Έιρυθράν, καϊ iv τ§ αύτζ Sie/ieivev ίττιφανάα, 
μη ταΐΓ€ΐνουμένη' καΧ ykp κατ αύτον ^T&pa- 
τοσθένη την €κτο^ θάΧατταν αιτασαν σύρρουν 
elval•, ωστ€ καϊ τί^ν eairepvov καϊ την ^Έίρυθρίίν 
ΘάΧατταν μίαν elvat, τούτο δ' βίττών βτηφβρ^ι 
το ακοΚονθον, το το αντο ΰψος βχβιν την Τ€ βξω 
ΧτηΧων ΘάΧατταν καΐ την Έρνθράν καϊ €tc την 
ταύττ) yey οννΐαν σύρρουν. 

14. Άλλ' οΰτ €ΐρηκ€ναί τοντο φησιν Έ/)ατο- 
σθένης, το σύρρουν yey ovevac κατά την ττΧηρωσιν 
τχι ^Ερυθρά, άΧΧα συv€yyίσaί μόνον, ουτ 
άκοΧουθβΐν TTJ μια καϊ συνηχεί θαΧάτττ) το αντο 
νψο^; €χ€ίν καϊ την αντην επιώάνβιαν, ωστΓ€ρ 
ovSe την καθ* ή μας, καϊ νη Αια την κατά το 
Αέχαιον καϊ την ττερϊ Keyxpea^. onep καϊ αύτο9 
ό ^ΙτΓΤΓαρχος €7ηση μαίνεται iv τφ ττρο^ζ αύτον 
Xoycp' €t8ft)9 ούν την Βοξαν αύτον τοιαύτην ΙΒία 
τί ττρος αύτον λβγετω, καϊ μη 4ξ έτοίμον 
Χαμβανέτω, ώ? άρα 6 φησας μίαν elvac την βξω 
ΘάΧατταν σύμφησι καϊ δτι μία 4στϊν αύτης ή 

15. ΨβνΒη δ' elvai φήσας την βττΐ το?9 Β€Χφΐσιν 
iinypa^irjv Κνρηναίων θβωρων αΐτίαν άττοΒίΒωσιν 
ού ΤΓίθανην, δτι ή μίν τη<ξ Κυρήνη<ζ κτίσις iv 
χρόνοι^ ώέρβται μνημονβνομένοι^;, το δέ μαντ€Ϊον 
ούΒβϊ^: μβμνηται iiri θαΧάτττ) ττοτέ νττάρζαν. τί 

^ That is, the gulfe of Corinth and Aegina, west and east, 
respectively, of tne Isthmus of Corinth. 

'-' That is at the oracle of Ainmon. See pace 181. 

' The dolphin was to the Greeks the symbol of a seaport 
town. It would seem to us that the ambassadors from 
Cyrene set up the dolphin as a symbol of their own town, 



GEOGRAPHY, r. 3. 13-15 

with it, to make the same change, and why in the 
world the Red Sea continued at the same level 
instead of being lowered with the Mediterranean ? 
For, says he, even according to Eratosthenes himself 
the whole exterior sea is confluent, and consequently 
the western sea and the Red Sea form one sea. 
After saying this, Hipparchus adds his corollary: 
that the Sea outside the Pillars, the Red Sea, and 
the Mediterranean Sea, too, which has become con- 
fluent with the Red Sea, all have the same level. 

14. But Eratosthenes replies to this that he has not 
said that the confluence with the Red Sea took place 
at the time the Mediterranean Sea had become filled, 
but merely that the Mediterranean Sea had come 
near to it ; and, besides, that it does not follow from 
the notion of one continuous sea that it has the same 
height and the same level — ^just as the Mediterranean 
has not, and as most assuredly its waters at Lechaeum 
and those about Cenchreae ^ have not. This very 
point Hipparchus himself makes in his book against 
Eratosthenes ; since, then, he knows that such is the 
opinion of Eratosthenes, let him give some argument 
of his own against Eratosthenes, and let him not 
assume off-hand that, forsooth, if a man says the 
exterior sea is one, he at the same time aflirms also 
that its level is everywhere the same. 

15. Again, when Hipparchus says that the in- 
scription on the dolphins,^ made by sacred ambassadors 
of Cyrene, is false, he gives an unconvincing reason 
when he says that although the founding of Cyrene 
falls within historical times, yet no historian has 
recorded that the oracle was ever situated on a sea.^ 

and that it had no bearing on the question whether or not 
the oracle of Ammon was once on the seashore. 


VOL. I. Ρ 



γά/ο el μη8€ΐ<ζ μ€ν ιστορεί, ifc Be των τεκμηρίων, 
€ξ ων €ΐκάξομ€ν τταράλων ττοτβ τον τόττον yeviaOai, 
οι τ€ ΒέΚώΐνβς άνβτέθησαν καΧ η έτη^ραφη 
iy€V€TO ντΓο Κνρηναίων θεωρών; συηγωρησα^ δέ 
τ^ μβτβωρισμφ του βΒάφονς συμμ€Τ€ωρισθ€Ϊσαν 
fcal την θάΧατταν ίτηκΚύσαι τους μ€χρι> του 
C 57 μαντείου τόττον?, ττΧέον τί^ άττο θαΧάττης 
Βΐ€χ^οντα<ζ των τρνσχιΧίων σταΒίων, ου συ^γωρεί 
τον μέχρι Τοσούτου μβτεωρισμόν, ώστε καΧ την 
Φάρον οΧην καΧυφθήναΰ καΧ τα ττοΧΧα τ% 
ΑΙ'γύτΓτου, ωστΓβρ ούχ ικανού οι/το9 του τοσούτου 
ΰ'ψΌυ<ζ καΧ ταύτα έπικΧύσαι, φησας δέ, €Ϊ7Γ€ρ 
έτΓβΊτΧηρωτο iirX τοσούτον ή καυ ημα^ θάΧαττα 
ττρΧν το βκρη'^μα το κατά %τηΧα^ ^γβνέσθαί, έφ* 
όσον €Ϊρηκ€ν 6 ^Έ>ρατοσθ€νη<ζ, χρήναι καΧ την 
Αφύην ττασαν καΐ της Ευρώπης; τά ττολλά καΧ 
τη<ζ 'Ασίας ΚΒκαΧύφθαι ττρότβρον, τούτοις 
βτηφέρβι, δίότί καΧ 6 Ώοντος τφ ^ΑΒρία σύρρους 
civ ύττήρξε κατά τ ίνας τόττους, ατ€ Βη τού "Ιστρου 
άτΓΟ των κατά, τον ΤΙόντον τόπων σγιζομίνου καΧ 
ρέοντος βίς έκατέραν την ΘάΧατταν όια την θέσιν 
της χώρας, αλλ' οι/τ' άττό των κατά τον ΐΐόντον 
μέρων 6 "Ιστρος τάς άρχας €χ<£ΐ, άλλα τάναντία 
άττό των ύτΓ€ρ τού ^ΑΒρίου ορών, οΰτ βίς έκατέραν 
την ΘάΧατταν pet, αλλ' βίς τον ΤΙοντον μόνον, 
ο'χίζβταί τ€ ττρος αύτοίς μόνον τοις στόμασι, 
κοινην Be τίνα τών ττρο αυτού τισιν ayvouiv 
ταύτην ηηνόηκεν, υττοΧαβούσιν elvai τίνα ομώ- 
νυμον τφ "Ίστρφ ττοταμον €κβάΧΧοντα εις τον 
^ΑΒρίαν άτΓβσχισ μένον αυτού, αφ' ου καΧ το yevo^ 

1 τι, Τ. G. Tucker, for ^. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 15 

Well, what if no historian does record the fact, and 
yet, according to the evidence on which we base the 
conjecture that the region was once coast-land, the 
dolphins were in fact dedicated and the inscription was 
engraved by sacred ambassadors of Cyrene ? Again, 
although Hipparchus has admitted that, along with 
the elevation of the bed of the sea, the sea itself was 
elevated, and that it inundated the country as far as 
the oracle, a distance of somewhat more than three 
thousand stadia from the sea, he does not admit the 
elevation of the sea to such a point that both the 
whole island of Pharos and the greater part of Egypt 
were covered — just as though so high an elevation 
of the sea were not sufficient, to inundate these 
districts too ! And again, after saying that if, before 
the outbreak of the waters at the Pillars took place, 
the Mediterranean Sea was really filled to such an 
extent as Eratosthenes has stated, the whole of Libya 
and the greater part of Europe and Asia must first 
have been covered, he adds thereto that the Pontus 
would then have been confluent with the Adriatic in 
some places, for the reason that the Ister,^ as he 
supposes, branches off from the Pontus regions and 
thus flows into both seas, on account of the lie of the 
land. But neither does the Ister rise in the Pontus 
regions (on the contrary, it rises in the mountains 
above the Adriatic), nor does it flow into both seas, 
but into the Pontus alone, and it branches off near 
its mouths only. However, this mistake of Hip- 
parchus is shared with him by some of his pre- 
decessors, who supposed that there was a river of 
the same name as the Ister, which branched off from 
it and emptied into the Adriatic, and that the tribe 

1 The Danube. 

ρ 2 



"Ιστρων,^ 8ί ου φέρβται, \αβ€Ϊν την ττροση'^ορίαν, 
καϊ τον ^Ιάσονα ταύττ) ττοιησασθαι τ6ν €Κ των 
ΙίόΧγων άνάττλονν, 

16. Ώρος Be την άθαυμαστίαν των τοιούτων μβτα- 
βοΧων, οίας βφαμεν αίτια 9 elvai των €7ηκΧνσ€ων 
/cai των τοιούτων τταθών, οΙα εϊρηται τά κατ^ τ^ν 
Χίκέλίαν fcal τά? ΑΙόΧον νησου<ζ καϊ ΐΐιθηκούσσας, 
άξων παραθβΐναι κα\ α\\α ττΧβίω των iv ίτίροις 
τότΓΟίς όντων η ^^νομβνων ομοίων τούτοί<;, αθρόα 
yap τά τοιαύτα ττα/οαδβιγ/^ατα ττρο οφθαΧμων 
τεθέντα τταύσβι την εκιτληξιν, νννΐ Sk το αηθβς ^ 
TapaTTU την αΐσθησιν καϊ Βείκνυσιν άττβφίαν των 
φύσ€ΐ συμβαινόντων καΐ του βίου τταντος, οίον €Ϊ 
Tt? Tuyoi τά^ 7Γ€ρΙ ^ηραν καΧ %ηρασίαν νήσους 
ιΒρυμένας iv τφ μ€ταζύ ττόρω Κ,ρήτης καϊ της 
Κυρηναίας, &ν η ®ήρα μητρόττοΧίς ίστι της 
Κυρηνης, καϊ την ΑΧ^υτττον καΐ ττολλά μέρη 
τοιαύτα της Έλλάδο9. avh μέσον yhp %ήρας καΧ 
ξηρασίας έκττβσοΰσαι φXόy€ς έκ του ττελάγου? εφ' 
ημέρας τέτταρας,^ ωστ€ ττασαν ζβΐν καϊ φ\έ^€σθαι 
την θάΧατταν, άνβφύσησαν κατ οΧί^ον έξαιρο- 
μένην ώς &ν ορ^ανικως καϊ συντιθεμένην €Κ μύΒρων 
νήσον έττέχουσαν ΒώΒ€κα σταΒίων την ττ^ρίμετρον, 

1 "Ιστρων y Meineke, for "ίστρο»'. 

^ νυνϊ 86 rh &ηθ€$, Xylander, for νυν c< 8c τ^ άληθ4$ ; editors 

' ray Groskurd, for ras; Kramer, Forbiger, Meineke, 

* τίττοροί, Meineke, for τ4σσαρα$. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 15-16 

of Istrians, through whose territory this Ister flows, 
got their appellation from it, and that it was*by this 
route that Jason made his return voyage from the 
land of the Colchians. . 

16. Now, in order to promote the virtue of not\ 
marvelling ^ at such changes as I have declared to 
be responsible for deluges and for such operations 
of nature as I have spoken of ^ in the case of Sicily, 
the islands of Aeolus, and the Pithecussae, it is worth 
while to set forth still other instances of things 
similar thereto that exist, or else have taken place, 
in other regions. For if a large number of such 
instances are placed in view, they will put a stop to 
one's amazement. But, as it is, the unfamiliar thing 
disturbs the senses and shews one's ignorance of 
natural occurrences and of the conditions of life 
generally ; for instance, suppose one should tell the 
story of Thera and Therasia (islands situated in the 
roadstead between Crete and Cyrenaea, the first of 
which, Thera, is the mother-city of Cyrene), and of 
Egypt, and of many such places in Greece. For 
midway between Thera and Therasia fires broke 
forth from the sea and continued for four days, so 
that the whole sea boiled and blazed, and the fires 
cast up an island which was gradually elevated as 
though by levers and consisted of burning masses — 
an island with a stretch of twelve stadia in circum- 

^ Compare Horace's **Nii admirari" (Epist. 6). Also 1. 3. 
21 (below) ; and Cicero, De Finibus 5. 8. 23 and 5. 29. 87. 
The Stoic philosophers attached great importance to the 
virtue of "marvelling at nothing." Strabo's present pur- 
pose is, by heaping up instances of marvellous occurrences, 
to promote that virtue in the student of geography, and thus 
to remove doubt and encourage the scientific spirit. 

2 Page 199. 




μ€τ€ί Be την πανλαν τον ττάθου*; βθάρρησαν 
Ίτρωτοι ΎοΒίοι θαΚαττοκρατοΰντ€<ξ βιτητροσ- 
ττλενσαί τφ τοττφ, καΧ Ί1οσείΒωνο<; ^ΑσφαΧίον 
C 58 Upov ίΒρνσασθαι κατά την νησον, iv Be TJj 
Φοίνίκτ} φησί ΐΙοσ€ΐΒώνιο^ fyevopAvov σ€ίσμοΰ 
κατατΓοθηναι, ττοΚιν ίΒρυμένην virep 'ϊ,ίΒονος, καϊ 
αυτής Be '$ιΒ6νος σγμΒον τι τά Βύο μέρη ireaelvy 
αλλ' ουκ άβρ6ω<;, ώστ€ μη ποΧύν φθορον άνθρώττων 
yeveaOai, το δ' αυτό πάθο<; καϊ eVl την Ί,υρίαν 
οΚην Bi€T€iV€, μeτpίω<ζ Be ττως. Βνέβη Bk καϊ eiri 
τίνας νήσους τάς τ€ ΚυκΧάΒας καϊ την Έ^ΰβοιαν, 
ωστ€ της ^Apeθoύσης (εστ^ δ' iv ^αΧκίΒι κρήνη) 
τας ΤΓτ/γάς άττοτυφΧωθήναί, συχναΐς Β* ήμέραις 
iaTepov άναβλύσαι κατ αΧλο στόμιον, μη 
iraveaOai Bk σeιoμίvηv τ^ν νήσον κατ€ί μέρη, 
Ίτρϊν ή χάσμα ^ής άνοιχθ^ν iv τφ ΚηΧάντψ TTeButp 
ττηΧοΰ Βίαττνρου ττοταμον €ξήμ€σ€. 

17. ΤΙοΧΧων Bk συνα^/ο^γας ττοιησαμένων 
τοιαύτας, αρκέσει τα ύττο του Έ,κηψίου Αημητρίον 
συνημμένα οίκβίως τταρατεθέντα, μνησθεϊς jhp 
των iir&v τούτων, 

κρουνω δ' ΐκανον καΧΧιρροω, evOa τ€ τπγγαϊ 
Βοιαϊ άναίσσουσν ΧκαμάνΒρου Βινήβντος, 
ή μ^ν ηάρ θ^ ύΒατί Χιαρφ, 
ή δ' έτέρη θέρ€ΐ ττρορέει είκυία χαΧάζη, 

(Α 22. 147) 
ουκ ea θαυμάζειν, el νυν ή μίν του ψυχρού 
ΰΒατος μένει ττητγή, ή Be του θερμού ούχ οράταν. 
Βεΐν yap φησιν αΐτιασθαι τί^ν εκθΧιψιν τού 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 16-17 

ference. After the cessation of the eruption, the 
Rhodians, at the time of their maritime supremacy, 
were first to venture upon the scene and to erect on 
the island a temple in honour of Poseidon Asphalios.^ 
And in Phoenicia, says Poseidonius, on the occasion 
of an earthquake, a city situated above Sid on was 
swallowed up, and nearly two-thirds of Sidon itself 
was engulfed too, but not all at once, so that no 
considerable destruction of human life took place. 
The same operation of nature extended also over the 
whole of Syria, but with rather moderate force ; and 
it also passed over to certain islands, both the Cyclades 
and Euboea, with the result that the fountains of 
Arethusa (a spring in Chalcis) were stopped up, 
though after many days they gushed up sl\ another 
mouth, and the island did not cease from being 
shaken in some part or other until a chasm in the 
earth opened in the Lelantine Plain and vomited 
forth a river of fiery lava. 

17. Though many writers have made collections 
of such instances, those collected by Demetrius of 
Scepsis will suffice since they are appropriately cited. 
For example, he mentions these verses of Homer: 
" And they came to the two fair-flowing springs, 
where two fountains rise of deep-eddying Scamander ; 
the one floweth with warm water, while the other in 
summer floweth forth like hail '* ; and then he does 
not allow us to marvel if at the present time the 
spring of cold water is still there, whereas the one of 
hot water is no longer visible. For, says he, we 
must lay the cause to the shutting off of the hot 

* Poseidon, ** Securer" of travel by sea, and of the founda- 
tions of the earth. 




θερμού vBaro^, μίμνησκ€ται Be προς ταύτα των 
υτΓο έίημοκΧέον^; Χε^ομενων, σ€ίσμον<; τ ίνας /^6γά- 
\ους τους μλν τταΚαν irepX AvSiav γενομένους 
καΧ ^Ιωνίαν μέχρι της ΎρφάΖος ίστοροΰντος, 
ύή> ων καΧ κωμαι κατεττόθησαν καΧ ΧίττυΧος 
κατεστράφη, κατά την ΎανταΚου βασίλευαν. 
καΧ 4ξ ελών λίμναν iyivovTO, την δέ Ύροίαν 
εττέκλυσε κύμα. ή 8ε Φάρος ή κατ Αϊ^υτττον fjv 
τΓΟτβ ττελαηία, νυν δέ τροττον τινίυ χερρονησος 
^&^ονεν' ως δ' αντως καΧ Ύύρος καΧ Κλαξομεναί, 
ημών δ' ετΓίΒηβΐούντων εν ^Αλεξάνδρεια ττ} ττρος 
ΚΙ^ύτΓτφ, ττερΧ ΤΙηλούσιον καΧ το Κάσιον ορός 
μετεωρισθ^ν το ττίλα^ος εττέκλυσε την yrjv καΧ 
νήσον ετΓοίησε το ορός, ώστε ττλωτην γενέσθαι 
την irapci το Κάσιον 68ον την ες Φοινίκην. ούδέζ/ 
οΰν θαυμαστόν, ούΒ^ εϊ ιτοτε Βιαστές 6 ισθμός ή 
ίζημα λαβών 6 Βιείργων το AlywTTiov ττβλαγο^ 
άτΓο της ^Ερυθράς θαλάττης άττοφανεΐ ττορθμόν, 
καΧ σύρρουν ττοιησει την έκτος θάλατταν Trj^ 
εντός, καθάττερ έττΧ του κατά τά? ^νίρακλέους 
στηλας ττορθμοΰ συνέβη, εΐρηται δέ ττερΧ των 
τοιούτων τίνα καΧ εν άρχαΐς της ττρατ/ματείας, 
h Βεΐ συμφέρειν εις h/ καΧ την ττίστιν ισχυρών 
κατασκευάξειν των τε της φύσεως ίρ^ων καΧ των 
αλλω9 yιvoμέvωv μεταβολών. 

18. Ύόν τε ΤΙειραιά νησιάξοντα ιτρότερον καΧ 
C 59 ττέραν της ακτής κείμενον οΰτως φασΧν όνομα- 

^ tJ, Corais, for riis, before 4vt6s; Meineke following; 
C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 17-18 

water. ^ And he recalls on this point the words of 
Denaocles, who records certain great earthquakes, 
some of which long ago took place about Lydia 
and Ionia as far north as the Troad, and by their 
action not only were villages swallowed up, but 
Mt. Sipylus was shattered — in the reign of Tantalus. 
And lakes arose from swamps, and a tidal wave 
submerged the Troad. Again, the Egyptian Pharos 
was once an island of the sea, but now it has 
become, in a sense, a peninsula ; and the same is 
true of Tyre and Clazomenae. And when I was 
residing in Alexandria, in Egypt, the sea about 
Pelusium and Mt. Casius rose and flooded the 
country and made an island of the mountain, so 
that the road by Mt. Casius into Phoenicia became 
navigable. Hence it is nothing to marvel at even 
if, at some time, the isthmus should be parted 
asunder or else undergo a settling process — I mean 
the isthmus that separates the Egyptian Sea from 
the Red Sea — and thus disclose a strait and make 
the outer sea confluent with the inner,^ just as 
happened in the case of the strait at the Pillars of 
Heracles. I have already said something about such 
things at the beginning of this treatise ^ ; and all 
these instances must needs contribute to one result, 
namely, to fix strong our belief in the works of 
nature and also in the changes that are being 
brought to pass by other agencies. 

18. And as for the Peiraeus, it was because the 
Peiraeus was formerly an island and lay ^'over 
against*" the mainland, they say, that it got the 

^ See 13. 1. 43, where Strabo again refers to these springs. 
* Compare the Suez Canal. * 1. 3. 4. * Peran. 




σθήναί' ύτΓβναντίως δ' η Α€νκα<; Κορινθίων τον 
Ισθμον Βιακοψάντων νήσος yiyovev, άκτη ττρο- 
. repov οίσα' irepl ταύτης yap φασί Xeyecv τον 

οίος ^ηρικον ^ etkov ίνκτίρυενον 7ΓΤΟλί€θρον, 
άκτην ήτΓβίροιο' (Od, 24. 377) 

βντανθα μ€ν Βη ΒιακοτταΙ χ€φ6τμητοι yeySvaaiv, 
άλλαχό^Λ δέ ιτροσγωσ^ις η y€φυpώσ€ις, καθάπβρ 
€7γΙ της ττρος Χνρακονσαι,ς νήσου νυν μβν yiή>υpά 
ίστιν ή συνάτΓΤουσα αύτην ττρος την ήττβφον, 
TTpoTepov Sk χώμα, ως φησιν "Ιβυκος, 'λoyaίoυ 
Χίθου, ον καΧεΐ βκΧεκτον. 3οΰρα Se καΐ ΈΧίκη, 
ή μεν ύτΓο χάσματος, ή δ' ύττο κύματος ήφανίσθη. 
trepX Μβθώνην δέ την iv τφ 'Έιρμωνικω κοΚ,ττφ 
ορός ^ €7Γταστά8ιον το ΰψος άνββΧηθη yevηθevτoς 
άναφυσήματος φ\oyώBoυς, μβθ* ήμέραν μεν 
άπροσίτον ύττο του θερμού καΐ της θειώδους 
68μής, νύκτωρ δ' ^ εκΧάμπον ττορρω καΐ θερ- 
μαϊνον, ώστε ξεΐν την θαΚατταν εττΐ σταΖίους 
ττέντε, θοΧερίίν δ' είναι, καΐ εττΐ εϊκοσί σταΒίους, 
ττροσχωσθήναι δέ ττίτραις άττορρώξι τΓύpyωv ουκ 
ελάττοσι,ν, υττο δέ της ΚοτταίΒος Χίμνης ή τ€ 

^ fi-fipiKov, Corais, for Νιίριτον ; C, the Epitome, and modem 
editors also. 

* apos, Kramer adds, from the Epitome ; Groskurd, 
Meineke, Miiller-Diibner, following. 

* €u»8c$, before 4κΚάμΊτον, Corais deletes ; Meineke follow- 
ing ; C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 1 8 

name it has ; but contrariwise Leucas, since the 
Corinthians cut a canal through the isthmus, has 
become an island, although it was formerly a head- 
land. Indeed, it is ivith reference to Leucas, they' 
say, that Laertes remarks : "As I was when I took 
Nericus, the well-built castle on the headland of the 
continent/* Here, then, a partition cut by hand has 
been made ; in other places man has built moles 
or bridges — just as, in the case of the island next 
to Syracuse, there is at the present time a bridge 
which connects it with the mainland, whereas 
formerly there was a mole, as Ibycus says, built of 
selected stones, which he calls stones "picked out."* 
Then there are Bura and Helice ; Bura disappeared 
in a chasm of the earth, and Helice was wiped out 
by a wave from the sea.^ And about Methone in 
the Hermionic Gulf* a mountain seven stadia in 
height was cast up in consequence of a fiery 
eruption, and this mountain was unapproachable by 
day on account of the heat and the smell of sulphur, 
while at night it shone to a great distance and was 
so hot that the sea boiled for five stadia and was 
turbid even for twenty stadia, and was heaped up 
with massive broken-off rocks no smaller than towers. 
And again, by Lake Copais * both Arne and Mideia 

^ Ibycus says : ** picked out by mortal hands." 
^ Both were in Achaia. The earthquake took place 
373 B.C. 

• We should have expected Strabo to say "Saronic" Gulf. 
The form which he elsewhere gives to the Hermionic Gulf 
(see 8. 6. 1), making it reach as far north as Aegina and 
Epidaurian territory, is strange indeed ; but in accordance 
with his definition Methone comes within the Hermionic 

* In Boeotia (Lake Topolia). 




"Αρρη κατεττόθη καΐ MiSeia, &9 ων6μακ€ν 6 ΤΓΟίψ 
τ^9 iv τω Καταλόγω• 

οι τ€ ΤΓοΚνστάφνΚον "Αρνην €χον, οι τ€ MiBeiav. 

(11. 2. 507) 

καΐ ίπΓΟ της ΒιστονίΒος δέ καΐ της νυν ^ΑφνίτιΒος 
Χίμνης €θίκασι κατακ€κ\νσθαι iroXet^ τιν^ς 
θρακών οί he καΧ Ύρηρών, ώς συνοίκων τοΙς 
θραξίν όντων, καϊ η ττροτερον Se *Αρτ€μίτα 
\€^ομΑνη μία των ^ΚχινάΒων νήσων ήττβφος 
y€yov€' teal αλΧας δέ των irepi τον ^ΑχεΧωον 
νησίδων το αυτό ττάθος φασί iradetv i/c της ύπο 
του ΤΓΟταμοΰ ττροσγωσεως του ττελάγονς, σι/γ- 
γρυνται Sk καϊ αί Χοίτταί, ώς ΉρόΒοτός^ φησι. 
καΐ ΑΙτωΧικαΙ Βέ τινβς ακραι eial νησίζουσαι, 
ττρότερον, καϊ η ^Αστερία ηΧΧακται, ήν Άστβρίδα 
φησίν 6 ΤΓΟίητής' 

€στι> Be ΤΑ9 νήσος μέσστ) άΧΐ ττβτρήβσσα, 
^Αστβρίς, ου μεγάΧη, Χιμένες δ' ivl ναύΧογοί αύττ) 
άμφίΒυμοί* (fid. 4. 844) 

νυνΧ δέ ούδ' άτ^κνροβόΧι,ον ευφυΐς e^ei, ev τ€ Trj 
^Ιθάκτ) ούΒέν έστιν άντρον τοιούτον, ουδέ Nv/a- 
φαΐον, οΙόν φησιν '^Ομηρος* βέΧτιον δέ αΐτιασθαι, 
μεταβοΧην ή ayvoiav ή κατάψευσιν των τοττων 
κατά το μυθωΒβς, τούτο μλν Βη ασαφίς ον 
C 60 βώ iv κοινφ σκοττβϊν. 

^ 'HpoSoTosy Corais, for *HeioSos ; Meineke, Forbiger, Tozer, 
Tardieu, following. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 1 8 

were swallowed up, places which have been named 
by Homer m the Catalogue of Ships: "And they 
that possess Arne rich in vineyards, and they that 
possess Mideia." And by Lake Bistonis ^ and by the 
lake which they now call Aphnitis ^ certain cities of 
Thracians appear to have been overwhelmed ; and 
some say cities of Trerans also, thinking they were 
neighbours of the Thracians. And, too, one of the 
Echinades Islands, which used to be called Artemita, 
has become part of the continent; and they say 
that still others of the little islands about the mouth 
of the Acheloiis have suffered the same change from 
the silting up of the sea by the river ; and the rest 
of them too, as Herodotus^ says, are in process of 
fusion with the continent. Again, there are certain 
Aetolian promontories which were formerly islands ; 
and Asteria has been changed, which the poet calls 
Asteris : ^^ Now there is a rocky isle in the mid-sea,* 
Asteris, a little isle ; and there is a harbour therein 
with a double entrance, where ships may lie at 
anchor." But at the present time it has not even a 
good anchorage. Further, in Ithaca there is no j. 
cave, neither grotto of the Nymphs, such as Homer ' 
describes; but it is better to ascribe the cause to / 
physical change rather than to Homer s ignorance or / 
to a false account of the places to suit the fabulous ( 
element in his poetry. Since this matter, however, ) 
is uncertain, I leave it to the public to investigate. 

^ In Thrace (Lake Lagos). 

* The other name was Dascylitis (see 13. 1. 9). It was in 
Bithynia; and according to the best authority, it was not 
the lake now called Maniyas or that called AbuUonia, but a 
third lake which has disappeared. • 2. 10. 

■* Asteris lay " midway between Ithaca and rugged Samos,'* 
says Homer ; but scholars have been unable to identify it. 




19. Ή Be "Αντισσα νήσο<; ην irporepov, «9 
Μιγ)σίλθ9 φησί' της Se Αέσβον καΧονμένης 
irpoTepov "Ισσης, καΙ την νήσο ν "Αντισσαν κα- 
\€Ϊσθαι συνέβη* νυν Se τή<ζ Αέσβον ΐτολις εστίν, 
οΐ δέ καΐ την Αέσβον τή<ζ "ΙΒης aireppwyevat 
π€7ηστ€ύκασι, καθάττβρ την ΤΙροχύτην καΙ την 
ΤΙίθηκονσσαν τον Μισηνον, τας Se Καττρέας τον 
* Αθηναίου, την ΧίκβΧίαν Be της Ύη^ίνης, την 
"Οσσαν Be του ^ΟΧνμττου, '^ε^ονασι Be καΧ irepi 
ταύτα τοιαΰται μεταβόλαί. καΐ 6 ΑάΒων Be 6 
ev ^ΑρκαΒία εττεσχε ττοτέ το ρεύμα. Αονρίς Be 
τα? Γοτ/ας τας κατά ΜηΒίαν ωνομάσθαι φησίν 
υτΓο σεισμών ρα'^είσης της irepi τας ίίασττίους 
ττνλας γης, ωστ€ άνατραττηναι ττολεις συγνας 
καϊ κώμας καΧ ποταμούς ττοικίΧας μβταβοΧ^ς 
Βέξασθαί, "Ιων δέ irepl της Ευβοίας φησΧν ev 
^ΟμφάΧτ) Χατνροις* 

ΈιύβοίΒα μεν yrjv Χετττος Έιύρίττον κΧύΒων 

Βοιωτίας εχώρισ, ακτην εκτεμων 

ττροβΧήτα τΓορθμφ. (/r, 18, Nauck) 

20. Αημητριος δ' ό Κ,αΧΧατίανος τους καθ* 
οΧην την 'Ελλάδα γενομένους ττοτε σεισμούς 
Βιη^ούμενος των τε ΑιγάΒων νήσων καΧ του 
Κηναίου τα ττοΧΧα καταΒύναί φησι, τά τε θερμά 
Tct εν ΑίΒηψφ καΧ ©ερμυττύλαις εττΧ τρεις ημέρας 
ετΓίσχεθέ^τα ττάΧιν ρυήναι, τα δ' εν ΑίΒηψω καΧ 
καθ* ετέρας avappayrjvai ττη^άς* *Ω>ρεού Βε το 
ττρος θαΧάττΎΐ τείχος καΧ των οικιών περΧ Ιτττα- 

^ That is, the island opposite Issa (Lesbos) was 
Lntiesa (Anti-Issa). ^ See 8. 8. 4. 

Antiesa { 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 19-20 

19. Antissa was formerly an island, as Myrsilus 
says; and since Lesbos was formerly called Issa, it 
came about that this island was called Antissa ^ ; 
but now Antissa is a city of Lesbos. And some 
believe that Lesbos itself is a fragment broken off 
from Mt. Ida, just as Prochji» and Pithecussa from 
Misenum, Capri from the Promontory of Athene, 
Sicily from the district of Rhegium, and Ossa from 
Olympus. And it is a fact that changes of this 
sort have also occurred in the neighbourhood of these 
places. And, again, the River Ladon in Arcadia once 
ceased to flow.^ Duris says that Rhagae in Media 
has received its name because the earth about the 
Caspian Gates had been ^' rent ** ^ by earthquakes 
to such an extent that numerous cities and villages 
were destroyed, and the rivers underwent changes of 
various kinds. Ion says of Euboea in his satyr- 
drama Ompkale: ^^The slender wave of Euripus 
hath separated the land of Euboea from Boeotia, in 
that by means of a strait it hath cut a projecting 
headland away." 

20. Demetrius of Callatis, in his account of all the 
' earthquakes that have ever occurred throughout all 

Greece, says that the greater part of the Lichades 
Islands* and of Cenaeum^ was engulfed; the hot 
springs at Aedepsus ^ and Thermopylae, after having 
ceased to flow for three days, began to flow afresh, 
and those at Aedepsus broke forth also at another 
source ; at Oreus ^ the wall next to the sea and about 

• The root of the verb here used is rJiag, 

* Between Euboea and Locris. 

' A promontory in north-western Euboea, opposite Locris. 
^ A city in north-western Euboea. 
7 A city in north-eastern Euboea. 




κοσία/ζ συμπεσβΐν, ^Εχίνον re καί Φάλάρων καΐ 
Ήρακ\€ία<ζ της Ύραχΐνος, των μλν ττόλν μίρος 
ireaeiv, Φάλάρων δέ καΐ βξ βΒάφονς άνατραττηναί ^ 
το κτίσμα. τΓαραττΧησια Be συμβηναι καΧ Ααμι- 
€νσί καΐ Ααρίσαίοι<ζ' καΐ Χκάρφβίαν δ' €Κ θεμβ- 
\ίων άναρρίφήναι, καΐ καταΒνναι, σώματα χιλίων 
καΐ ίπτακοσίων ουκ εΚάττω^ %poviovf; δ' υττ^ρ 
ήμισυ τούτων κνμά Τ€ έξαρθ^ν τριχή, το μβν 
πρ6<ζ Ύάρφην ^ ίνεχθηναι καΐ %ρ6ιηον, το δέ προς 
θβρμοττύλας, αΧΚο δβ eh το irehiov εω? του 
Φωκικοΰ Ααφνοϋντος. ιτη^άς τ€ ττοταμων ξηραν- 
θηναι ττρος ημέρας τινάς, τον δέ Χττερχειον 
άΧλάξαι τί) ρείθρον καΐ ττοιήσαι ττλωτας τας 
οΒούς, τον δέ ^oaypiov κατ. αΧΚης ένεχθήναι 
φάραγγος, και ^Αλόττης δέ καΐ Κύνου καΐ ΌττοΟι/- 
Τ09 ΤΓολλά καταβλαβήναι μέρη, Οίον Be το hirep- 
Keipsvov φρούριον τταν avaTpairPjvai, Έλατβια? 
δέ του τείχους καταρραγηναι μέρος, irepi Be 
"ΑΧτΓωνον^ θεσμοφορίων όντων ττέντε καΧ είκοσι 
παρθένους άναΒραμούσας εις ττύρ^ον των εΚΧι- 
μενίων κατά θέαν, πεσόντος του πύργου, πεσειν 
καΧ αύτας εΙς την θάλατταν. Χέ^ουσι Be καΐ της 
C 61 ^Αταλάντης της προς Εύβοια τα μέσα, ρή'^ματος 
γενομένου, ΒιάπΧουν Βέξασθαι μεταξύ, κόΧ των 
πεΒίων ενια καί μέχρι εϊκοσι σταΒίων επικΧν- 

^ iivaTpairrivaij Meineke restores, for Kramer's άι^αστρα^ηναί ; 
Tozer following ; C. Miiller approving. 

2 Ύάρφηι/, Groskurd, for ^κάρψην ; Meineke, Forbiger, Tozer, 
following ; C. Miiller approving. 

^ ^Άλιτωνοι/, Corais, foVAywyoy; editors following. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. ίο 

seven hundred of the houses collapsed ; ^ and as for 
Echinus and Phalara and Heracleia in Trachis, not 
only was a considerable portion of them thrown 
down, but the settlement of Phalara was overturned, 
ground and all. And, says he, something quite 
similar happened to the people of Lamia and of 
Larissa ; and Scarphia, also, was flung up, foundations 
and all, and no fewer than seventeen hundred 
human beings were engulfed, and over half as many 
Thronians ; again, a triple-headed wave rose up, one 
part of which was carried in the direction of Tarphe 
and Thronium, another part to Thermopylae, and 
the rest into the plain as far as Daphnus in Phocis ; 
fountains of rivers were dried up for a number of 
days, and the Sphercheius changed its course and 
made the roadways navigable, and the Boagrius was 
carried down a different ravine, and also many 
sections of Alope, Cynus, and Opus were seriously 
damaged, and Oeum, the castle above Opus, was laid 
in utter ruin, and a part of the wall of Elateia was 
broken down, and at Alponus, during the celebration 
of the Thesmophoria, twenty-five girls ran up into 
one of the towers at the harbour to get a view, 
the tower fell, and they themselves fell with it 
into the sea. And they say, also, of the Atalanta 
near Euboea that its middle portions, because 
they had been rent asunder, got a ship-canal 
through the rent, and that some of the plains 
were overflowed even as far as twenty stadia, and 

^ The places subsequently named in this paragraph — 
except Atalanta— are all on the mainland of Greece, more or 
less in proximity to the Euboean Sea. 

VOL. I. Q 



σθήναί, fcal τριήρη τινίυ €κ των νεωρίων ίξαρ- 
θύσαν ^ ύτΓβρτΓβσβΐν τον τ€ίχους, 

21. Ώροστιθέασι Sk καϊ τΛς €κ των μβτα- 
στάσ^ων μεταβόλας im irXeov την άθανμαστίαν 
ήμΐν κατασκβυάζειν iOeXovTe^, rjv ύμν€Ϊ Αημό- 
κριτο<; καΐ οί aWoi φίλόσοφοί ττάντε^' τταρά- 
Κ€ΐται yap τψ αθαμββΐ καϊ άταράχφ καϊ 
άν€Κ7Γλήκτψ' οίον * Ιβήρων μβν των έσττερίων 
€ΐ<ζ τον<; virep του ΙΙόντον καϊ τή^ Κολχίδθ9 
τότΓου? μβτφκισμένων (οΰ<ζ 6 ^Αράξης, ω<ζ φησιν 
ΆτΓολλόδω/οο?, άτΓΟ τη<ζ ^Αρμβνίας ορίζει, Κύρος 
δέ μαλΧον καϊ τΛ ορη τΛ Μοσχικα), ΑΙ^υπτίων 
δ' €69 τ€ ΑΙΘίοττας καΐ Κόλχοι;9, 'Εζ/€τώι/ δ' έκ 
ΤΙαφΧα^ονίας ίττΐ τον ^ΑΒρίαν, αττβρ καϊ €7γΪ 
των *ΈΧΚηνικων εθνών συνέβη, ^Ιώνων καϊ Δω- 
ριεων καϊ 'Αχαιών καϊ ΑΙοΧέων καϊ ΑΙνιανες 
οί νυν ΑίτωΧοΐς όμοροι ττερϊ το Αώτιον ωκουν 
καϊ την ^Οσσαν μετά ΤΙερραιβών καϊ αύτοϊ 8ε 
Τίερραιβοϊ μετανάσται τινές, Ίτλήρης Si εστί 
των τοιούτων τταραΒει^μάτων ή νυν ενεστωσα 
ττρα^ματεία. τίνα μεν ουν καϊ ττροχειρα το?9 
7Γθλλο?9 εστιν^ αί δε των Κάρων καϊ Ύρηρών 
καϊ Ύεύκρων μεταναστάσεις καϊ ΤαΧατων, ομού 
8ε καϊ των ηγεμόνων οι εττϊ ττοΧύ εκτοττισμοί, 
Μαδυο9 τ€ του Έ,κυθικοΰ καϊ Ύεαρκώ του ΑΙΘίοττος 
καϊ Κώβου του Ύρηρος καϊ Χεσώστριος καΐ 

^ 4ξαρθ€ΐσαν, Madvig, for iJ^aiptBuffav ; Tozer following. 
* ίσην, Meineke, for ^ισιν. 

^ Diodorus (12. 59) says that Atalanta was once a penin- 
sula and that it was broken away from the mainland by an. 
earthquake, though he does not refer to the occurrence 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 20-21 

that a trireme was lifted out of the docks and cast 
over the wall.^ 

21. Writers also add the changes resulting from 
the migrations of peoples, wishing to develop in us, 
to a still greater extent, that virtue of not marvelling 
at things (a virtue which is lauded by Democritus 
and all the other philosophers ; for they put it in 
a class with freedom from dread and from per- 
turbability and from terror).^ For instance : the 
migration of Western Iberians^ to the regions 
beyond the Pontus and Colchis (regions which are 
separated from Armenia by the Araxes according to 
Apollodorus, but rather by the River Cyrus and 
the Moschican Mountains) ; and the migration of 
Egyptians to Ethiopia and Colchis; and that of 
Enetians ^ from Paphlagonia to the Adriatic. This 
is what took place in the case of the Greek tribes 
also — lonians, Dorians, Achaeans, and Aeolians ; and 
the Aenianians that are now neighbours of the 
Aetolians used to live about Dotium and Mt. Ossa 
among the Perrhaebians ; and, too, the Perrhaebians 
themselves are emigrants. And the present treatise 
is full of such instances. A number of them, to be 
sure, are matters even of ready knowledge to most 
people, but the emigrations of the Carians, Trerans, 
Teucrians, and Galatians, and likewise also the 
expeditions of the princes to lands far remote (I 
refer to Madys the Scythian, Tearko the Ethiopian, 
Cobus the Treran, Sesostris and Psammitichus the 

mentioned by Strabo. Both apparently have in mind the 
earthquake of 426 b.c. 

2 See § 16 above, and the footnote. 

' That is, * * Western " as distinguished from the new, or 
** Eastern,'* Iberia beyond the Pontus. 

* Compare "Venetians" ; and see 5. 1. 4. 


Q 2 



Ψαμμίτίχου των Κ1*^υτΓτίων καΧ ΤΙβρσων των άττο 
TSjvpov μέχρι Βέρξου ονχ ομοίων iv έτοίμφ ττάσίν 
βίσιν. οί τ€ Ιί,ιμμέριοι ob<; καϊ Ύρηρα<; ονομά- 
ζονσιν, η εκείνων τι βθνος, ττοΧΧάκις εττεΒραμον τΛ 
Βεξια μέρη τον ΤΙόντου καϊ τα συνεχή αύτοΐ^, 
τοτ€ μ^ν €7γΪ ΤΙαψλα'γόνα^, τοτέ δέ καϊ Φρυγα? 
έμβάλόντες, ηνίκα Μίδαι/ αίμα ταύρου τηόντα 
φασίν άπεΧθεΐν eh το χρεών, Λυγδα/^ί? δέ τους 
αυτού ου^ων μέχρι ΑυΒίας καϊ ^Ιωνίας ήλασε καΐ 
ΧάρΒεις εΤλεν, εν Κιλικία δέ Βιεφθάρη. ττοΧΚάκις 
δέ καΐ οι Κιμμέριοι και οι Ύρήρες εττοιησαντο 
τας τοιαύτας εφοΒους* τους δέ Ύρήρας καϊ Κωβον 
ύτΓο Μάδι;ο9 το τεΧευταΙον εξεΧαθήναί φασι του 
των 'ϊ,κυθων^ βασιΧέως. ταΰτα μίν ειρήσθω 
Ίτρος άπασαν κοιντ} την ττερίοΒον της yής έχοντα 
οίκζίαν ίστορίαν. 

22. ^Εττάνιμεν δ' εττϊ τα εξής, αφ* ων παρέβη μεν. 
του yhp ΉροΒότου μηΒένας 'Υπερβορείους είναι 
φ'ήσαντος, μηΒ^ yhp "Τπερνοτίους, yeXoiav ^ φησϊν 
C 62 είναι την άποΒειξιν καϊ ομοίαν 6 * Ερατοσθένης 
τφ σόφίσματι τούτφ, εϊ τις Xέyoι μηΒένας είναι 
επίχαιρε κάκους, μηΒ^ yiip επιχaιpayάθoυς^ κατά, 
τύχην τε είναι καΐ 'Τπερνοτίους' κατά yodv την 
Αιθιοπίαν μη πνεΐν Νότον, άλλΛ^ κατωτέρω* 

^ 2KV0WV, Penzel, Larcher, for Κιμμερίων ; Groskurd, 
Meineke, Forbiger, following; Kramer, C. Mftller, approving. 

^ ytXotav, Tyrwhitt, for \4yot άν ; editors following. 

^ The old reading without καΐ is restored by Kramer, 
Meineke, C. Miiller. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 21-22 

Egyptians, and to Persians from Cyrus to Xerxes) 
are not likewise matters of off-hand knowledge to 
everybody. And those Cimmerians whom they also 
call Trerans (or some tribe or other of the Cim- 
merians) often overran the countries on the right of 
the Pontus and those adjacent to them, at one time 
having invaded Paphlagonia, and at another time 
Phrygia even, at which time Midas drank bull's 
blood, they say, and thus went to his doom. 
Lygdamis,^ however, at the head of his own soldiers, 
marched as far as Lydia and Ionia and captured 
Sardes, but lost his life in Cilicia. Oftentimes both 
Cimmerians and Trerans made such invasions as 
these ; but they say that the Trerans and Cobus 
were finally driven out by Madys, the king of the 
Scythians. Let these illustrations be given here, 
inasmuch as they involve matters of fact which have 
a bearing upon the entire compass of the world in 

22. I now return to the points next in order, 
whence I digressed.^ First, as for the statement of 
Herodotus ^ that there are no Hyperboreans * because 
there are also no Hypernotians.^ Eratosthenes says 
the argument presented is absurd and like the follow- 
ing quibble : suppose some one should say " There 
are none who rejoice over the ills of others because 
there are also none who rejoice over the blessings of 
others." And, adds Eratosthenes, it so happens that '■ 
there are also Hypernotians — at all events, Notus 
does not blow in Ethiopia, but farther north. But it [ 

^ King of the Cimmerians. 

^ At §16 Strabo digressed from the order of discussion 
pursued by Eratosthenes. ' Herod. 4. 36. 

* People who live beyond Boreas (North Wind). 

* People beyond Notus (South Wind). 




θαυμαστού δ*, el, καθ* βκαστον κλίμα ττνέοντος 
ανέμου, καΐ ττανταγρΰ του άττο μεσημβρίας Νότου 
ττροσατ/ορευομέρου, βστι τις οϊκησις iv if τούτο 
μη συμβαίνει, τουναντίον yhp ου μόνον ΑΙΘιοττία 
€)(ρι hv τον καθ* ημάς Νότοι/, άΧΚα καΐ ή ανωτέρω 
ττασα μέχρι του Ισημερινού, ει S* αρα, του 
*ίΙρο86του τοΰτ εχρήν αΐτιασθαι, οτι τους 
'Ύττερβορβίους τούτους ύπέΧαβε Χέ'^εσθαι, trap 
οΧς ο Βορέας ου ττνεΐ, καΐ yap εΐ οι ττοιηταΐ 
μυθίκώτερον οΰτω φασίν, οι y iξηyoύμεvoι το 
υγ^έ? &ν άκούσαίεν, 'Ύττερβορείους τους βορβω- 
τάτους Χ&γεσθαί} ορός δέ των μεν βορείων 6 
ΤΓολος, των δέ νοτίων 6 ισημερινός' καΐ των 
ανέμων δ' 6 αύτος ορός. 

23. 'Έίξης δέ \έyεί ττρος τους φανερως ΤΓεττΧα- 
σμένα καΐ αδύνατα \έy οντάς, τα μεν εν μύθου 
σχηματι, τά δ* ιστορίας, ττερί ων ουκ άξιον 
μεμνησθαΐ' ουδ' εκείνον εχρην εν ύττοθέσει 
τοιαύττ) φΧυάρους επισκοττεΐν. ή μεν οίν ττρώτη 
ΒιέξοΒος αύτφ των υπομνημάτων τοιαύτη. 


1. Έι; δέ ττ) Ζευτέρα ττειραται Βιόρθωσίν τίνα 
ΤΓοιεΐσθαι της yεωypaφίaς, καΐ τάς εαυτού Xeyει 

^ φασί, after \4y€eeai, Groskurd deletes ; editors following. 


GEOGRAPHY, ι. 3. 22-4. ι 

is a marvellous thing if, although winds blow in 
every ~latitu3e, ancTalthough the wind that blows 
from the south is everywhere called Not us, there is 
any inhabited place where this is not the case. 
For, on the contrary, not only might Ethiopia have 
the same Notus as we have, but even the whole 
country up to the equator. However that may be, 
this charge should be laid against Herodotus, that 
he assumed that by '^ Hyperboreans " those peoples 
were meant in whose countries Boreas does not 
blow. For even if the poets do speak thus, rather 
mythically, those, at least, who expound the poets 
should give ear to sound doctrine, namely, that by 
^^Hyperboreans" were meant merely the most 
northerly ^ peoples. And as for limits, that of the 
northerly 1 peoples is the north pole, while that of 
the southerly ^ peoples is the equator ; and the winds 
too have the same limits. 

23. Next in order, Eratosthenes proceeds to reply 
to those whose stories are plainly fictitious and im- 
possible, some of which are in the form of myths, 
and others in the form of history — persons whom it 
is not worth while to mention ; neither should he, 
when treating a subject of this kind, have paid heed 
to persons who talk nonsense. Such, then, is Eratos- 
thenes* course of argument in the First Book of his 


1. In his Second Book Eratosthenes undertakes a 
revision of the principles of geography ; and he 
declares his own assumptions, to which, in turn, if 
^ Literally, "borean." ^ Literally, **notian." 




ύτΓοΧηψει^' 7Γ/σο9 ας ττάΧιν, el (ίση τι<; έττανορθωσις, 
7Γ€ίρατ€ον προσφέρβιν. το μ€ν ουν τας μάθη- 
ματικας ύττοθέσβις eiaajeiv^ καΧ φυσικας el• 
Xeyerai, καΐ οτι el σφαιρο€ώη(ζ ή γη, KaOairep καΧ 
6 κ6σμο<;, irepiotKelTai, καΧ τα αΧΚα τα τοιαύτα, 
el Sk τηΧικαύτη, ηΚίκην αντος €Ϊρηκ€ν, ονχ 
ομόλο^ονσιν οι vaTepov, ovS^^ ίπαινοΰσι την 
άναμέτρησιν δμως δέ προ<ζ την σημείωσιν των 
κατίι τάς olxtjaei^ e κάστας φαινομένων Ίτροσ- 
χρήται τοις Βιαστήμασιν eκeίvoις 'Ίτηταρχος eirX 
του 8ια Μ€ρόης κaVAλeξav8peίaς και Έορνσθέρονς 
μeσημβριvoϋ, μικρόν irapaXkarTeiv φησας πάρα 
την aXrfeeiav, καϊ irepl τον σχήματος δ' iv τοις 
€ξής Βιά ττλειόνων καταΒβικνύς^ δτι σώαιροβώης 
και ή yrj συν τ^ ^Jpa φύσeι και ο ουρανός, 
aWoTpioXoyeiv &ν So^eiev άρκ€ΐ ycip το iwl 

2. Έξης ie το ττΧάτος της οικουμένης άφορίζων 
φησίν άίΓΟ μ€ν Mep6ης εττΐ τον Βι αυτής μ€σημβ~ 
C 63 ρινον μέχρι *ΑΧ€ξανΒρ€ίας eivai μυρίονς, ίνθένΒε 
€ΐς τον 'ΕΧΧηστΓοί'τον irepX οκτακισχιΧίονς εκατόν, 
€ΐτ €ΐς Βορυσθένη 'ΐΓ€ντακισχιΧίονς, είτ' έττΐ τον 
κνκΧον τον Βια %ούΧης {ην φησι ΤΙυθέας άττο μ^ν 
της Bpeττavικής $ξ ήμ€ρων ττΧοΰν ά7Γέχeιv προς 
άρκτον, €77ΐ'9 δ' etvai της πeπηyυίaς θαλάττης) 

* ίΐσά'^ίΐν, Corais, for &yeiv ; editors following. 
'-^ owi*, Casaubon, for 5* ; editors following. 
^ KaraSetKyvs, T. G. Tucker, for (καί) heiKvos. 

^ 252,000 stadia in circumference at the equator. See 
2. 5. 7. 

^ The Dnieper ; Strabo means, as usual, the mouth of the 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 4. i-2 

there is any further revision to be made, I must 
undertake to supply it. NoW his introduction of 
the principles of mathematics and physics into the 
subject is a commendable thing; also his remark 
that if the earth is spheroidal, just as the universe is, 
it is inhabited all the way round ; and his other * 
remarks of this nature. But as to the question 
whether the earth is as large as he has said, 
later writers do not agree with him; neither do 
they approve his measurement of the earth.^ Still, 
when Hipparchus plots the celestial phenomena for 
the several inhabited places, he uses, in addition, 
those intervals measured by Eratosthenes on the 
meridian through Meroe and Alexandria and the 
Borysthenes,2 after saying that they deviate but 
slightly from the truth. And, too, in Eratosthenes* 
subsequent discussion about the shape of the earth, 
when he demonstrates at greater length that not 
only the earth with its liquid constituent is spheroidal 
but the heavens also, he would seem to be talking 
about things that are foreign to his subject ; for a 
brief statement is sufficient.^ 

2. Next, in determining the breadth of the in- 
habited world, Eratosthenes says that, beginning at 
Meroe and measuring on the meridian that runs 
through Meroe, it is ten thousand stadia to Alex- 
andria; and thence to the Hellespont about eight 
thousand one hundred ; then to the Borysthenes five 
thousand ; then to the parallel circle that runs 
through Thule (which Pytheas says is a six days' 
sail north of Britain, and is near the frozen sea) 

' Strabo means that the hypotheses of physics and 
aetronomy should be accepted at once by geographers. 
Compare 2. 5. 2. 




αΧΚονς ώς μύριους 'χιΧίονς ττβντακοσίονς, ehv 
οΐ'Ρ €τι ττροσθωμβν virep την Μερόην αΧλου^ζ 
τρισχίλίονς τ€τ ρακοσίον<;, ΐνα την των ΑΙγνιττίων 
νησον ίχωμεν καΐ την Κινναμωμοφόρον καΧ την 
Ύαττροβάνην, eaeaOai στα^ίου^ τ ρισ μύριους οκτα- 

3. Τά μβν οΰν αΧ\α Βιαστηματα ΒβΒόσθω αντφ' 
ώμόλόyητaι yap Ικανως* το S* άττο του Έορυ- 
σθένους €πΙ τον hca θονλης κύκΚον τις &ν ίοίη 
νουν βγων; ο re yhp Ιστορων την %ουΚην ΐΐυθβας 
άνηρ ψβνΒίστατος βξητασται, καΙ οΐ την Β/>€τ- 
.τανικην καΐ^ ^Ιέρνην ίΒόντβς ovSev irepl της ^ουΚης 
Xeyovaiv, αΧΚας νήσους \€yovτ€ς μικρας irepl την 
Έρβττανικην. αύτη τ€ ή 3ρ€ττανικη το μήκος 
ϊσως ττώς βστι ττ) ΚβΧτικτ) τταρεκτβταμένη, των 
ΤΓ€ντακίσγιΧίων σταδίων ου μείζων, κα\ τοΙς ακροις 
τοις άντικ€ίμένοις άφοριζομένη, άντίκβίται yap 
άΧΧηΧοίς τά τ€ €φα άκρα τοις βωονς καΐ τλ 
βσττέρί,α τοΐς ίσττβρίοίς, καΐ τά ye ίφα iyyύς 
άΧΧηΧων €στΙ μέχρις επόψβως, το τ€ Κάντων καΙ 
αΐ του 'Ρήνου βκβοΧαΧ. 6 δέ ττΧβίόνων η ίισμυρίων 
το μήκος άποφαίνβι τής νήσου, καΐ το Κάντων 
ήμβρων τίνων ττΧοΰν άττέχβιν τής ΚβΧτικής φησι• 
καΐ τοί irepl τους ^Άστιμίους δέ καϊ τά ττίραν τον 
Ύηνου τα μέχρι Χκυθων ττάντα κατ€ψ€υσται 
των τοΊτων, όστις oiv irepX των yvωpιζoμ€vωv 

^ Kaif Kramer inserts ; editors following. 

^ Strabo elsewhere speaks of this island as ** the island of 
the fugitive Egyptians." See 2. 5. 14 (and note), 16. 4. 8, 
and 17. 1. 2 ; also Pliny, Nat. Hist. 6. 35. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. φ 2-3 

about eleven thousand five hundred more. Accord- 
ingly, if we add three thousand four hundred stadia 
more to the south of Meroe, in order to embrace 
the Island of the Egyptians,^ the Cinnamon-producing 
country, and Taprobane,^ we shall have thirty-eight 
thousand stadia. 

3. However, with one exception, let all the dis- 
tances of Eratosthenes be granted him — for they 
are sufficiently agreed upon ; but what man of sense 
could grant his distance from the Borysthenes to the 
parallel of Thule ? For not only has the man who 
tells about Thule, Pytheas, been found, upon scrutiny, 
to be an arch-falsifier, but the men who have seen 
Britain and lerne^ do not mention Thule, though 
they speak of other islands, small ones, about 
Britain ; and Britain itself stretches alongside of 
Celtica* with a length about equal thereto, being not 
greater in length than five thousand stadia, and its 
limits are defined by the extremities of Celtica which 
lie opposite its own. For the eastern extremity of 
the one country lies opposite the eastern extremity of 
the other, and the western extremity of the one 
opposite the western of the other ; and their eastern 
extremities, at all events, are near enough to each 
other for a person to see across from one to the other 
— I mean Cantium ^ and the mouths of the Rhine. 
But Pytheas declares that the length of Britain is 
more than twenty thousand stadia, and that Cantium 
is several days* sail from Celtica ; and in his account 
both of the Ostimians and of what is beyond the 
Rhine as far as Scythia he has in every case falsified 
the regions. However, any man who has told such / 

2 Ceylon. • Ireland. 

* France, roughly. * Kent. 




τόττων Ύοσαυτα βψβνσται, σχόλη y* &ν irepl των 
ά'γνοονμένων τταρα ττασιν άΧηθβυβιν Βύναιτο, 

4. Ύορ Be Βίά του Βορνσθένονς τταράλΧηλον τον 
αύτον elvai τφ Βια τ% Έρβττανικής βΐκάζονσιν 
'^ΙτΓΤταρχος τ€ καΙ αΧλοι ίκ του τον αύτον etvac τον 
Βια 3νζαντίου τφ Βια Μασσαλίας* hv yap \6yop 
€Ϊρηκ€ ΤΙνθέα^ ^ του iv Μασσαλία γνώμονος ητρος 
την σκιάν, τον αύτον καΐ '^Ιτηταργρ^ κατά τον 
ομώνυμον καιρόν εύρείν iv τφ Βυζαντίφ φησίν, 
ίκ Μασσαλίας Be eU μέσην την Βρβττανικην ού 
ΤΓΧέον των ττεντακισχΐλίων ίστϊ στοΒιων. άλλα 
μην €κ μ€ση<ζ τή<ζ Βρβττανικής ού ττλέον των 
τ^τρακισγράων ττροβΧθων βΰροις^^ &ν οίκησιμον 
άλλως ττως {τούτο δ' hv €Ϊη το irepl την ^Ιέρνην), 
ωστ€ τά έττέκεινα, €ΐς & ίκτοΊτίζβι την θούΧην, 
ούκέτ οικήσιμα, τίνι δ' &ν καΐ στοχασμω Xeyoi 
το άτΓΟ του Bih %ούΧης Ιως του Βι^ Βορυσθενους 
μυρίων καΐ χιΧίων πεντακοσίων, ούχ ορω, 
C 64 5. Αιαμαρτων Bk του ττΧάτους rjvayKa^Tai 
κα\ του μήκους άστοχβιν. δτι μ^ν yap ττΧέον rj 
ΒητΧάσίον το yvtapip^v μήκό<; έστι του yvωpίμov 
ττΧάτους, 6μo\oyoϋσι καΐ οι ύστερον καΐ των 
τταΧαιων^ οι χαριέστατοι* λβγω Be το* από των 
άκρων της ^ΙνΒικής €7γΙ τα άκρα της ^ΙβηρΙα<ζ 
του άτΓ ^ Αιθιόπων ^ως του κατά ^Ιέρνην κύκΧου. 

* Πνβ^αί , Spengel inserts ; Meineke, Forbiger, following ; 
C. Miiller approving. 

2 eSpoij, Corais, for tvpoi ; Groskurd, Meineke, Forbiger, 
following ; C. Miiller approving. 

' ιταλαίών, Corais, for ίλλων ; Groskurd, Meineke, Forbiger, 
Tardieu, following ; C. Miiller approving. 

* r6y Xylander inserts, before kito ; Meineke following ; 
Kramer, C. Miiller, approving. 

* air', Meineke inserts. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 4. 3-5 

great falsehoods* about the known regions would / 
hardly, I imagine, be able to tell the truth about / 
places that are not known to anybody. ' 

4. The parallel through the mouth of the Borys- 
thenes is conjectured by Hipparchus and others to 
be the same as that through Britain, from the fact 
that the parallel through Byzantium is the same as 
that through Massilia ^ ; for as to the relation of the 
dial-index to the shadow, which Pytheas has given 
for Massilia, this same relation Hipparchus says he 
observed at Byzantium, at the same time of the year 
as that mentioned by Pytheas. But it is not more 
than five thousand stadia from Massilia to the centre 
of Britain. Furthermore, if you were to proceed 
not more than four thousand stadia north from the 
centre of Britain you would find a region that is γ^ * £^^ 
inhabitable only after a fashion (which region would ^^—^ — 
be in the neighbourhood of lerne) ; and so, as for <^ 
the regions farther on, far out where Eratosthenes 
places Thule, you would find places no longer habit- 
able. But by what guesswork Eratosthenes could 

say that the distance from the parallel through Thule 
to that through the mouth of the Borysthenes is 
eleven thousand nve hundred stadia, I do not see. 

5. And since he entirely missed the breadth of 
the inhabited world, he has necessarily failed to 
guess its length also. For, in the first place, that 
the known length is more than double the known 
breadth is agreed to by the later writers as well as 
by the most accomplished of the early writers (I 
mean the distance from the extremities of India to 
the extremities of Iberia, double that from Ethiopia 
up to the parallel that runs by leme). Again, after 

^ Marseilles. 




ορίσα^ he το Χεχθεν ττλάτο^;, το άττο των ίσγατων 
ΑΙΘιοττων μ€χρι τον Βι^ θούΧης i/CT€LV€i ττλέον 
η Ββΐ το μήκος, ϊνα ττονηστ) ττΧέον ή Βίττλάσων 
του Χβχθέντο^ζ ττλάτονς, φησί yovp^ το μεν της 
^ΙνΒικής μβχρι τον ^ΙνΒον ττοταμον το στβνότατον 
σταΒίων μνρίων ίξακισχιλίων το yhp βττΐ τά ακ- 
ρωτήρια τβίνον τριαγρύοις elvat μβίζον το Bk evOev 
iirl Κασπίονς ττύΧας μνρίων τ€τ ρακισχιλίων, είτ 
€7γΙ τον Έιύφράτην μνρίων, βττΐ Bk τον ΝβΐΧον άττο 
τον Έίύφράτον ΤΓ€ντακισγι\ίων, αΧΚονς Be γϊΚίονς 
καΙ τριακόσιους ^ μέχρι Κανωβικον στόματος, είτα 
μέχρι της ΚαρχηΒόνος μνρίονς τρισχιΚίονς πεντα- 
κοσίονς, είτα μέχρι ΖτηΧων οκτακισχιΚίονς 
τονΧάχιστον νττεραίρειν Βη των επτά μνριάΒων 
οκτακοσίοις,^ Βεΐν Bk ετι ττροσθειναι το έκτος 
'ϋρακΧβίων στηΧων κύρτωμα της Τ&νρώττης, άντι- 
κείμενον μεν τοις "Ιβηρσι, ττροττεΊττωκος Be προς 
την έσπέραν, ονκ ΐΧαττον σταΒίων τρισχιΧίων, 
καΐ τά ακρωτήρια τά τε aXTui καΐ το των 
^Άστιμίων, h καΧεΐται Κάβαιον, καΐ τας κατά 
τοντο νησονς, ων την έσχάτην Ονξισάμην φησΙ 
ΤΙνθέας άπέχειν ήμερων τριών πΧονν. ταντα Β* 
εΙπων τά τεΧενταΐα ονΒεν προς το μήκος σνν- 
τείνοντα προσέθηκε τά περί των ακρωτηρίων καΐ 
των ^Άστιμίων καΐ της Ονξισάμης κα\ ων φησι 
νήσων {ταντα yap πάντα προσάρκτιά έστι καΐ 
ΚεΧτικά, ονκ ^Ιβηρικά, μάΧΧον Bk Ώνθέον πΧά- 
σματα.) προστίθησί τε τοις είρημένοις τον μήκους 

^ yovvj Α. Miller, for f οίν. 

'^ τριακοσΙου5, Gosselin, for ircvTaKoalovs, 

' 6κτακοσΙοΐ5, Sterrett restores, the reading before Kramer. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. φ 5 

Eratosthenes has determined the said breadth, 
namely, that from extreme Ethiopia up to the parallel 
of Thule, he extends the length beyond the due 
measure, in order to make the length more than 
double the aforesaid breadth. At all events he 
says that the narrowest part of India up to the river 
Indus measures sixteen thousand stadia (for the part 
of India that extends to its capes will increase this 
length by three thousand stadia) ; and the distance 
thence to the Caspian Gates, fourteen thousand; 
then, to the Euphrates, ten thousand, and from the 
Euphrates to the Nile five thousand, and on to its 
Canobic mouth thirteen hundred more ; then, to Car- 
thage, thirteen thousand five hundred ; then, to the 
Pillars, at least eight thousand ; there is, accordingly, 
he says, an excess of eight hundred stadia over seventy 
thousand stadia. We must still add, he says, the bulge 
of Europe outside the Pillars, which lies over against 
Iberia and leans westward, reaching not less than 
three thousand stadia ; we must also add all the 
capes, but in particular that of the Ostimians, called 
Cabaeum,^ and the islands about it — the outermost 
of which, uxisame,^ Pytheas says, is a three days* 
sail distant. And after mentioning these last places, 
though all of them in their stretch add nothing to 
the length of the inhabited world, he has added the 
regions in the neighbourhood of the capes, of the 
Ostimians, of Uxisame, and of all the islands he 
names. (In fact, these places all lie towards the north 
and belong to Celtica, not to Iberia — or rather they 
are inventions of Pytheas.) And he adds to the 

1 Or Gabaeura (Ptol. 2. 8. 1) ; apparently Pointe du Raz. 
^ Ushant (Ouessant); the Axantnos of Pliny, Nat. Hist, 
4. 16 (30). 




Βίαστημασιν αλλου9 σταδίου? ΒισχιΧίονς μ€ν 
τΓ/^ό? Ty 8ύσ€ί, ΒισχιΧίου^ δέ ττ/οό? τ§ avarokfj, 
ίνα σώστ} το μη^ ττΧέον ή ήμισν τον μήκους το 

6. ΤΙαραμυθονμενος δ' iirl ττΧέον, οτι κατά 
φνσιν €στΙ το άττο άρατο\ή<; έπΙ Βύσιν Βι,άστημα 
μείζον \ey6iv, κατά φύσιν φησίν elvai άττο της 
ίω ττρος την βσττέραν μακροτέραν elvai την οίκου- 
μένην, καί^, καθάπβρ βίρηκαμεν, ως οι μαθηματικοί, 
φησί, κνκΧον συνάπτ€ΐν, σνμβάΧΚουσαν αύτην 
eavTTJ* ωστ\ el μη το μέγεθος του ^ΑτΧαντικον 
7Γ€λαγου9 €κώ\υ€, κ&ν ττΧβϊν ημάς βκ της ^Ιβηρίας 
649 την ^ΙνΒικην Βιά του αυτού τταραΧΚηΧου το 
C 65 Χοιττον μέρος τταρά το Χεχθβν Βιάστημα irrrep το 
τρίτον μέρος ον του οΧου κύκλου' εϊττερ 6 hi 
^ Αθηνών^ βλάττωι/ εστίν είκοσι μυριάδων, οττου 
Ίτεττοιημεθα τον είρημένον σταΒιασμον άττο της 
^ΙνΒικής εΙς την ^Ιβηρίαν* ούΒε ταΰτα ονν el• Xiyei. 
οίτος yap ό \6yoς^ ττερί μεν της ευκράτου καϊ 

^ μ4ΐ, Kramer inserts ; Forbiger following. 

^ Kaif Jones inserts. 

' The old reading was Sih Siv&y ; but AC have Βηνών. 
Kramer rightly reads as above, (cf. readings of MSS. on 
1. 4. 6, 2 1. 1, 2 1. 2, 2. 1. 5, and 2. 1. 24.) 

* rdj after \oyo5, Corais deletes ; Meineke following. 

^ The inhabited world is thought of as an arc, which, when 
produced, completes a circle. Even Aristotle had discussed 
the question whether the inhabited world, in its length, 
could be connected by an arc of latitude drawn from Spain 
westward to India {Meteor. 2. 5. 13). 

^ Eratosthenes means by *Hhe aforesaid distance'* his 
length of the inhabited world, 77,800 stadia. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 4. 5-6 

aforesaid length-distances still other stadia, namely, 
two thousand on the west, and two thousand on the 
east, in order to keep the breadth from being more 
than half the length. 

6. Again, attempting still further to appease us by 
saying that it is " in accordance with nature " to call 
the distance from east to west greater, he says it 
is ^' in accordance with nature " that from the east 
to the west the inhabited world is longer, and, 
^^ just as I have already stated in the manner of the 
mathematicians,** he says, ^'it forms a complete 
circle,^ itself meeting itself ; so that, if the immensity 
of the Atlantic Sea did not prevent, we could sail 
from Iberia to India along one and the same parallel 
over the remainder of the circle, that is, the re- 
mainder when you have subtracted the aforesaid 
distance 2, which is more than a third of the whole 
circle — if it be true that the circle that runs through 
Athens, along which I have made the said reckoning 
of stadia from India to Iberia, is less than two 
hundred thousand stadia in circuit.** ^ However, 
Eratosthenes is not happy in this statement, either ; 
for although this argument might be used in the 

' It has been assumed by various scholars that Eratos- 
thenes' parallel of latitude, above referred to, ran 25,450 
stadia north of the equator, which would be at 36° 2Γ 25^". 
In this case the circumference of this parallel works out to 
be 202,945 stadia— if we count 700 stadia to the degree, 
following Eratosthenes' method. But Strabo fails to quote 
Eratosthenes» on one section of the distance (from the equator 
to the southern limit of the inhabited world), and the 25,450 
is reached only by a computation based on a statement of 
Ptolemy (Mathematica SyrUaxis 1. 10), wherein Ptolemy 
refers to Eratosthenes' estimate of the distance between the 
tropics. That estimate was inaccurate, and so is this ; but 
even in his round numbers Eratosthenes is usually close to 
the truth. 


VOL. I. R 



καθ* ημα^ ζώνη^ Xiyocr hv κατά τον<ζ μαθηματι- 
κού^, 9^9 μέρο^ η οικουμένη iari, irepl δέ της 
οίκονμένης — καΧονμεν yap οίκουμίνην ην οίκονμεν 
καΐ ^νωρίξομβν ivBexerai Be iv rfj avrfj βνκράτφ 
ξώνρ καΐ Βνο οίκον μύνας elvat ή καΐ πΧβίονς,^ 
καΐ μάλιστα iyyv^ του Βι ^Αθηνών κύκΧου 
του Βια του ^Ατλαντικού ττβλάγους ^ραφομένου, 
ττάλιν Bk ίτΓΐμβνων τρ irepX του σφαιροβιΒή την 
yrjv elvai άττοΒβίξβι της αυτής βτητιμησβως αν 
Tvyxavoi. ώς δ' αΰτως καΐ ττρος τον '^Ομηρον ου 
ττανεται ττβρί των αυτών Βιαφερόμενος. 

7. ^Εξής Be irepX των ήττείρων βίττων yey ονέναι 
ΊΓοΧύν \6yov, και τους μέν τοις ποταμοΐς Biaipeiv 
αύτάς, τφ Τ€ ΝβίΧψ καΐ τφ ΎανάϊΒί, νήσους 
άτΓοφαίνοντας, τους Bk τοις ίσθμοΐς, τω τ€ μεταξύ 
της Κασπίας καΐ της ΤΙοντικής θαλάσσης καΐ τφ 
μεταξύ της ^Ερυθράς και τον *Eκpήyμaτoς, τούτους 
Bk γερρονήσους αύτάς λέy€ιv, ούχ οράν φησι, πώς 
&ν εις πpayμά τι^ καταστρέφοι ή ζητησις αΰτη, 
αλλά μόνον εριν Βιαιτώντων μάλλον κατά Αημο- 
κριτον είναι• μη όντων yap ακριβών ορών καθάπερ 
Κολυττοΰ κα\ Μ,ελίτης, οίον στηλών ή περιβόλων, 
τοϋτο μεν εχειν φάναι ημάς, οτι τουτί μέν εστί 
Κολυττός, τοντί Βε Μελίτι;, τους ορονς Bk μη 
εχειν ειπείν, Βιο καΧ σνμβαίνειν κρίσεις πολλάκις 

^ «ί, Corais deletes, before καΐ ; Kramer, C. Miiller 
Buspecting ; Meineke following. 

* irpayfjk τι, Cobet, for τράΎματα ; A. Miller apparently 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 4. β-η 

treatment of the temperate zone (that is, our zone) 
from the point of view of mathematics (since the 
inhabited world is a fraction of the temperate zone), 
yet in the treatment of the inhabited world — why ! 
we call 'inhabited" the world which we inhabit and 
know ; though it may be that in this same temperate 
zone there are actually two inhabited worlds, or 
even more, and particularly in the proximity of the 
parallel through Athens that is drawn across the 
Atlantic Sea. And again, by dwelling on his demon- 
stration of the spheroidal shape of the earth he might 
meet with the same criticism as before. And in the 
same way also he does not cease to quarrel with 
Homer about the very same things. 

7. Next, after saying that there has been much 
discussion about the continents, and that some 
divide them by the rivers (the Nile and the Tanai's), 
declaring them to be islands, while others divide 
them by the isthmuses (the isthmus between the 
Caspian and the Pontic Seas, and the isthmus 
between tlie Red Sea and the Ecregma ^), and that 
the latter call the continents peninsulas, Era- 
tosthenes then says that he does not see how this 
investigation can end in any practical result, but 
that it belongs only to persons who choose to live on 
a diet of disputation, after the manner of Demo- 
critus ; for if there be no accurate boundaries — 
take the case of Colyttus and Μ elite 2 — of stone 
posts, for example, or enclosures, we can say only 
this, ^'This is Colyttus," and ^'That is Melite," but 
we should not be able to point out the boundaries ; 
and this is the reason also why disputes often arise 

^ Literally, the "Outbreak" ; the outlet of Lake Sirbonis 
into the Mediterranean. ^ Attic demes, or townships. 

R 2 



irepl 'χωρίων τιρων, καθάττβρ ^Apyeioi^ μ^ν καΐ 
ΑακβΒαιμονίοι^; irepl %υρέα^, ^Αθηναίοίς Se καΙ 
Βοίωτο49 irepl *£ίρωτΓθΰ* άλλως τβ τους 'Έλλτ/ι/ας 
τάς Tpel^ ηττβίρους ονομάσαι, ουκ eh την οίκου- 
μένην άττοβΚέψαντας, αλλ' €t<? τ€ την σφβτέραν 
καΙ την άτταντικρυ την Καρικην, βφ' ^ νυν "Ιωνβς 
κάΙ οΐ έξή^' χρονφ he iirl ττΧίον ττροϊοντα^ άβΐ 
καί πΧβωνων 'γνωριξομένων χωρών eh τοντο 
κατάστρεφαν την Biaipeacv. iroTepov οΰν oi 
ττρωτοι 8ιορίσαρτ€<; τάς Tpeh, ίνα άπο των 
έσγάτων αρξωμαι Βιαι,των την epiv μη Ατατά 
ίίημόκριτον, άλλα κατ^ αυτόν, οίτοί ^σαν οι 
ττρωτοι την σφετέραν άττό της άvτικeιμevης της 
των Κάρων Βιορίσαι ζητovvτeς; ή οΐηοι μ€ν την 
'FiXXaSa ίιτενοουν μονην καΐ την Καρίαν καΐ 
οΧΑ/γην την συνεχή, οΰτ€ δ' Έιύρώττην οΰτ€ ^Ασίαν 
C 66 ωσαύτως oUTe Αφύην, οι Be ΧοιττοΙ eln6vτeς 
οση fjv ίκανη xjirofypay^ai^ την της οίκουμίνης 
emvoiav, ουτοί €ΐσιν οι €ΐς τρία BtaL•poΰvτeς; ττως 
οΐτν ου της οικουμένης έττοωΰντο Βιαίρ€σίν; τις δέ 
τρία μέρη Χέ^ων καΐ καΧων fjireipov ^καστον των 
μέρων ου τΓpoσe^nvoe'ί το δΧον, ol• τον μepcσμ6v 
iroieiTai; el δ' einvoel μ^ν μη την οίκου μενην, 
μέρους Βέ τίνος αυτής τον μερισμον ττοίοΐτο, τίνος 
αν Τις μέρους της οικουμένης μέρος elire την 

^ iari . . . iiroypa^at, Corais, for ΐίσην ικανοί iiriypd^ai ; 
Groskurd, Forbiger, Meineke, following. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 4. η 

concerning districts, such as the dispute between 
the Argives and the Lacedaemonians about Thjrea, 
and between the Athenians and the Boeotians about 
Oropus ; and the Greeks named the three continents 
wrongly, because they did not look out upon the whole 
inhabited world, but merely upon their own country 
and that which lay directly opposite, namely, Caria, 
where lonians and their immediate neighbours now 
live ; but in time, ever advancing still further and 
becoming acquainted with more and more countries, 
they have finally brought their division of the con- 
tinents to what it now is. The question, then, is 
whether the '^ first men " who divided the three con- 
tinents by boundaries (to begin with Eratosthenes' last 
points, dieting upon disputation, not after the manner 
of Democritus, but after that of Eratosthenes) were 
those " first men" who sought to divide by boundaries 
their own country from that of the Carians, which lay 
opposite ; or, did the latter have a notion merely of 
Greece, and of Caria and a bit of territory that is 
contiguous thereto, without having, in like manner, 
a notion of Europe or Asia, or of Libya, whereas 
the men of subsequent times, travelling over what 
was enough of the earth to suggest the notion of the 
inhabited world — are these the men, I say, who 
made the division into three parts? How, pray, 
could they have failed to make a division? And 
who, when speaking of three parts and calling each 
of the parts a continent, does not at the same time 
have a notion of the integer of which he makes his 
division into parts ? But suppose he does not have 
a notion of the inhabited world, but should make 
his division of some part of it — of what part of the 
inhabited world, I ask, would anyone have said Asia 




^Ασίαν fj την Έίύρώπην η όλως ήΐΓβιρορ; ταύτα 
yhp €Ϊρηταί τταχυμβρως. 

8. "Ετι δέ τταγνμβρέστβρον το φησαντα μη οράν, 
6*9 τι ττρα^^ματίκον καταστρίφβι το τους ορου^ 
ζητεΐν, τταραββΐναί τον Κολυττοϊ/ κα\ την ΜβΧίτην, 
βίτ ek τάναντία Ίτερίτρέττεσθαι, el yap οι irepi 
%vpe&v καΧ ^(ίρωττοΰ TroXefioi Bui τας των ορών 
ayvoia^ απέβησαν, eh ττρα^ματικον τι κατά- 
στρέφον το Βίαχωρίζ€ΐν τας γωρα^' rj τοντο 
\eyei, ως hrl μ^ν των χωρίων, κα\ νη Αία των 
Koff ίκαστα Ιθνων ιτραηματικον το Βωρίξ€ίν 
ακριβώς, €7γΙ Be των ηττβίρων 7Γ€ριττόν; καίτοι 
ovBk ίνταΰθα ί/ττον ovBev yevoiTO yelp civ καΐ iirl 
τούτων ηyeμ6σι psyaXoi^ άμφισβήτησις, τφ μ€ν 
ίχοντι την ^Ασίαν, τφ Be την Αιβνην, οττοτέρον 
Βή^ έστιν ή Αίγυπτο? Βη\ον6τι η κάτω Xeyo- 
μένη της AiyvTTTOv χώρα, κ&ν eaatf^ Bi τι.ς 
τοντο Bui το σττάνιον, αλλω? φατέον BiaipeZaOai 
τάς rjireipov^ κατά μkyav ΒιορισμΛν καΧ ττρος την 
οίκονμένην ολην άvaφep6μevov^ καθ* bv ovBe 
τούτον φροντιστέον, el οι τοις ττοταμοΐς Βιορί- 
σαντβς άττοΧείττονσί τίνα χωρία άΒιόριστα, των 
ΤΓοταμων μη μέχρι τον ODKeavov Βιηκόντων, μηΒ^ ^ 
νήσονς ως αληθώς airoXenr όντων τάς ηττβίρονς, 

9. ΈτγΙ TeXei δέ τον υπομνήματος ονκ έπαν- 
νέσας τονς Βίχα Βιαιρονντας άπαν το των άνθρω- 

^ ί^, Meineke, for δ*. 

" Khy idau, for Koravas^ Paetz ; Forbiger, Meineke, following. 
' μίί14^ for T^s^ev δή, Corais ; Groekurd, Meiiieke, Forbiger, 
following ; Kramer, C. MtiUer, suspecting. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. φ 7-9 

was a part, or Europe, or a continent in general ? — 
Indeed these points of his have been crudely stated. 

8. Still cruder is it, after he has said that he does 
not see what practical result there can be to the 
investigation of the boundaries, to cite Colyttus and 
Melite, and then turn round to the opposite side of 
the question. For if the wars about Thyrea and 
Oropus resulted through ignorance of the boundaries, 
then the separation of countries by boundaries is a 
thing that results in something practical. Or does 
Eratosthenes mean this, that in the case of the 
districts and, of course, of the several nations it is 
practical to divide them by accurate boundaries, 
whereas in case of the continents it is superfluous ? 
And yet, I answer, not even here is it any the less 
practical ; for there might arise also in case of the 
continents a controversy between great rulers, for 
example, one ruler who held Asia and another who 
held Libya, as to which one of them really owned 
Egypt, that is to say, the so-called " Lower" country 
of Egypt. Moreover, if anyone dismisses this example 
on account of its rarity, at all events it must be 
said that the continents are divided according to a 
process of grand division which also has relation to 
the whole inhabited world. In following that 
principle of division we must not worry about this 
point, either, namely, that those who have made 
the rivers the dividing lines leave certain districts 
without dividing lines, because the rivers do not 
reach all the way to the ocean and so do not really 
leave the continents as islands. 

9. Now, towards the end of his treatise — after 
withholding praise from those who divide the whole 
multitude of mankind into two groups, namely, 




ττων ττΚηθο^ €?9 τ€ 'Έλλ^/ι/α? καί βαρβάρους, καΧ 
T0U9 ^ΑΤ^ξάνΒρφ τταραινοΰντας τοις μεν ''ΈΧΧησίν 
ώς φί\οι<ί γ^ρησθαί, το?9 δέ βαρβάροίς ως ττολβ- 
μίοίς, βέλτιον elvai φησιν aperfj καϊ κακία Βιαι- 
pelv ταΰτα. ττοΧΧούς yap καΐ των 'ΈΧΧηνων 
elvai κακούς καϊ των βαρβάρων αστείους, καθά- 
ΊΓ€ρ ^ΙνΒονς καϊ ^Αριανονς, ετι he 'Ρωμαίους καϊ 
Καρχηδονίους, ούτω θαυμαστώς ττοΧιτευο μένους. 
SiSirep τον ΆΧέξανΒρον, άμεΧησαντα των τταραί- 
νούντων, όσους οίον τ ην άττο^εγεσθα^ των 
C 67 εύΒοκίμων άνΒρών καϊ ευερ^ετείν* ωσττερ 8ι 
άΧΧο τι των οΰτω ΒνεΧοντων, τους βίεν εν ψό^γφ 
τους δ' εν ετταίνφ τιθέμενων, ή Βιότι τοΙς μεν 
ετΓίκρατεΐ το νομιμον καΧ το ττόΧιτικον^ καϊ το 
τταιΒείας καϊ Χοηων οίκεΐον, τοις Βε τάναντία^ 
καϊ 6 ^ΑΧέξανΒρος οΰν, ουκ άμεΧησας των τταραι- 
νούντων αλλ' άττοΒεξάμενος την ^νώμην, τά 
άκόΧουθα, ου τά ίναντία, εττοίει, ττρος την Βιάνοιαν 
σκοττων την των εττεσταΧκότων. 

^ κάί rh ΊΓολίτικόν, omitted by Kramer, and also by 
Meineke, Dubner-MuUer, and Tardieu. 



GEOGRAPHY, ι. 4. 9 

Greeks and BarbaHans, and also from those who 
advised Alexander to treat the Greeks as friends 
but the Barbarians as enemies — Eratosthenes goes on 
to say that it would be better to make such divisions 
according to good qualities and bad qualities; for 
not only are many of the Greeks bad, but many of 
the Barbarians are refined — Indians and Arians, for 
example, and, further, Romans and Carthaginians, 
who carry on their governments so admirably. And 
this, he says, is the reason why Alexander, disregard- 
ing his advisers, welcomed as many as he could of 
the men of fair repute and did them favours — ^just 
as if those who have made such a division, placing 
some people in the category of censure, others 
in that of praise, did so for any other reason than 
that in some people there prevail the law-abiding 
and the political instinct, and the qualities associated 
with education and powers of speech, whereas in 
other people the opposite characteristics prevail ! 
And so Alexander, not disregarding his advisers, but 
rather accepting their opinion, did what was con- 
sistent with, not contrary to, their advice; for he 
had regard to the real intent of those who gave 
him counsel. 



Digitized by VjOOQ IC * 


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1. Έι/ Bi τφ τρίτφ των ^^ω^ραφικων καθιστά- 
μενος τον της οίκονμβνης ττίνακα <γραμμ7) tlvl 
Siaipet Βί'χα άττο διίσβω? ίττ άνατοΧην τταραΧΧήΧφ 
Tji Ισημβριντ) ^ραμμχι, ττέρατα δ' αυτής τίθησι 
προς Βνσβι μβν Τ€ίς ΉρακΧείονς στηΧας, iir 
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ζόντων ορών την ιτρος αρκτον της ΙνΒικής ττλβυ- 
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Τ€ τον XiKeXiKov πορθμού καΐ των μεσημβρινών 
άκρων της τβ ΤΙεΧοττοννησου καΐ της ^Αττικής, 
καΐ μέχρι της ^ΡοΒίας καΐ του ^Ισσικον κόΧττον, 
μέχρι μεν Βη Bevpo Βιά της θαΧάττης φησίν elvai 
την Χεχθβΐσαν ηραμμην κα\ των παρακειμένων 
ηπείρων (και γάρ αντην οΧην την καθ* ημάς 
θάΧατταν όντως έπΙ μήκος τετάσθαι μέχρι της 
C 68 ΚιΧικίας), είτα έπ* ευθείας πως έκβάΧΧεσθαι 
παρ* οΧην την ορεινην του Ταύρου μέχρι της 
^ΙνΒικής' τον yap Ύαύρον επ* ευθείας τη άπο 
^τηΧων θαΧάττη τεταμένον Βίχα την Άσίαν 
Βιαιρεΐν οΧην επ\ μήκος, το μεν αυτής μέρος 
βορειον ποιοΰντα, το Bk νότιον ωσθ^ ομοίως καϊ 
αύτον επΙ του Βι * Αθηνών ^ ιΒρΰσθαι παραΧΧηΧον 
καΙ την άπο %τηΧών μέχρι Βεΰρο ΘάΧατταν, 

^ Si* * Αθηνών, Kramer, for hk Θινων ; see note 3, page 240. 




1. In the Third Book of his Geography Eratos- 
thenes, in establishing the map of the inhabited 
world, divides it into two parts by a line drawn from 
west to east, parallel to the equatorial line ; and as 
ends of this line he takes, on the west, the Pillars of 
Heracles, on the east, the capes and most remote 
peaks of the mountain-chain that forms the northern 
boundary of India. He draws the line from the 
Pillars through the Strait of Sicily and also through 
the southern capes both of the Peloponnesus and of 
Attica, and as far as Rhodes and the Gulf of Issus. 
Up to this point, then, he says, the said line runs 
through the sea and the adjacent continents (and 
indeed our whole Mediterranean Sea itself extends, 
lengthwise, along this line as far as Cilicia) ; then the 
line is produced in an approximately straight course 
along the whole Taurus Range as far as India, for the 
Taurus stretches in a straight course with the sea that 
begins at the Pillars, and divides all Asia lengthwise 
into two pai'ts, thus making one part of it northern, 
the other southern ; so that in like manner both the 
Taurus and the Spa from the Pillars up to the Taurus 
lie on the parallel of Athens. 




2. Ύαΰτα S* βίττων οϊβται helv διόρθωσαν τον 
άργαΐον ^βω^ραφικον ^πίνακα. ττοΧύ yap iirl τά^ 
άρκτους ΊταραΧλΛττβιν ret εωθινίί μέρη των ορών 
κατ αυτόν, συνβτησττάσθαί δέ καΐ την ^ΙνΖίκην 
άρκτικωτ€ραν ή Sei^ ^ινομένην. ττίστιν Be τούτου 
φέρα μίαν μβν τοιαύτην, οτί τα τη^ ^ΙνΒικής άκρα 
τά μεσημβρινώτατα ομοΧο^ούσι ττολλοί τοΓ? κατά 
Μερόην άνταίρειν τόίΓοις, άττο τ€ των αέρων καΧ 
των ουρανίων τεκμαιρόμενοι, εντεύθεν δ' εττΐ τΛ 
βορειότατα τή^ ^ΙνΒική^ τα ιτρος τοις Καυκάσιοι^ 
ορεσι ΤΙατροκΧης, 6 μάλιστα πιστεύεσθαι Βίκαιος 
Βιά τε το αξίωμα καΐ Βιά, το μη ΙΒιώτης είναι 
των γεωγραφικών, φησί σταΒίους μύριους και 
ττεντακισχιΧίους' άλλΛ μην καΐ το άττο Μερόης 
ετΓΐ τον οι ^Αθηνών τταράΧΚηΧον τοσούτον ττώ? 
εστίν, ώστε της ΛνΒικης τα ιτροσάρκτια μέρη 
συνάτΓΤοντα τοις Καυκασίοις δρεσιν εις τούτον 
τεΧευταν τον κύκΧον. 

3. "Αλλ?;!/ Βε ττίστιν φέρει τοιαύτην, οτι το άνο 
τού ^Ισσικού κοΧττου Βιάστημα επΙ την θάΧατταν 
την ΙΙοντικην τρισχιΧίων πώς εστί σταΒίων ττρος 
αρκτον Ιοντι καΙ τους ττερί ^Αμισον ή Χινώττην 
τόπους, όσον καΐ το ττΧάτος των όρων Χέ^εταί' 
εκ Bk *Αμισού προς την Ισημερινην ανατοΧην 
φερομένφ πρώτον μεν η ΚόΧχίς εστίν, έπειτα ή 
επΙ την 'Ύρκανίαν ΘάΧατταν ύπέρθεσις καΧ η 
εφεξής ή επι Έάκτρα καΧ τους επεκεινα Χκύθας 

* fl δβι, Groskurd, for -ή^η. 

^ The Greek word meaning "rise opposite to", which 
Strabo often uses (following Eratosthenes), apparently con- 
tains the idea of "direction up towards the equator." 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 2-3 

2. After Eratosthenes has said that, he thinks he 
must needs make a complete revision of the early 
geographical map ; for, according to it, he says, the 
eastern portions of the mountains deviate considerably 
towards the north, and India itself is drawn up along 
with it, and comes to occupy a more northerly 
position than it should. As proof of this he offers, 
first, an argument to this effect : the most southerly 
capes of India rise opposite to ^ the regions about 
Meroe, as many writers agree, who judge both from 
the climatic conditions and from the celestial phe- 
nomena; and from the capes on to the most 
northerly regions of India at the Caucasus Mountains, 
Patrocles (tlie man who has particular right to our 
confidence, both on account of his worthiness of 
character and on account of his being no lajnoiian in 
geographical matters) says the distance is fifteen 
thousand stadia ; but, to be sure, the distance from 
Meroe to the parallel of Athens is about that distance ; 
and therefore the northerly parts of India, since 
they join the Caucasus Mountains,^ come to an end in 
this parallel. 

3. Another proof which he offers is to this effect : 
the distance from the Gulf of Issus to the Pontic Sea 
is about three thousand stadia, if you go towards the 
north and the regions round about Amisus and 
Sinope, a distance as great as that which is also 
assigned to the breadth of the mountains ; and from 
Amisus, if you bear towards the equinoctial sunrise, 
you come first to Colchis ; and then you come to the 
passage which takes you over to the Hjrrcanian ^ Sea, 
and to the road next in order that leads to Bactra 

2 The Indian Caucasus, now Hindu Kush. 
' Caspian. 




όδθ9 Ββξια €χοντί τα ορψ αντη δ' ή Ύραμμη Bict 
* Αμισού ττρος hvaiv βκβάΧΧομένη Bici της ΤΙρο- 
τΓοντίΒος €στΙ καΧ του ^ΈΧΚησττόιηου. άττο Se 
Μβρόης €7γΙ τον ^ΈΧΧήστΓοντον ου τΓλβίους είσι 
των μυρίων καΧ οκτακισγΐΚίων σταδίων, όσοι καΧ 
άττο του μεσημβρινού τίΚευρου της ^Ιν^ικης ητρος 
τά ττερΧ τους Έακτρίους μέρη, ττροστεθέντων 
τρισχιΧίων τοις μυρίοις καΐ ττεντακισχιΧίοις, ων 
οΐ μ^ν του πΧάτους ήσαν των ορών, οΐ Se της 

4. Προ? Be την άττοφασιν ταύτην ο ^Ιτηταρχος 
avTiXiyei ΒιαβάλΧων τάς πίστεις' ούτε yap 
ΤΙατροκΧεα ττιστον είναι, Βυεΐν άντιμαρτυρούντων 

C §9 αύτφ Αηιμάχου τε καΐ ΙΛε^ασθενους, οι καθ* ούς 
μεν τότΓους όισμυρίων είναι σταδίων το Βιάστημά 
φασι το άτΓΟ της κατά, μεσημβρίαν θαΧάττης, καθ* 
ούς δέ καΐ τρισμυρίων τούτους ηε Βη τοιαύτα 
"λΑ^ειν, καΐ τους αρχαίους ττίνακας τούτοις ομο- 
Χο^ειν. άττίθανον οή ττου νομίζει το μόνφ Βεΐν 
ΤΓίστεύειν ΤΙατροκΧεΐ, τταρέντας τους τοσού- 
τον άντιμαρτυρούντας αύτφ, καΐ Βιορθούσθαι 
τταρ αύτο τούτο τους αρχαίους ττίνακας, αλλά 
μη εάν οΰτως, εως αν τι ττιστότερον ττερί αυτών 

5. ΌΙμαι Βη τΓοΧΚας εχειν εύθύνας τούτον τον 
\6yov. πρώτον μεν οτι ττοΧΚαΐς μαρτυρίαις 
εκείνου χρησαμένου, μια φησι Trj ΤΙατροκΧέους 
αύτον χρησθαι, τίνες ούν ήσαν οι φάσκοντες τά 
μεσημβρινά άκρα της *1νΒικής άνταίρειν τοις κατά, 
Μερόην; τίνες δ' οί το άττο Μεροης Βιάστημα 
μέχρι τού Βι * Αθηνών τταραΧΚηΚου τοσούτον 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 3-5 

and to the Scythians on beyond, keeping the 
mountains on your right ; and this line, if produced 
through Amisus westwards, runs through the Pro- 
pontis and the Hellespont ; and from Meroe to the 
Hellespont is not more than eighteen thousand 
stadia, a distance as great as that from the southern 
side of India to the parts round about the Bactrians, 
if we added three thousand stadia to the fifteen 
thousand, some of which belonged to the breadth of 
the mountains, the others to that of India. 

4. As for this declaration of Eratosthenes, Hip- 
parchus contradicts it by throwing discredit on the 
proofs. In the first place, says he, Patrocles is not 
trustworthy, since two men bear testimony against 
him, both Deimachus and Megasthenes, who say 
that in some places the distance from the southern 
sea is twenty thousand stadia and in other places 
even thirty thousand; so these two men, at least, 
make such a statement, and the early maps agree 
with them. It is an incredible thing, of course, he 
thinks, that we have to trust Patrocles alone, in 
disregard of those whose testimony is so strong 
against him, and to correct the early maps through- 
out as regards the very point at issue, instead of 
leaving them as they are until we have more trust- 
worthy information about them. 

5. Now I think this reasoning of Hipparchus is 
open to censure on many grounds. In the first place, 
although Eratosthenes used many testimonies, he 
says that Eratosthenes uses only one — that of 
Patrocles. Who, pray, were the men that ailirme(ii^ 
that the southern capes of India rose opposite to the ^ 
regions of Meroe ? And who the men that said the 
distance from Meroe up to the parallel of Athens 


VOL. I. 8 



\4yovT€^; τίνΘζ Be iroKiv oi ro των ορών ττΧάτος, 
ή oi το άτΓΟ τή<; ΚιΧικία<ζ eVt την ^Αμισον το 
αντο τοντφ \&^οντβ<ζ; τίνβ^ Bk οι το άττο ^Αμισού 
Βίίί, ΚοΧχων καΐ τή<ζ ^Ύρκανία<; μ^χρι Βακτρίων 
καΐ των ειτέκανα eh την έφαν θάΧατταν καθηκόν- 
των 67γ' eveeia<; τ€ eivat \€fγovτeς καΐ iir* ίση- 
μβρίνας άνατόΧίί^ καΐ irapci^ τά ορη iv Be^ia 
€γρντι αυτά; ή ττάΧιν το iirl την Βνσιν hr 
evOeta^ ταύττ) ττ) Ύραμμτ), Βιότι iirl την ΤΙροττον- 
τΙΒα βστί καΐ τον ^ΈΧΧησποντον; ταύτα yap 6 
^Έιρατοσθένη^ \αμβάν€ΐ ττάντα ώ^ καΐ έκμαρτυ- 
ρονμ€να υττο των iv τοις τόττοι^ 'γ€νομένων, iv- 
τ€τνχηκώς ύττομνημασι, ποΧΧοΐς, ων eviropet, 
βι,βΧίοθήκην ίγων τηΧικαύτην ήΧίκην αντο^ 
"ΙττΊταργο^ φησί, 

6. ΚαΙ αύτη δέ ή του ΤΙατροκ\€ους ττίστι^ €Κ 
ΤΓολλώι/ μαρτυρίων aoyKeiTai, των βασιλέων των 
ireir ιστ€υκ6των αύτφ τηΧικαύτην αρχήν, των 
€7ΓακοΧουθησάντων αύτφ, των άντιΒοξούντων, ων 
αύτος 6 ^ΊττΊταρχο^ κaτovoμάζer οΐ yctp κατ eKei- 
νων tXeyxpi 7Γίστ€ΐς των υττο τούτου λεγο/^ωι/ 
elaiv. ούΒ^ τοΰτο Bk άττίθανον του ΤΙατροκΧέονς, 
δτι φησΙ τους ^AXeξάvBpφ συστρατ€ύσαντας iiri- 
ΒρομάΒην ίστορήσαι €καστα, αύτον δέ ^ΑΧίξανΒρον 
άκριβώσαι, άνα^ραψάντων την οΧην χώραν των 
eμΊΓeιpoτάτωv αύτφ' την δ' άνα^ραφην αύτφ 

^ 'Kapaf Gorais, for irepi ; Groskurd, Forbiger, Meineke 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 5-6 

was such a distance ? And who, again, the men that 
gave the breadth of the Taurus Mountains, or the 
men that called the distance from Cilicia to the 
Amisus the same as that of this breadth ? And who 
said as regards the distance from Amisus, through 
Colchis and Hyi'cania up to Bactria and through the 
regions beyond Bactria which reach down to the 
eastern sea, that it was in a straight line and toward 
the equinoctial east and that it was alongside the 
mountains which you keep on your right hand ? Or, 
again, as regards the distance towards the west in 
a straight course with this line, that it was towards 
the Propontis and the Hellespont? Why, Eratos- 
thenes takes all these as matters actually established 
by the testimony of the men who had been in the 
regions, for he has read many historical treatises — 
with which he was well supplied if he had a library 
as large as Hipparchus says it was.^ 

6. Further, the trustworthiness of Patrocles, itself, 
rests upon many testimonies ; I refer to the Kings '^ 
who had entrusted to him such an important office ; 
to the men who followed him, to the men who 
oppose him, whom Hipparchus himself names; for 
the tests to which those men are subjected are 
but proofs of the statements of Patrocles. Neither 
does this statement of Patrocles lack plausibility, 
namely, that those who made the expedition with 
Alexander acquired only cursory information about 
everjrthing, but Alexander himself made accurate 
investigations, since the men best acquainted with 
the country had described the whole of it for 
him ; and this description was later presented to 

1 The library at Alexandria. 
^ SeleucuB I. and Antiochne I. 

s 2 



Βοθήναί φησιν νστ€ρον νπο ΕβίΌΑτλβους τον 

7. "Ετι φησΙν 6 '^Ιτηταρχος iv τφ Ββντβρφ υττο- 
μνήματί αύτον τον ^Ερατοσθβνη ΒιαβάΧΚειν την 
τον Ώατροκλ€ον<ζ ττίστιν €Κ τη^ προς 'Μ.€τ^ασθένη 
διαφωνίας irepl τον μήκονς της ^ΙνΒικής τον κατά 
το βόρ€νον irXevpov, τον μ€ν MeyaaOevov^ \έ- 
ηοντος σταΖίων μνρίων ίξακισχιΧίων, τον Se 
Ώατροκλίονς γιΧίοίς Xetireiv φαμένον άπο yap 
τίνος αναγραφής σταθμών ορμηθέντα τοις μλν 

C 70 ατηστύν Βία την Βΐ4ΐφωνίαν, εκείνη hi ιτροσέχενν. 
el oiv hih την Βιαφωνίαν ενταύθα άπιστος 6 
ϋατροκΧης, καίτοι παρά, χιΧίονς σταΒίονς της 
Βιαφορας ούσης, πόσφ 'χρη μαΧΧον άπιστεΐν iv 
οίς πάρα οκτακισγιΧίους η Βιαφορά εστί, προς 
Βνο κάΙ ταντα ανΒρας σνμφωνονντας άΧληλοις, 
των μλν Χε^οντων το της ^ΙνΒικής πΧάτος Βισ μν- 
ρίων σταδίων, τον Bk μνρίων καΐ ΒισχιΧίων; 

8. ^Έιρονμεν δ' οτι ον ψιΧην την Βιαφωνίαν 
ητιάσατο, αλλά σvyκpίvωv προς την op^Xoyiav 
καΐ την άξιοπιστίαν της αναγραφής των σταθμών, 
ον θανμαστον Βέ, εΐ πιστον yίvετaί τι πιστοτερον, 
καΐ εί τφ αντφ εν ετέροις μ^ν πιστενομεν, iv 
ετεροις δ' άπιστοΰμεν, όταν παρά τίνος τεθη τι 
βεβαιοτερον, yεXoΐόv τε το την παρά, ποΧν 
Βιαφωνίαν άπιστοτέρονς ποιεϊν νομίσαι τονς 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 6-8 

Patrocles (so Patrocles says) by Xenocles, Alexander's 

7. Hipparchus further says, in his Second Book, that 
Eratosthenes himself throws discredit on the trust- 
worthiness of Patrocles, in consequence of Patrocles* 
disagreement with Megasthenes about the length of 
India on its northern side, which Megasthenes calls 
sixteen thousand stadia, whereas Patrocles affirms 
that it is a thousand short of that ; for, having started' 
from a certain " Itinerary " as basis, Eratosthenes 
distrusts both of them on account of their disagree- 
ment and holds to the *^ Itinerary." If, then, says 
Hipparchus, Patrocles is untnistworthy on account 
of the disagreement at that point, although the 
discrepancy is only a matter of a thousand stadia, 
how much more should we distrust him where the 
discrepancy is a matter of eight thousand stadia, as 
against two men, and that, too, men who agree with 
one another; for both of them call the breadth of 
India twenty thousand stadia, whereas Patrocles calls 
it twelve thousand ? 

8. My answer will be that it was not the bare 
disagreement with Megasthenes that Eratosthenes 
found fault with, but he found fault when he 
compared their disagreement with the harmony 
and trustworthiness of the ^Mtinerary.*' Yet we 
should not be surprised if one thing proves, to be 
more trustworthy than another trustworthy thing, 
and if we trust the same man in some things, but 
distrust him in others, whenever greater certainty 
has been established from some other source». 
Again, it is ridiculous to think that the amountX 
by which the authorities disagree makes the parties 
to the disagreement less trustworthy. Why, on 




διαφωνούντα^' τουναντίον yap ev τω παρά μικρόν 
συμβαίν€ΐν τοντο μαΧλον βοικε, παρά μικρόν yap 
ή πΧάνη συμβαίνει μαΧΚον, ου τοϊς τιτχρνσι 
μόνον, αλλά καϊ τοις πΧέον τι των έτερων φρο^ 
νουσιν iv Be τοις παρά ποΧύ 6 μβν τυχών άμάρτοι 
αν, 6 δ' έπιστημονικώτερος fJTTOV hv τοΰτο πάθοι* 
hio καϊ πιστεύεται θαττον, 

9. 'Άπαντες μεν τοίνυν οί περϊ της ^ΙνΒικής 
ypάy|ravτες ώς επΙ το πο\ύ ψευBo\6yoι yeySvaai, 
καθ* ύπερβοΧην δέ ^ηίμαχος' τά 8k Βεύτερα \εyει 
Mεyaσθέpης^ ^Ονησίκριτος Βε καΐ Νέαρχος καϊ 
αΧΚοι τοιούτοι παραψεΧΚίζοντες ηΒψ καΐ ήμϊν 
δ' ύπήρξεν επΙ πΧεον κατιΒεΐν ταύτα, ύπομνηματι- 
ξομενοις τάς ^ΚΚεξάνΒρου πράξεις* Βιαφεροντως 
δ' άπιστεΐν άξιον ^ηιμάχφ τε καϊ Μεγασβά/β^. 
ούτοι yap είσιν οί τους ^Ενωτοκοίτας καΐ τους 
^Αστόμους καΐ "Ά ρ ρίνας ίστορούντες, ΜονοφθαΚ- 
μους τε καΐ ΜακροσκεΧεΐς και ^ΟπισθοΒακτύΧους• 
άνεκαίνισαν Βε καϊ την Όμηρικην των Tlυyμaίωv 
yεpavoμaχίav, τρισπιθάμους είποντες, ούτοι Βε 
καϊ τους χρυσωρύχους μύρμηκας καϊ ΐΐάνας 
σφηνοκεφάΧους οφεις τε καϊ βούς καΐ ίΚάφους 
συν κεράσι καταπίνοντας' περϊ ων έτερος τον 
Ιτερον ελεyχει, όπερ καϊ ^Ερατοσθένης φησίν. 

^ Which formed a part of Strabo's Historiccd Sketches (see 
footnote on page 46). Both Onesicritus and Nearchus accom- 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 8-9 

the contrary, this is more likely to be the case 
where the matter of disagreement is slight; for 
if the matter of disagreement is but slight, error 
is more likely to result, not merely among ordinary 
writers, but even among writers who are somewhat 
superior to the other class ; but where the matters 
of disagreement are considerable, though the ordinary 
man would go astray, the more scientific man would 
be less likely to do so, and for that reason he is more 
quickly trusted. 

9. However, all who have written about India 
have proved themselves, for the most part, fabri- 
cators, but preeminently so Deimachus ; the next 
in order is Megasthenes ; and then, Onesicritus, and 
Nearchus, and other such writers, who begin to 
speak the truth, though with faltering voice. I, 
too, had the privilege of noting this fact extensively 
when I was writing the ^^ Deeds of Alexander/* ^ 
But especially do Deimachus and Megasthenes de- 
serve to be distrusted. For they are the persons 
who tell us about the ^^ men that sleep in their 
ears," and the ^^men without mouths,** and ^^men 
without noses ** ; and about '^ men with one eye,** 
^^men with long legs," "men with fingers turned 
backward ** ; and they revived, also, the Homeric 
story of the battle between the cranes and the 
"pygmies,** who, they said, were three spans tall. 
These men also tell about the ants that mine gold 
and Pans with wedge-shaped heads ; and about 
- snakes that swallow oxen and stags, horns and 
all ; and in these matters the one refutes the other, 
as is stated by Eratosthenes also. For although they 

panied Alexander. Strabo alludes to his own stay at the 
Alexandrian Library. 




βττέμφθησαν μ^ν yctp βίς τά ΤΙαΧίμβοθρα, 6 μ^ν 
MeyaaOhnj^ ττρος Έ^ανΒροκοττον, 6 δε Αηίμαχος 
προ^ ^ΑλΧίτροχάΒην τον εκείνου υΐον, κατά ττρβσ- 
βείαν υπομνήματα δέ της άττοΒημίας κατέΧιττον 
τοιαύτα, νφ* ίι<ζ 8η ποτ€ αίτιας ττροαχθέντβς, 
ΤΙατροκΧής Be ήκιστα τοιούτος' και οί αΧΧοι δβ 
μάρτυρες ουκ απίθανοι, οίς κέχρηται 6 Έ/>ατο- 

10. ΈιΙ yap 6 δίά 'Ρόδου καΐ Βυζαντίου μεσημ- 
βρινός ορθώς εΐΧητΓται, και 6 Sia, της ΚιΧικίας 
καΙ ^Αμισού ορθώς &ν εϊη είΧημμενος' φαίνεται 
ykp το παράΧΧηΧον εκ ττοΧΧων, όταν μηΒετερωσε ^ 

C 71 σύμπτωσις άττέΧέ^χηται, 

11. "Ό τ€ εξ ^Αμισού ττΧοΰς εττί την ΊίόΧχίΒα 
ΟΤΙ εστίν εττί ίσημερινην άνατοΧην, καΐ τοις 
άνεμοις εΧε^χβται καΐ ωραις καΐ καρττοΐς κα\ ταΐς 
άνατοΧαΐς αύταΐς* ως δ* αΰτως καΐ ή εττΙ την 
Κασττίαν ύττέρβασις καΐ ή εφεξής οΒος μέχρι 
Βάκτρων. τΓοΧΧαχοΰ yhp η ενάργεια και το εκ 
πάντων συμφωνούμενον οργάνου πιστοτερόν εστίν* 
επεί καΧ 6 αύτος '' Ιππαρχος την άπο '^τηΧων 
μέχρι της ^ιΧικίας ^ραμμην, οτι εστϊν eir' 
ευθείας κα\ οτι επ\ Ισημερινην άνατοΧην, ου πασαν 

^ μη^€τ4ρωσ€, Α. Miller, for μη^€τ4ρω5 ri. 

^ Scholars have agreed that something has fallen out of 
the manuscripts ; but the assumption is unnecessary. Strabo 
here recurs to " the second argument '* of Eratosthenes, 
which was introduced as far back as § 3, and the connection 
is not at once apparent ; but he has just referred to the 
credibility of " the other witnesses," and, clearly, it was 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 9-1 1 

were sent on an ambassadorial mission to Palim- 
bothra (Megasthenes to Sandrocottus, Deimachus 
to Allitrochades the son of Sandrocottus), still, 
as memoirs of their stay abroad, they have left 
behind such writings as these, being prompted to do 
so by — I know not what cause ! Patrocles, however, 
is by no means that sort of man. And also the 
other witnesses whom Eratosthenes has used are not 
lacking in credibility. 

10.^ For instance, if the meridian through Rhodes 
and Byzantium has been correctly drawn, then that 
through Cilicia and Amisus will have been correctly 
drawn too ; for from many considerations the 
parallel relation of lines is obvious whenever it is 
proved by test that there is no meeting in either 
direction. 2 

11. Again, that the voyage from Amisus to Colchis 
lies in the direction of the equinoctial east ^ is proved 
by the winds, by the seasons, by the crops, and by 
the risings of the sun themselves ; and thus, in 
the same way, both the pass that leads over to the 
Caspian Sea and the road from there on to Bactra. 
For in many cases the way things appear to the 
sight and the agreement of all the testimony are 
more trustworthy than an instrument.* Indeed, 
even the same Hipparchus, in taking the line from 
the Pillars on to Cilicia to be in a straight course 
and to be in the direction of the equinoctial east, did 

upon ** the other witnesses " that Eratosthenes based that 
"second argument," as is indicated in §5. Strabo then 
proceeds, in § 10, to illustrate the credibility of those 
witnesses by defending Eratosthenes on points wherein they 
were involved. 

2 An echo from Greek geometry. 

3 That is, due east. * Compare § 35 (below). 




ofyyaviKW teal ^€ωμ€τρίκω^ βΧαββν, αλλ' ολην την 
άτΓο ^τηΚων μ^χρι ττορθμον τοις ττΧέονσιν iiri- 
στ€υσ€ν, ωστ ούδ' βκβίνο ^ βδ λεγβ* το ^ *' βττβιΒη 
ουκ €χομ€ν Xeyeiv οΰθ* ημέρας μεγίστης προς την 
βραχυτάτην \6yov οντ€ αγνώμονος προς σκιάν €πΧ 
τρ παρωρβία ττ} άπο ΚιΧικίας μέ'χρι^ *1ν8ών, ovS* 
el 67γΙ παραΧληΧον ^γραμμής ίστιν η Χοξωσις, 
€χομ€ν εΙπεΙν, αλλ' iav άΖιορθωτον, Χοξην φυΧάξαν- 
Τ€ς, ώς οί αρχαίοι πίνακβς παρίχουσι *." πρώτον 
μβν γά/ο το μη εχβιν βΐπβΐν ταντον έστι τφ 
έπεχβιν, 6 δ' επέχων ovS' έτέρωσβ ρέπβι, iav δέ 
κβΧενων, ώς οΐ αρχαίοι, €Κ€Ϊσ€ ρέπβι. μαΧΧον δ 
&ν τάκόΧουθον βφύΧαττεν, el συν€βονΧευ€ μη^^ 
^γ€ω'γραφ€ΐν οΧως* ovSe yhp των αΧΧων ορών τίίς 
θέσεις, οίον "ΑΧπβων κα\ των ΤΙνρηναίων καΐ των 
® ρακιών καΐ ^ΐΧΧνρικων καϊ Γερμανικών, όντως 
€χομεν €ΐπ€Ϊν. τις δ' ίίν ψ/ήσαιτο πιστότερους 
των ύστερον τους παλαιούς τοσαΰτα πΧημ- 
μεΧησαντας περί την πινακο^ραφίαν, οσα εν^ 
ΒιαβέβΧηκεν ^Ερατοσθένης, ων ούΒενΙ άντείρηκεν 

12. Καϊ τα εξής Βε πΧήρη μετγαΚων αποριών 
εστίν, δρα ydp, el τούτο μεν μη κινοίη τις το τά 

^ iKcTvo, Scalicer, for iKtTvos; Coraia, Meineke, Diibner- 
Miiller, Groskurd, Forbiger, following. 
^ cZ \4y€t TO, Xylander, for «υλο7€Γτο ; Meineke following. 
^ μ4χρι, Meineke, for μ4χρι$. 

* ναρίχουσι, Kramer, for τ^ριάχουσι ; Meineke, Forbiger, 
Tardieu, following. 

* fJ, Corais, for oh ; editors following. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 11-12 

not depend wholly on instruments and geometrical 
calculations, but for the whole line from the Pillars 
on to the Strait ^ he trusted the sailors. So that this 
statement of his is not good, either, where he says : 
^^ Since we cannot tell either the relation of the 
longest day to the shortest, or of gnomon to shadow, 
along the mountain-side that runs from Cilicia on to 
India, neither can we say whether the slant of the 
mountains lies in a parallel line,^ but we must leave 
the line uncorrected, keeping it aslant as the early 
maps give it." For, in the first place, " cannot tell " 
is the same thing as to withhold opinion, and the 
man who withholds opinion also inclines to neither 
side ; but when Hipparchus bids us leave the line as 
the ancients give it, he inclines to that side. Rather 
would he be ^^ keeping '* the consistent course, if he 
also advised us not to treat geography at all ; for we 
" cannot tell " in that way ^ the positions of the 
other mountains, either — for instance, the Alps, the 
Pyrenees, and the Thracian, the Illyrian, and the 
German Mountains. But who would think the 
early geographers more trustworthy than those of 
later times, since in their map-drawing the ancients 
made all those blunders that Eratosthenes has rightly 
accused them of and not one of these blunders has 
been objected to by Hipparchus ? 

12. Again, the next remarks of Hipparchus are 
full of great difficulties. For example, see how many 
absurdities would arise if one should not disallow the 

1 Of Sicily. 

* That is, whether the line of these mountains, which in 
the early maps makes an acute angle to the north with a 
parallel' of latitude, should lie on a parallel. Compare § 2 

' That is, by instruments and geometrical calculations. 




άκρα TTff; *Ιν8ική<ζ τά μεσημβρινά, avraipeiv Τ0Ϊ9 
Karh Μεροην, μη^β το Βιάστημα το άπο Μεροης 
€•7γΙ το στόμα το κατά το Ένξάιηιον, οτι βστί irepl 
μνρίονς σταΒίους καΐ οκτακίσχιλίον^, ποιοίη δε 
τρισμυρίων το άττο των μεσημβρινών ^ΙνΒων 
μέχρι των ορών, δσα αν σνμβαίη ατοττα. το 
πρώτον μεν yhp εΐπερ 6 αύτος εστί παράΧΚη\ο^ ό 
Sih Ένξαντίον τ φ Sih ΜασσαΧίας {καθαττερ 
εϊρηκεν 'Ίτηταργρ^ πιστεύσα^ ΊΙυθέα), 6 δ' αύτο9 
καΐ μεσημβρινοί εστίν 6 Βια Ένζαντίον τ φ Sict 
Βορνσθένου^, οττερ καΐαντο δοκιμάζει ο"1τηΓαργρ<ζί 
δοκιμάζει Βε καΐ το άττο Ένξαντίου Βιαστή μα ετΓΪ 
τον ^ορυ σθένη σταΒίονς είναι τρισχιΧίους ετττα- 
C 72 κοσίονς, τοσούτοι &ν εΐεν καΐ οί άπο Μασσαλ/α? 
επΙ τον Βιά Έορυσθενους τταράΧΧηΧον, ο<ζ yε Βια 
της ΚεΧτικής παρωκεανίτιΒος αν εϊη' τοσούτους 
yap πως ΒιεΧθοντες συνάπτουσι τ φ ωκεανφ, 

13. Παλ^ΐ' δ' έπεϊ την Κινναμωμοφορον εσχάτην 
ϊσμεν οίκουμενην προς μεσημβρίαν, καΐ καθ* 
^Ύππαργον αντον ό Βί αυτής παράΧΧηΧος άρχη 
της ευκράτου καΐ της οικουμένης εστί, καΐ Βιέγει 
του Ισημερινού περί οκτακισγιΚίους καϊ οκτα- 
κόσιους σταΒίους* επεΙ ουν φησιν άπο τον 
ισημερινού τον Βια Έορυσθένους Βιέγειν τρισ- 
μύριους καϊ τετρακισχιΧίους σταΒίους, εΐεν αν 
ΧοιποΙ οί άπο τού ορίζοντος την Βιακεκαυμένην 

^ See footnote on page 254. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 12-13 

statement that the southern capes of India rise 
opposite to 1 the regions of Meroe, or the statement 
that the distance from Meroe to the mouth of the 
strait at Byzantium is about eighteen thousand stadia, 
but yet should make the distance from Southern 
India to the mountains thirty thousand stadia. Why, 
in the first place, if it be true that the parallel 
which runs through Byzanti^ml is the same as that 
which runs through Massilia (as Hipparchus has 
stated, on the authority of Pytheas), and that the 
meridian which runs through Byzantium is the same 
as that through the Borysthenes (which very thing, 
also, Hipparchus approves), and if he also approves 
the statement that the distance from Byzantium to 
the Borysthenes is three thousand seven hundred 
stadia, then this last niunber would be the number 
of stadia from Massilia to the parallel that runs 
through the Borysthenes ^ ; which parallel, of course, 
would run through the sea-coast of Celtica, for on 
going about this number of stadia through Celtica 
you reach the ocean. ^ 

13. Again, since the Cinnamon-producing Country 
is the most remote inhabited coimtry towards the 
south, as we know, and since, according to Hip- 
parchus himself, the parallel that runs through it is 
the beginning of the temperate zone and of the 
inhabited world, and is distant from the equator about 
eight thousand eight hundred stadia ; and further, 
since, as Hipparchus says, the parallel through 
the Borysthenes is thirty-four thousand stadia dis- 
tant from the equator, there would remain twenty- 

* Strabo frequently refers to the mouth of the Borysthenes 
as merely ** Borysthenes." 
' That is, going toward the north. 




καΧ την βϋκρατον eh τον Sici Έορνσθένους καΐ της 
ΚεΧτική^ζ παρωκ€ανίτι8ος στάΒιοι Βισμύριοί irev- 
τακισχιΚιοι διακόσιοι, ο 8έ ye άττο τή<; KeXTt/crj^ 
Ίτρος αρκτον πλου? €σχατος XeyeTai irapci τοις 
νυν 6 €7γΙ την ^Ιέρνην, iireKeiva phf ονσαν της 
Έρ€ττανικής, άβΧίως Se Sia, ψνχος οίκονμένην, 
ωστ€ τα eiretteiva νομίξβιν άοίκητα, ου πΧέον Se 
της ΊίβΧτίκής την ^Ιέρνην Βΐ€χ€ΐν φασί των ττεντα- 
κισχιΧίων, ωστ€ irepl τρισμνρίους elev αν η μικρφ 
πΧείους οι τται/τε? οΐ το ττΧάτος της οίκονμένης 

14. Φέρ€ 8η την άνταίρουσαν Trj Κινναμω- 
μοφορφ καΐ βττΐ του αντον τταραΧΧηΧον προς εω 
Κ€ίμ4νην ύποβωμ€ν. αντη δ* ίστΧν η irepl την 
Ύαπροβάνην ή Be Ύαττροβάνη TreniaTevTUi 
σφοΒρα, οτί της ^ΙνΒικής πρ6κ€ΐταί ireXayia 
μeyάXη νήσος ττρος νοτον μηκνν€ταί δέ βττΐ την 
ΑΙΘωπίαν πΧέον ή π€ντακυσχιΧίους σταΒίους, 
ως φασιν, €ξ ής καΐ €Χέφαντα κομίζβσθαί ττοΧύν 
€ΐς TCL των ^ΙνΒων εμπόρια καΧ xeXaveia^ καΧ 
άΧΧον φορτον. τανττ) Βη ttj νησφ πΧάτος προστ€θ€ν 
το avdXoyov τφ μη /cei καΧ Βίαρμα το εττ' αντην i/c 
της *1νΒικης των μ€ν τρισχιΧίων σταΒίων ουκ αν 
ίΧαττον ποιήσ€ΐ€ Βιάστημα, όσον ^ν το άπο τον 
ορού της οικουμένης €ΐς Μ€ρ6ην, etwep μέΧΧει τά 
άκρα της ^ϊνΒικής άνταίραν Trj Meporj' πιθανω- 
Tepov δ' eVrt καΧ πΧ€ίους των τρισχιΧίων τίθέναι, 
€1 Βη τούτο προσθ€ίη τις τοις τρισμυρίοις, οΐς φησιν 

^ Xt\avuaf Meineke, for χβλώνχα. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 13--14 

nve thousand two hundred stadia for the distance 
from the parallel that divides the torrid from the 
temperate zone to the parallel that runs through 
the Borysthenes and the sea-coast of Celtica. And 
yet the voyage from Celtica to the north is nowadays 
called the remotest voyage to the north ; I mean the 
voyage to leme,^ which island not only lies beyond 
Britain but is such a wretched place to live in on 
account of the cold that the regions on beyond are 
regarded as uninhabitable. And lerne is not farther 
from Celtica, they say, than five thousand stadia ; so 
that about thirty thousand stadia all told, or perhaps 
a few more, would represent the breadth of the 
inhabited world. 

14. Well, then, let us pass on to the country that 
rises opposite to the Cinnamon-producing Country 
and lies toward the east on the same parallel. This 
is the region about Taprobane.^ We have strong 
assurance that Taprobane is a large island in the 
open sea, which lies off India to the south. It 
stretches lengthwise in the direction of Ethiopia for 
more than nve thousand stadia, as they say ; and from 
it, they say, much ivory is brought to the markets of 
India, and also tortoise-shell and other merchandise. 
Now if we assign to this island a breadth that is 
proportional to its length, and if we add thereto the 
expanse of the sea between it and India, the sum 
would be a distance of not less than three thousand 
stadia— as much as the distance from the border of 
the inhabited world to Meroe — that is, if the capes 
of India are to rise opposite to Meroe ; but it is more 
plausible to set down still more than three thousand 
stadia. So if you should add these three thousand 

* Ireland. * Ceylon. 




ό Αηίμαχος fJ^Xpi της eh ^ακτρίους καΐ ^oySi- 
ανους ύπ€ρθ€σ€ως, βκττίσοί &ν πάντα ταντα τά 
βθνη της οικουμένης καΐ της ευκράτου, τις άν ουν 
θαρρησ€ΐ€ ταΰτα Xiyeiv, άκούων καΐ των ιτάΚαι 
καΐ των νυν την εύκρασίαν καΐ την εύκαρττίαν 
Χε^οντων πρώτον μβν την των προσβορρων 
Ίι/δώι/, hreiTa Be κάΙ την iv ttj 'Ύρκανία καΐ τη 
*Αρία καΐ εφεξής τη τ ε Mapytavfj καΐ τη Βακ- 
τριανή; απασαι ycLp αύται προσεχείς μεν είσι 
C 73 τί; βορείφ πΧευρα του Ταύρου καΐ ή γε Βακ- 
τριανή καΐ πΧησιάζει τη εις ^ΙνΒούς υπερθέσει, 
τοσαύτη δ' εύΒαιμονία κέχρηνται, ώστε πάμποΧν 
τι άπέχειν της άοικητου, εν μέν γβ τη ^Τρκανία 
την αμπεΚον μετρητί^ν οϊνου φέρειν φασί, την 
Βε συκήν μεΒίμνους εξήκοντα, τον Bk σΐτον εκ 
του εκπεσόντος καρπού της καΧάμης πάλιν 
φύεσθαι, εν Βε τοις ΒένΒρεσι σμηνουρ^εΐσθαι 
κα\ των φύΧΚων άπορρεΐν μέ\ι, όπερ Ύΐνεσθαι 
μεν καΐ της ΜηΒίας εν τη ^ατιανη κα\ της 
^Αρμενίας εν τη 'ϊ,ακασηνη καΐ τη ^Αραξηνη. 
αλλ' ενταύθα μεν ουκ επ* ϊσης θαυμαστον, 
εϊπερ εΙσΙ νοτιώτεραι της 'Ύρκανίάς, καϊ ευκρασία 
Βιαφέρουσαι της αλΧης 'χώρας* εκεί Βε μάΧΧον. 
εν δέ τη Mapyiavp τον πυθμένα φασίν ευρί- 
σκεσθαι της άμπέΧου ποΧΧάκις Βυεΐν άνΒρών 
οργυιαΐς περιΧηπτόν, τον Bk βότρυν Βίπηγυν, 
παραπΧησίαν Be Χέτ/ουσι καϊ την ^Αρίαν, εύοινία 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 14 

stadia to the thirty thousand stadia which Dei'machus 
gives as the distance to the pass that leads over to 
Bactriana and Sogdiana, then all these peoples 
would fall outside the inhabited world and the 
temperate zone. Who, pray, would venture to 
maintain this, when he hears men of both ancient 
and modem times telling about the mild climate and 
the fertility, first of Northern India, and then of 
Hyrcania and Aria, and, next in order, of Margiana 
and Bactriana? For, although all these countries 
lie next to the northern side of the Taurus Range, 
and although Bactriana, at least, lies close to the 
pass that leads over to India, still they enjoy such a 
happy lot that they must be a very long way oft 
from the uninhabitable part of the earth. In 
Hjrrcania, at any rate, they say that the vine 
produces one metretes^ of wine, the fig-tree sixty 
medimni^ of figs, the wheat grows again from the 
waste seed of the stubble-field, bees have their hives 
in the trees, and honey drips from the leaves ; and 
this is also true of Matiana, a province of Media, 
and of Sacasene and of Araxene, districts of Armenia. 
But in the case of the latter districts this is not 
equally amazing, if it be true that they lie ftirther 
south than Hyrcania, and are superior to the rest 
of the country in mildness of climate ; but in the 
case of Hjrrcania it is more amazing. And in Mar- 
giana, they say, it is oftentimes found that the trunk 
of the grape-vine can be encircled only by the 
outstretched arms of two men, and that the cluster 
of grapes is two cubits long. And they say that 
Aria also is similar, but that it even excels in good 

^ A little less than nine gallons. 

' The medimnua was about a bushel and a half. 

VOL. I. Τ 



δέ καί ν7Γ€ρβά\\€ΐν, iv ^ ye zeal eh rpiyoviav^ 
παραμένβιν iv άτηττώτοι^ ayyeai τον οΐνον 
ττάμφορον δ' elvai και την Έακτριανην ιτΚην 
ελαίου, ιτλησίον ττ} ^Αρία ^τταρακειμένην* 

15. Ei Be καί ψυχρά μέρη των τόπων τούτων 
€στίν, οσα ύψηΧά καϊ opetva, ούΒ^ν Bel θανμάζειν 
καΐ yap iv Toh μεσημβρινοί^ κΧίμασι τά ορη 
ψυχρά iaTi, καΧ καθόλου τά μετέωρα iBάφη, κ&ν 
TreBia rj. της yoOv ΚατηταΒοκίας τα ττρος τφ 
Έίύξβίνφ ΤΓοΧύ βορειότερα iaTi των ιτρος τφ 
Ύαύρφ* αλλ' ή μεν ^ayaBaovia,^ ττεΒίον iξaίσιov 
μεταξύ πΐτττον τον τε ^Apyaiov δρους και τον 
Ταύρου, σττάνιον el ττού τι των καρττίμων ΒενΒρων 
φύοι, καίπερ νοτιώτερον της ΤΙοιηικής θαλάττης 
σταΒίοις τρισχιλίοις, τα Βε της Χινώττης ττροάστεια 
καΧ της ^Αμισού καΧ της Φαναροίας το πλέον 
ελαιόφυτά iaTi, καΧ τον ^Άξον Bk τον ορίζοντα 
την Βακτριανην άττο της ^oyBιavής οΰτω φασΧν 
εΰττλουν είναι, ώστε τον ^ΙνΒικον φόρτον υττερ- 
κομισθέντα εις αύτον ραΒίως εις την 'Ύρκανίαν 
κaτάyεσθaι καΧ τους εφεξής τόπους μέχρι του 
ΤΙόντου Βιά των ποταμών. 

16. Ύίν &ν oiv τοιαύτην εΰροις εύΒαιμονίαν 
περΧ Έορυσθένη καΧ την ΊίεΧτικην την πάρω- 
κεανΐτιν, οπού μηΒε φύεται άμπελος ή μη 
τελεσφορεί; iv δέ τοις νοτιωτέροις τούτων καΧ 

^ rpiyoviaVf Cobet, for rpiyiyciw; Bernadakis, Casoorbi, 

* BayaBaoyiuf Casaubon, for Bayabavia ; Corais following ; 
W. M. Ramsay approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 14-16 

vintage, since there, at all events, the wine actually 
keeps for three generations in unpitched casks ; and 
that Bactriana, too, >vhich lies on the border of Aria, 
produces everything except olive-oil. 

15. But if all the parts of these regions that are 
high and mountainous are also cold, we should not 
be amazed; for even in the southern latitudes the 
mountains are cold, and in general all high-lying 
lands, even if they be plateaux, are cold. At any 
rate, in Cappadocia the regions next to the Euxine 
are much farther north than those next to the 
Taurus ; but Bagadaonia, an enormous plain which falls 
between the Argaeus Mountain^ and the Taurus 
Range, only scantily (if anywhere) produces fruit- 
trees, although it is three thousand stadia farther 
south than the Pontic Sea, whereas the suburbs 
of Sinope and Amisus and the greater part of 
Phanaroea are planted with olive-trees. And 
further, the River Oxus, which divides Bactriana 
from Sogdiana, is so easily navigable, they say, that 
the Indian merchandise packed over the mountains 
to it is easily brought down to the Hyrcanian Sea, 
and thence, on the rivers, to the successive regions 
beyond as far as the Pontus.^ 

16. Now what comparable blessings of nature can 
you find round about the Borysthenes or in the part 
of Celtica that lies on the ocean, where the grape 
either does not grow at all, or else does not bear 
fruit ? In the more southern districts of these 

* In Cappadocia ; now Mt. Erdjias. 

2 According to this statement the Oxus, which now 
empties into the Aral Lake, flowed into the Caspian Sea. 
Thence, by the Kur and other rivers, the merchandise was 
carried to western points. See 11. 7. 3. 




€7ηθαΧαττι8ίοις ^ καΙ toa9 κατά Έόσττορον τβλβσ- 
φορ€Ϊ, iv μικροκαριτία δε, καΐ τον χβιμωνος 
κατορύττεται, οί Se irayoi irap αύτοί^ τοιούτοι 
τινές είσιν eiri τφ στοματι της Χίμνης της Μαιώ- 
τι8ος, ωστ iv γωρίφ, iv ω χβιμωνος ο τον 
Μιθρώάτον στρατηγός ivίκησ€ τονς βαρβάρονς 
ΙτπΓομαχων iirl τφ ττώγφ, τονς αυτούς κατα- 
C 74 νανμαχήσαι θέρονς, Χνθέντος τον ττώγον, ο δ' 
^Ερατοσθένης και τοντΓΐΎραμμα προφέρεται το 
iv τφ ^ΑσκΧητΓίείφ τφ ΙΙαντικατταιέων irri ttj 
pa/^eiarj γαΚκτι vhpLa Βιά τον irarfov 

€Ϊ τις άρ άνθρώττων μη πείθεται οία παρ ημίν 
ηί^νεται, εις την^ε γι^ώτ ω ΙΒών vSpiav 

tjv ονχ ώς ανάθημα θεον κα\6ν, αλλ' iπίSειyμa 
χειμώνος μ^άΚον θήχ ιερεύς Χτρατίος,^ 

οπον οΰν ovSk τοις iv Έοσπόρφ σν^κριτέον τα iv 
τοις Βιαριθμηθεΐσι τόποις, αλλ' ονΒε τοις iv 
*Αμισω και Ίιΐνώπτι (κα\ yhp iκείvωv ενκρατοτέ- 
ρονς &ν εϊποι τις), σχολ§ γ' αν παραβάΧΚοιντο 
τοις κατά Έορνσθένη καΐ τοις iσχάτoις ΙίεΧτοις. 
μόλις yap &ν ταντοκΧινεΐς ειεν τοις κατ ^Αμισον 
κα\ Χινώπην καΐ Βνξάντιον καΐ ΜασσαΧίαν, οι 
τον Έορνσθένονς καΐ των Κελτώι/ ώμoX6yηvτaι 
νοτιώτεροι στα^ίοις τρισχιΧίοις και έπτακοσίοις, 

^ ^ιηβαΚατΎΛίοΐ5^ Friedemann, for ivieaXarriois or ^ir*- 
0a\aTTiciiots ; Meineke following ; Kramer, C. Miiller, ap- 
proving. 2 2τροτίο5, Meineke, for J^rparios. 

* That is, to keep them from freezing. See 7. 3. 18. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. i6 

countries, both on the Mediterranean Sea and in the 
regions about the Bosporus, the vine does bear fruit, 
but the grapes are small, and the vines are buried 
during the winter.^ The frosts are so severe at the 
mouth of Lake Maeotis that, at a certain spot where, 
in winter time, Mithridates' general conquered the 
barbarians in a cavalry engagement fought on the 
ice, he afterwards, in summer time, when the ice 
had melted, defeated the same barbarians in a naval 
engagement. 2 And Eratosthenes brings forward, also, ~Λ 
the following epigram from the temple of Asclepius ) 
at Panticapaeum,^ which was inscribed on the bronze / 
water-jar that had been burst by freezing : "If any / 
man is incredulous in regard to what happens in our ( / 
country, let him look at this water-jar and know the / "* 
truth ; which, not as a fair offering unto God but ( 
as an illustration of our severe winters, has been \ 
dedicated by Stratius the priest." Since, therefore, ) 
the climatic conditions in the Asiatic regions that I 
have enumerated are not to be compared even with 
those af the Bosporus, nay, not even with those at 
Amisus and Sinope (which places one would call 
milder in clinaate than the regions at the Bosporus), 
those Asiatic regions could hardly be thrown on the 
same parallel with those about Borysthenes and with 
the country of the northernmost Celts. In fact, the 
Asiatic regions could hardly be in the same latitude 
as the regions about Amisus, Sinope, Byzantium, and 
Massilia, which are conceded to be thirty-seven 
hundred stadia farther south than the Borysthenes 
and the Celts. 

^ Strabo refers to battles fought on the Strait of Yenikale, 
or Kerch, by Neoptolemus, the general of Mithridates the 
Great (Eupator). Compare 7. 3. 18. 

^ Now Kerch, at the mouth of the Sea of Azov. 




17. Οί Be ye irepl ^ηίμαγρν το?? τρισμνρίοις 
eav ΊτροσΧάβωσι το irri την Ύαττροβάνην κα\ τους 
ορούς της Βιακβκανμένης, ο{)ς ουκ ΙΚάττους των 
τ€τ ρακισχιΚίων θβτεον, €κτοπιονσι τά τ€ Έάκτρα 
καΐ την ^Αρίαν βίς τους άττέχοντας τόττονς της 
Βιακεκαυμένης σταΒίους τρισμυρίους καΧ τβτρακισ-^ 
χίΧίονς, όσους άττο του ισημερινού iirl Έορυσθένη 
φησίν είναι 6 "Ιτηταρχος, εκττβσοΰνται αρα εις 
τους βορειοτέρους του Έορυσθένους και της Κελ- 
τικής σταΒίοις οκτακισγιΚίοις καΧ οκτακοσίοις, 
οσοις νοτιώτερός ίστιν 6 Ισημερινός του ορίζοντος 
κύκΚου την Βιακεκαυμένην καί την εΰκρατον, 
Sv φαμεν Bih της ίίινναμωμοφόρου^ μαΚιστα 
^ράφεσθαι, ημείς Βε γ€ εττεΒείκνυμεν μέχρι της 
^Ιερνης μόλις οικήσιμα οντά τά ύττερ την Κβλ- 
τικην, αττερ ου ττΧείω των ττεντακισχιΧίων εστίν* 
ούτος δ' άποφαίνει 6 λόγο? της ^Ιερνης ίτι 
βορειότερον είναι τίνα κύκΧον οΐκήσιμογ στα- 
Βίοις τρισχιΚίοις οκτακοσίοις, εσται^ δέ ^άκτρα 
καί του στόματος της Ίίασιτίας θαΧάττης, είτε 
'Τρκανίας, ττάμπόλύ τι άρκτικώτερα, οττερ του 
μυχοΰ της Κασπίας καΐ των ^Αρμενιακών καΐ 
"ίΛηΒικών ορών Βιέχει ττερί εξακισχιλίους σταΒίους, 
καΐ Βοκεΐ αυτής της ^ τταραΧίας μέχρι της ^ΙνΒικής 
άρκτικώτερον είναι σημεΐον και ΊΓερίιτΧουν Ιχειν 

^ 'Ινδικοί, before μαΚιστα, is discarded by the various 

^•4σταΐ, Kramer, for i<rrl ; Forbiger, Meineke, following. 

* o^T^f T^j, Groskurd, for τηί ai/rrts ; Meineke, Forbiger, 
following ; L. Kayser approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 17 

17. Now if Del'machus and his followers add to 
the thirty thousand stadia the distance to Taprobane 
and to the boundary of the torrid zone, which must 
be put at not less than four thousand stadia,^ they 
will thus be placing both Bactra and Aria outside 
the inhabited world in the regions that are thirty- 
four thousand stadia from the torrid zone — the 
number of stadia Hipparchus gives as the distance 
from the equator to the Borysthenes. And so Bactra 
and Aria will be thrown outside into the regions that 
are eight thousand eight hundred stadia farther 
north than the Borysthenes and Celtica — the number 
of /St&dia by which the equator is south of the circle 
that divides the torrid zone from the temperate ; 
and this circle we say is drawn, in a general way, 
through the Cinnamon-producing Country. Now I 
myself was pointing out that the regions beyond 
Celtica as far as lerne were scarcely habitable, and 
that this distance is not more than five thousand 
stadia 2; but this argument of Deimachus declares 
that there is a habitable parallel of latitude three ..^ . 
thousand eight hundred stadia still farther north XJ*U:^*-! 
than lerne ! Thus Bactra will be a very considerable ^ 
distance farther north than even the mouth of the 
Caspian (or Hyrcanian) Sea ; and this mouth ^ is 
about six thousand stadia distant from the inmost 
part of the Caspian Sea and from the Armenian and 
Median mountains (and it seems to be a more 
northerly point than the coast-line itself that runs 
thence to India ; and to offer a practicable route of 

Mn § 14 Strabo said '' not less than 3»000 stadia." 

* Strabo thought that the Caspian Sea opened into "the 
northern sea." 




άτΓο τή^ *ϊν8ικής Svvarov, ως φησιν 6 των τόπων 
ηγησάμενος τούτων ϋατροκΚης. ίτι τοίννν η 
Έακτριανη χίλια στάΖια εττΐ την αρκτον ίκτεί- 
V€Tar τά Be των ^κυθων έθνη ^ ττόλύ μείζω ταύ- 
της; eir€/c€iva χώραν νέμεται, καΐ τεΚευτφ ττρος 
C 75 την βόρειον θάΚατταν, νομαΖικως μέν, ζωντα δ* 
δμως. ττως οϋν, εϊττερ καΐ αντίι tcl Βάκτρα ήίη της 
οικουμένης εκττίτττει, εϊη &ν το διάστημα τούτο αττο 
τον Καυκάσου μέχρι της βόρειας θαΧάττης τ^ 
Βια Βάκτρων 67uy<p ττΧειόνων ή τετ ρακισχιλίων; 
ταύτα 8η ττροστεθεντα τφ άττο της ^Ιερνης εττι 
τά βόρεια σταΒιασμφ ποιεί το παν Bict της άοική- 
του Βιάστημα'επΙ τού Sia της ^Ιερνης σταΒιασμού 
σταΒίων επτακισχιλίων και οκτακοσίων ει Sk 
εάσειέ τις τους τετ ρακισχιΧίους σταΒίους, αυτά 
7€ τα προς τφ Καυκάσφ μέρη της Βακτριανής 
ίσται βορειότερα της ^Ιέρνης σταΒίοις τρισχιΚίοις 
καΐ οκτακοσίοις, της Bk ΚεΧτικής καΐ τού Βορν- 
σθένους οκτακισχιλίοις καΐ οκτακοσιοις, 

1 8. ΦησΙ Βέ yε 6 '^Ιππαρχος κατά τον Βορυσθένη 
καϊ την ΙίεΧτικην εν οΧαις ταΐς θεριναΐς ννξΐ 
παραυ^άζεσθαι το φως τού ηΧίου περιίστάμενον 
απο της Βύσεως έπΙ την άνατοΧήν, ταϊς Be 

^ t^BpJty Kramer suggeste, after ^κυθων ; Meineke following. 

^ That is, beyond the mouth of the Caspian into the 
uninhabited world. This whole argument against Dei'machus 
and his school is a redttctio ad abfsurdum. 

^ And thus, according to Strabo, they really reach no 
farther, approximately, than the mouth of the Caspian. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2, ι. 17-18 

circumnavigation from India, according to Patrocles, 
who was once governor of these regions). Accord- 
ingly, Bactriana stretches out still farther' for a 
thousand stadia toward the north. But the Scjrthian 
tribes inhabit a much larger country than Bactriana, 
on beyond it, and they end at the northern sea ^ ; 
who, though it be as nomads, stUl manage to live. 
How, then, if even Bactra itself is now thrown 
outside of the inhabited world, could this distance 
from the Caucasus up to the northern sea, measured 
on the meridian line through Bactra, be slightly 
more than four thousand stadia ^ ? If these stadia, 
then, be added to the stadia-reckoning from leme 
to the northern regions,* they make the total 
distance through the uninhabitable region, on the 
stadia-reckoning made through leme, seven thousand 
eight hundred stadia. But if one should leave out 
the four thousand stadia, at least the very parts of 
Bactriana that are next to the Caucasus ^ will be 
farther north than lerne by three thousand eight 
hundred stadia, and farther north than Celtica and 
the Borysthenes by eight thousand eight hundred 

18.^ Hipparchus says, at all events, that at the 
Borysthenes and Celtica, throughout the nights in 
sununer-time, the light of the sun shines dimly, 
moving round from the west to the east, and at 

' The figure of 4,000 is quoted from Dei'machus and his 
school. Strabo continues to meet them upon their own 
ground with his fayourite form of argument. 

* That is, the 3,800 stadia above-mentioned. 

" Hence, not the Armenian Caucasus. The mountains 
from Ariana on were also called Caucasus (11. 8. 1.). 

^ In connection with this paragraph, read 2. 6. 34-43. 
Strabo finds another ** absurdity " (compare § 12). 


y Google 


γ^βιμβριναΐς τροτταΐς το ττλεΐστον μβτβωρίζβσθαι 
τον ήΧιον €7γΙ ττήχβίς ivvea* iv Sk τοις άττέχονσι 
τή<; Μασσαλία? ζζακίσ'χιΧίοί^ καΧ τριακόσιοι^; 
(ο&9 €Κ€ΐνο<ξ μ€ν €τι Κβλτού? ύτΓοΧαμβάνβι, βγώ 
δ' οΐμαι Βρ€ττανού<ζ elvai, βορβιοτέρονς της Ke\- 
τικης σταΒίοις ΖισχΐΧίοις ττβντακοσίοις) ττολν 
μαΧΚον τούτο συμβαίνειν iv Se ταΐς χειμε- 
ριναΐς ήμεραις 6 ήΧιος μβτβωρίζεται ττη-χβις βξ, 
τ€τταρα<ζ δ' iv τοις άττέχονσι Μασσαλίας iva- 
κίσχιλίους^ σταΒίους καΧ βκατόν, ίΚαττους δέ 
των τριών iv τοΙς iireKeiva, οΐ ^ κατά τον ήμέτβρον 
Xoyov ΤΓολύ &ν €i€v άρκτικώτβροι της *Ι4ρνης. 
οντος δέ ΤΙυθέα ττιστβύων κατά τά νοτιώτβρα ^ της 
Βρβττανικής την οϊκησιν ταύτην τίθησι, καί φησιν 
elvai την μακροτάτην ivTavda ήμέραν ωρών 
ισημερινών Βέκα ivvea, οκτωκαϋεκα Βέ, οττου 
τβτταρας 6 ηΧιος μετεωρίζεται ττηχεις• ονς φησιν 
άττέχειν της ΜασσαΧίας ivvaκισχιXίoυς καΧ εκα- 
τόν σταΒίους, ωσθ* οι νοτιώτατοι τών ΙΆρεττανών 
βορειότεροι τούτων εισίν. ήτοι οίν iirX τον αυτού 

^ ίνακίσχι\Ιου$, Meineke, for ίννΛκισχι\ίου5 \ Α. Jacob 

2 καΐ, Penzel deletes, before κατά ; Du Theil, Groskurd» 
Meineke, Forbiger, Tardieu, following. 

' νοτιώτ€ρα, as A. Jacob proves, must not be changed to 
ά,ρκτικώτ€ρα (as has been done since Du Theil's time), since the 
argument is rigorously correct and in keeping with ot νοτιώ^ 
rarot των Bperrav&p below. T. G. Tucker suggests rhvorepa. 

* The astronomical cubit was two degrees. 

* At 6,300 stadia north of Marseilles. 

^ *' This inhabited country " of Hipparphus means the 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. i8 

the winter solstice the sun ascends at most only- 
nine cubits ^ ; but that among the people who are 
six thousand three hundred stadia distant from 
Massilia (people who live two thousand five hundred 
stadia north of Celtica^ whom Hipparchus assumes still 
to be Celts, though I think they are Britons) this 
phenomenon is much more marked ; and on the 
winter days there ^ the sun ascends only six cubits, 
and only four cubits among the people who are distant 
from Massilia nine thousand one hundred stadia ; 
and less than three cubits among the people who 
live on beyond (who, according to my argument, 
would be much farther north than leme). But 
Hipparchus, trusting Pytheas, puts this inhabited 
country in the regions that are farther south than 
Britain,* and says that the longest day there has 
nineteen equinoctial hours,* but that the longest 
day has eighteen hours where the sun ascends only 
four cubits ; and these people,^ he says, are distant 
from Massilia nine thousand and one hundred stadia ; 
and hence the most southerly of the Britons are 
more northerly than these people. Accordingly, 

country that is beyond 9,100 stadia north of Marseilles. To 
Strabo, this country is uninhabited. 

* The solar day is not constant ; and so the ancients» being 
dependent upon the sun-dial, took as a unit the hour 
computed at the time of an equinox. Hence "equinoctial 
hour " — a term not used in modern astronomy. 

* That is, at 9,100 stadia north of Marseilles. By com- 
paring this and other passages in Strabo we find that 
Hipparchus' data were : Borysthenes, 9 cubits, 16 hours ; 
6,300 stadia north of Byzantium (or Marseilles, which 
Hipparchus placed in the same latitude as Byzantium), 
6 cubits, 17 hours ; 9,100 stadia north of Byzantium (or 
Marseilles), 4 cubits, 18 hours ; the ** inhabited country " on 
beyond, less than 3 cubits, 19 hours. 




παραΧΚηΧου elal T0Z9 irpcx; τφ Κανκάσφ Ήα /c- 
τριοι^ rj eiri τίνος ττΧησιάζοντος* βϊρηταί yap οτι 
κατά τους irepl /^ηίμαχον συμβησβται βορειο- 
τέρους βίναί της ^Ιέρνης τους προς τω Κ,ανκάσφ 
Βακτρίονς σταΒίοις τρισχ^ίΧίοίς οκτακοσίοις- Ίτροσ- 
Τ€^€ΐ/τωι/ he τούτων τοΙς άττό Μασσαλίας βίς 
^Ιέρνην, yivovTUi μύριοι ΖισγίΧιοι ττβντακόσιοι. 
τις oifv ίστ6ρηκ€ν iv τοις €Κ€Ϊ τόττοις, \έyω δέ 
τοις 7Γ€ρϊ Βάκτρα, τούτο το μήκος των /Αβγίστωι; 
ημερών η το βξαρμα του ήΧίου το κατά τ€ίς 
μεσουρανήσεις iv ταΐς χειμβριναΐς τροτταΐς; οφθαΧ- 
μοφανή yap ττάντα ταύτα καϊ^ ΙΒιώττ) καΐ ου 
C 76 Βεόμενα μαθηματικής σημειώσεως, ώστε συνέ- 
ypayjrav &ν ττόλΧοι καϊ των τταΧαιων των τα 
ΤΙερσικά ίστορούντων καϊ των ύστερον μέχρι καϊ 
εις ημάς. πως δ' αν ή Χεχθεΐσα ευδαιμονία των 
τόπων ωμo\oyεϊτo ^ τοΙς τοιούτοις εν τω ούρανφ 
φαινομένοις ; εκ hk των ειρημένων ΒήΧον, ώς καΐ 
σοφως άvτιXέyeι προς την άπόΒειξιν, ώς Ισο- 
Βυναμούντων των ζητουμένων Χαμβάνοντος προς 
το άπο8εΐξαι το ζητούμενον. 

19. ΤΙάΧιν δ' εκείνου τον ^ηίμαχον ιΒιώτην 
ενΒείξασθαι βουΧομένου κα\ άπειρον των τοιού- 

* Λοί, Corais inserts; Groskurd, Meineke, Forbiger, Tar- 
dieu, following. 

* ώ/^ολο7€Γτο, A. Jacob, for ωμοΚάγητο, 

^ Compare §§ 15-16. * 4 cubits, 18 hours, etc. 

* The fallacy is that of "begging the question" (pelitio 
principii). On the question of the most northerly latitude 
of the inhabited world, Eratosthenes and Hipparchus are 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 18-19 

they are either on the same parallel as the Bactrians 
that live near the Caucasus or on some parallel 
close to it; for, as I have stated, according to 
Dei'machus and his followers our result will be 
that the Bactrians that live near the Caucasus are 
more northerly than leme by three thousand eight 
hundred stadia ; and if these stadia be added to 
those from Massilia to lerne, we get twelve thousand 
five hundred stadia. Now who has ever reported 
in these regions (I mean the regions about Bactra) 
such a length of the longest days, or such a meridian 
height of the sun at the winter solstice ? Why, 
all such phenomena are obvious to the eye even 
of a layman and do not require mathematical 
notation; so that many men, both of the early 
writers of Persian history and of their successors 
on down to our own times, could hiave compUed 
them. Again, how could the above-mentioned ^ 
happy lot of these regions be conceded to those 
regions that have such celestial phenomena ? 2 And 
so from what I have said it is clear how very cleverly 
Hipparchus contradicts the demonstration of Era- 
tosthenes on the ground that the latter (although 
their objects of inquiry are in effect equivalent) 
were taking the object of inquiry for granted as an 
aid to his demonstration thereof! ^ 

19. And so, again, where Eratosthenes wishes to 
show that Dei'machus is a la3nnan and inexperienced 

both wrong in that they place the limit too far north, Strabo 
thinks. Among other things, they both assume in their 
reckonings that Marseilles is as far north as Byzantium 
(Strabo places Marseilles much farther south). Hence the 
ironical remark, that only with poor grace could Hipparchus 
meet the demonstration of Eratosthenes by accusing him of 
begging the question. 




των οϊβσθαι yap την ^IvBi/cijv μβταξύ κείσθαι ttj^ 
τ€ φθννοττωρίνής ίσημβρίας καΧ των τροττων των 
χβίμβρινων, MeyaaOevec Τ€ avTtXeyeiv φησαντι iv 
τοί9 νοτίοις μέρβσν τή<ζ ^ΙνΒικής τα? Τ€ άρκτους 
ατΓοκρχπττβσθαι καΐ τα? σκιάς avrnriirruv* μηΒβ- 
τβρον yap τούτων μηΒαμοΰ της *1ν8ίκής συμβαί- 
v€iv ταντα 8η φάσκοντος άμαθώς Xeyeadar το τ€ 
yap την φθινοττωρινην της €αρινής hia^epeiv 
οϊβσθαν κατά την Βιάστασιν την ττρος τάς τροττάς 
αμαθές, του τ€ κύκΧου του αυτού οντος καΐ της 
άνατοΧής' του Τ€ διαστήματος του iirl της yής 
τροτηκοΰ άττο του ίσημβρινοΰ, ων μβταξύ τίθησν 
την *1ν8ικην €Κ€Ϊνος, Ββιχθέντος iv ττ} αναμετρήσει 
ΤΓοΧύ ίΧάττονος των Β ισ μυρίων σταΒίων, συμ- 
βηναι &ν καϊ κατ αύτον εκείνον, οττερ αύτος 
νομίζει, ούχ h εκείνος' Βυεΐν μεν yap ή καϊ τριών 
μυριάΒων ούσαν την ^ΙνΒικην ούΒε ττεσεΐν μεταξύ 
τοσούτου Βιαστήματος, οσην Β* αύτος εϊρηκε, 
ττεσεΐν αν της δ' αυτής άyvoίaς είναι και το 
μηΒαμού της ^ΙνΒικής άττοκρύτΓτεσθαι φάσκειν τάς 
άρκτους μηΒ^ τάς σκιάς άντιττίπτειν, οτε yε καΐ 
ττεντακισγιΧίους ττροεΧθοντι αττ ^ΑΧεξανΒρείας 
ευθύς συμβαίνειν άρχεται, ταύτα Βη είττοντα,^ 
^ elxovTo, Corais, Du Theil, for tixovras. 

^ Strabo's *' winter tropic" and "summer tropic" cor- 
respond roughly to the tropic of Capricorn and the tropic of 
Cancer. The former was placed at 24", at Syene. 

* That is, to the south as well as to the north — which 
would be true of all points in the torrid zone. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 19 

in such matters. For he says Deimaehus thinks 
that India lies between the autumnal equinox and 
the winter tropic,^ and contradicts the statement 
of Megasthenes that, in the southern parts of India, 
the Bears set and the shadows fall in the opposite 
directions,^ asserting that neither phenomenon takes 
place anywhere in India ; and so, says Eratosthenes, 
when Deimaehus asserts this, he speaks ignorantly, 
since it is mere ignorance to think that the autumnal 
equinox differs from the vernal equinox in distance 
from the tropic, because both the circle ^ and the 
rising of the sun are the same at the equinoxes ; 
and, since the distance between the terrestrial 
tropic and the equator, between which Deimaehus 
places India, has been shown in the measurement 
of the earth to be much less than twenty thousand 
stadia,* the result would be, even according to 
Deimaehus himself, precisely what Eratosthenes 
thinks, and not what Deimaehus thinks ; for if India 
be twenty, or as much as thirty, thousand stadia 
in breadth it could not even fall within such a 
space. ^ But if India has the breadth which Era- 
tosthenes himself has given it, then it would fall 
therein ; and that it is also a mark of the same 
ignorance for Deimaehus to assert that in no part 
of India do the Bears set or the shadows fall in 
the opposite directions, since, at any rate, if you 
proceed only five thousand stadia south from Alex- 
andria the phenomena begin at once to take place. 

8 The circle in which they each lie is that of the 
(celestial) equator. 

* Counting 700 stadia to the degree, Eratosthenes' measure- 
ment of the earth being 252,0W) stadia, the tropic at 24" 
would be 16,800 stadia from the equator. 

' Between the tropic emd the equator. 




€v0vv€i irdTuv ουκ eJ ό "Ίτηταρχος, ττρώτον αντί ^ 
τον χ€ΐμ€ρινοΰ τροτηκού τον depivov Βεξάμβνο^, 
cZt' ουκ ο16μ€νος Selv μάρτυρι χρήσθαι των μαθη- 
ματικών άναστροΧογητφ ανθρώττφ, ωσττβρ του 
^Ερατοσθένους ττροιγγουμένως την έκβίνου μαρ- 
τυρίαν iyKpivovTO<:, αλλ* ου κοινφ tlvl Wei χρω- 
μένου ττρος τους ματαωΧο^ουντας. βίς yap τις 
των ττρος τους ματαίως άντιΧί^οντας ίΚβ^γων 
βστίν, όταν αύτην την εκείνων άττόφασιν, οττοία 
ΊΓΟτέ €στι, Βάξωμεν ήμιν συνηγορούσαν. 

20. Νυί/Ι μεν ουν ίπτοθεμενοι τά νοτιώτατα της 
^ΙνΒικής άνταίρειν τοις κατά Μερόην, oirep είρη^ 
κασι τΓολλοΙ kcu ττετηστεύκασιν, εττεΒείξαμεν τλ 
C 77 συμβαίνοντα άτοττα. iirel δέ ό 'Ίτηταρχρς, ούΒεν 
άντειπων τ^ ύττοθέσει ταύττ/ νυνί, μετά ταύτα εν 
τφ Βευτέρω ύττομνηματι ου σιτ/χωρεΐ, σκεπτέον καΐ 
τούτον τον ' \6yov. φησί τοίνυν, άνταιροντων 
άΧΚηΚοις των^ εττΧ του αύτου ιταραΧΚηΚου κει- 
μένων, εττειΒάν το μεταξύ y pAya διάστημα, μη 
Βύνασθαι yvωσθήvaι αύτο τούτο, οτι είσϊν εττΐ του 
αυτού τταραΧΚήΧου οί τόττοι, άνευ της των κΧι- 
μάτων συyκpίσεως της κατά θάτερον των τόττων? 
το μεν oiv κατίυ Μεροην κΧίμα ΦίΧωνά τε τον 
συyypάy|ravτa τον εις ΑΙΘιοττίαν ττΧούν ιστορεΐν, 
δτι ττρο ττέντε καΐ τεσσαράκοντα ήμερων της 
θερινής τροττής κατά κορυφην yίvετ αι 6 ήΧιος^ 
Xέyειv 8ε και τους X6yoυς τού yvώμovoς ττρός τε 

' λιητί, Corais, Penzel, Patz, for ixo ; Groskurd, Meineke, 
Forbiger, Κ archer, Tardieu, following ; C. MtiUer approving. 

^ r&Pf Caeaubon inserts, before iwl ; Corais, Groskurd, 
Meineke, Forbiger, following; C. MuUer, L. Kajser, ap- 

' ray τόιτωρ, Corais, for rhv τότον, on the authority of n. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. tg-^o 

So Hipparchus is again not right in correcting Era- 
tosthenes on that statement, because, in the first 
place, he interprets Dei'machus as saying "the 
summer tropic" instead of ^^ the winter tropic,*' and 
because, in the second place, he thinks we should 
not use as a source of evidence on mathematics a 
man who is unversed in astronomy — ^just as if 
Eratosthenes were reckoning in the evidence of 
Dei'machus above that of other men and not 
merely following a conmion custom used in replying 
to men that talk foolishness. For one way of 
refuting men who contradict foolishly is to shew 
that the very declaration they make, whatever it 
may be, pleads our case. 

20. Up to this point, then, having taken as hy- 
pothesis that the most southerly regions of India rise 
opposite the regions about Meroe — which many have 
stated arid believed — I have pointed out the ab- 
surdities that result from this hypothesis. But since 
Hipparchus up to this point offers no objection to 
this hypothesis, and yet later on, in his Second Book, 
will not concede it, I must consider his argument on 
this matter, too. Well, then, he says : If only the 
regions that lie on the same parallel rise opposite 
each other, then, whenever the intervening distance 
is great, we cannot know this very thing, namely, that 
the regions in question are on the same parallel, 
without the comparison of the ^^climata^" as observed 
at the other of the two places; now as for the 
^^ clima " at Meroe, Philo, who wrote an account of 
his voyage to Ethiopia, reports that the sun is in the 
zenith forty-five days before the summer solstice and 
tells also the relations of the gnomon to the shadows 

^ See footnote 2, page 22. 




τά? τροτΓίκας σκιίίς καΐ τας 1<τημ€ρι^νά<ζ, αυτόν τ€ 
^Ερατοσθένη συμφωρβΐν Ιγγ^στα τω ΦίΧωνι, το S* 
iv Ty ^IvhiKfj κλίμα μηΒένα ΙστορβΙν, μη8* αύτον 
^Ερατοσθένη, el Sk Βη καΙ αΐ άρκτοι ifcei άμ- 
φ6τ€ραί, ώ? οϊονται, άττοκρντττονται, 7ηστ€νοντ€^ 
τοις irepl Νέαρχον, μη Βννατον elvai έττΐ ταύτου 
τταραΧΧηΧου κβΐσθαι την τβ Μβρόην ^ καϊ τά άκρα 
τή(ζ ^ΙνΒικής. el μίν τοίννν irepl των άρκτων 
αμφοτέρων, οτι άττοκρντΓΤονται, συναττοφαίνεται 
τοις βΙτΓοΰσιν ^Ερατοσθένης, πως irepX του iv τ^ 
^IvBiKTJ κΧίματος ούΒβΙς αίΓοφαίνεται, ούδ' αύτος 
^Ερατοσθένης ; οΰτος yct,p 6 \6yoς irepX του κΧί- 
ματός έστιν, el δ' ου συνα'7Γθφαίν€ταί, άττηΧΚά- 
γθω της αίτιας, ου συναποφαίνεται Βέ ye, aXXci 
του /^ηιμάχρυ φήσαντος μηΒαμοΰ της ^ίνΒικής 
μητ ατΓθκρύ'ΐΓΤ€σθαι τά? άρκτους μήτ άντιττί- 
TTTCiv Τ€ίς σκιάς, απερ ύ7Γ€ίληφ€ν 6 M€yaσθέvης, 
ατΓβιρίαν αύτοΰ κaτayιyvώσκ€l, το συμ^τeτΓ\ey- 
μένον νομίζων ψεΰΒος, iv φ oμo\oyoυμέvως καϊ 
κατ αύτον τον ^Ιτηταρχον το ye μη άντιττίτττειν 
τας σκιάς ψεΰΒος έμ'7Γέπ\€κται. και yhp el μη 
τ§ Meporj avTaipei, της ye Χυηνης νοτιώτερα elvai 
τά άκρα της ΛνΒικης συyχωpωv φαίνεται. 

21. ΚαΙ iv τοις έξης δέ irepl των αυτών iiri^ei' 
ρων ^ ταύτα Xiyei τοις iξeKeyχθeΐσιv ύφ' ημών, η 
Χήμμασι ιτροσχρήται ψευΒέσιν, rj έττιφέρει το μη 
άκοΧουθοΰν, οϋτ€ yap τφ άιτο ΈαβυΧωνος εις 

^ ταδτο, Corais deletes, before καί ; Meineke following. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 20-21 

both in the solstices and the equinoxes, and Eratos- 
thenes agrees very closely with Philo ; whereas no- 
body reports the ^^ clima** in India, not even Eratos- 
thenes himself ; however, if it is really true that in 
India the Bears set (both of them, as they think, 
relying on Nearchus and his followers), then it is 
impossible that Meroe and the capes of India lie on 
the same parallel. Now if Eratosthenes joins those 
who have already so stated in reporting that both 
Bears do set, how can it be that nobody reports about 
the '^ clima *' in India, not even Eratosthenes himself ? 
For this statement concerns the " clima." But if 
Eratosthenes does not join them in the report, let 
him be free from the accusation. No, he does not 
join them in the report ; nay, because Deimachus 
said that the Bears do not set and the shadows do 
not fall in the opposite direction anywhere in India 
(as Megasthenes assumed), Eratosthenes convicts him 
of inexperience, regarding as falsehood the combined 
statement, wherein by the acknowledgement of 
Hipparchus himself the false statement that the 
shadows do not fall in the opposite direction is com- 
bined with that about the Bears. For even if the 
southern capes of India do not rise opposite to Meroe, 
Hipparchus clearly concedes that they are at least 
farther south than Syene.^ 

21. In what follows, also, Hipparchus, in attempting 
proofs on the same questions, either states again the 
same things that I have already disproved, or employs 
additional false assumptions, or appends conclusions 
that do not follow. In the first place, take the state- 

1 5,000 stadia directly north of Meroe. To one travelling 
north from the equator the Lesser Bear is first wholly visible 
at Meroe, according to Hipparchus (2. 5. 35). 




^άψακον elvat σταΒίον^ τβτρακίσχ^ίλίους οκτα- 
κόσιους, ivrevOev Se ττρος την αρκτον iirX τά 
^Αρμενία ορη Βίσχ^ιΧίονς ίκατον, άκοΧονθεΐ το 
άπο ΈαβυΧωνος iiri του 8ι αυτής μεσημβρινού 
€7γΪ τά άρκτίχα ορη ττλβίους elvat των €ξακίσ)^ΐ' 
7ύων• οΰτ€ το άττο θαψάκου irrl τα ορη ΒισχίΚίων 
C 78 κάΙ ίκατόν φησίν ^Ερατοσθένης, αλλ' eivai τι 
ΧοίΤΓον άκαταμέτρητον, ωσθ* η ίξής ίφοΒος ifc μη 
ΒιΒομένου Χημματος ουκ αν έττεραίνετο, οΰτ aire- 
φήνατο ούΒαμοΰ ^Ερατοσθένης την ®άψακον της 
ΒαβυΧώνος ττρος άρκτους κεΐσθαι πΧβίοσιν rj 
τβτρακισγιΧίοις καΧ ττεντακοσίοις σταΒίοις. 

22. ^Εξής Se συντι^ορων βτί τοις αρχαίοις Ίτίνα- 
ξιν ου τα Χ€^6μ€να υττο του ^Ερατοσθένους ιτρο- 
φέρεται irepl της τρίτης σφραψΖος, αλλ' έαυτφ 
Κ€χαρισμένως ττΧάττει την άττοφασιν ττρος άνα- 
τροΊτην βύφυή, 6 μ^ν yct,p άκοΧουθων τ§ θέσ€ν Ty 
'ττροειρημέντ) του Τ€ Ύαύρου καΐ της άττο Στι;λωΐ' 
θαΧάττης, Βΐ€Χων τ§ ^ραμμ^ ταύττ) την οίκου- 
μένην Βίχα, καΐ καΧέσας το μεν βορειον μέρος, το 
δέ νοτιον, πειράται τούτων έκάτβρον τέμνειν πάλιν 
εΙς τα Βυνατά μέρη• καΧεΐ δέ ταΟτα σφραψ,Βας. 
καΐ Βη του νοτίου μέρους πρώτην ειπών σφραψ,Βα 
την ^ΙνΒικην, Βευτέραν Be την ^Αριανήν, έχουσας 
τι εύπερίτ^ραφον, ΐσχυσεν αμφοτέρων αποΒουναι 

' See footnote, page 306. 

' That is, which he charges to Eratosthenes. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 21-22 

ment of Eratosthenes that the distance firom Babylon 
to Thapsaeus is four thousand eight hundred stadia^ 
and thence northwards to the Armenian Mountains 
two thousand one hundred : it does not follow from 
this that the distance from Babylon measured on the 
meridian through it to the northern mountains is 
more than six thousand stadia. Secondly, Eratos- 
thenes does not say that the distance from Thapsaeus 
to the mountains is two thousand one hundred stadia, 
but that there is a remainder of that distance which 
has not been measured ; and hence the ensuing 
attack, made from an assumption not granted, could 
not result in a valid conclusion. And, thirdly, 
Eratosthenes has nowhere declared that Thapsaeus 
lies north of Babylon more than four thousand five 
hundred stadia. 

22. Next, still pleading for the early maps, Hip- 
parchus does not produce the words of Eratosthenes 
in regard to the Third Section,^ but for his own 
gratification invents his statement,^ making it easy 
to overthrow. For Eratosthenes, pursuing his afore- 
mentioned thesis about the Taurus and the Mediter- 
ranean Sea, beginning at the Pillars,^ divides the 
inhabited world by means of this line into two 
divisions, and calls them respectively the Northern 
Division and the Southern Division, and then at- 
tempts to cut each of these divisions again into such 
sections as are possible ; and he calls these sections 
^^Sphragides.*' ^ And so, after calling India Section 
First of the Southern Division, and Ariana Section 
Second, since they had contours easy to sketch, he 
was able to represent not only length and breadth of 

» 2. 1. 1. 

* See paragraph 35 following and footnote. 




καΐ μήκο^ καΧ ττλατο?, τρόπον δβ rtva καΐ σχήμα 
ώ? &ν 'γεωμετρικοί, την μ^ν yap ^ΙνΒικην ρομ- 
βοειΒή φησι Βιά, το των πΧενρων τά? μεν θαΧάτττ) 
κΧνζεσθαι Tjj τε νοτίφ καΐ τ§ εωα, μη ττάνυ 
κόλττώΒεις rjova^^ iroiovarj, τά? δέ λοίττά?, την 
μ^ν τφ ορει, την δέ τ^ ττοταμφ, κάνταυθα τον 
ευθυγράμμου σχηματο<ζ υττο τι σωζόμενου' την 
δ* ^Αριανην ορών τάς yε τρεΐ^ ττλευρας εγρυσαν 
ευφυείς ττρος το άττοτεΧεσαι τταραΧΚηΧο^ραμ- 
μον ο'χήμα, την δ' εσπέρων ουκ έχων σημείοι<ζ 
άφορίσαι δίά το επάλΧάττειν άΧΚήΧοι^; τά έθνη, 
^ραμμ^ τινι όμως ΒηΧοΐ τ§ άπο Κ,ασπίων πυΧων 
επΙ τα άκρα της Καρ μανίας τέΚευτώστι τά συνάπ- 
τοντα προς τον ΤΙερσικον κοΧπον. εσπέρων μεν 
otfv καΧεΐ τούτο το πΧευρον, εφον δέ το παρά, 
τον ^IvSov, παράΧΧηΧα δ' ου Xέyει, ουδέ τά 
Χοιπά, τό τε τφ ορει ypaφόμεvov καΐ το τ§ 
θαΧάττη, aXXcL μόνον το μεν βόρεων, το δέ νότων. 
23. Οί5τω δ' όΧοσχερεΐ tlvl τύπφ την Βευτέραν 
άποΒιΒούς σφpaylha, ποΧύ ταύτης όλοσχερέστε- 
ρον άποΒίΒωσι τ^ν τρίτην σφpayΐBa κατά πΧεί- 
ους αίτιας, πρώτην μεν την Χεχθεΐσαν, οτί ουκ 
ευκρινώς άφώρισται ή άπο Κασπίων πυΧων επΙ 
Καρμανίαν, ήτις κοινή ^στ^ τή τρίττ) προς την 
8ευτέραν σφpayΐSa πΧευρά' επειθ^ οτι εΙς την 
^ Tjavas, Meineke, for ^i6vas. 

^ Strabo discusses this point again in 15. 1. 11. 
* The Taurus. » Indus. 


y Google 



In §§ 23-29 Strabo shews that Hipparchus applies the figures 
of Eratosthenes to rectangular dimensions (TCKAf), placing 
Thapsacus at T^ Caspian Gates at (7, the point on the 
Carmanian frontiers at K, Babylon at B, and so on ; and that 







the dotted lines, including the Euphrates, represent what 
Eratosthenes meant in his rough estimates. Of course it is 
easy to show the impossibility of Eratosthenes' fibres in 
their mutual relations if they be applied as Hipparchus 
applied them. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 22-23 

both sections, but, after a fashion, shape also, as 
would a geometrician. In the first place, India, he 
says, is rhomboidal,^ because, of its four sides, two 
are washed by seas (the southern and the eastern 
seas) which form shores without very deep gulfs; 
and because the remaining sides [are marked], one 
by the mountain 2 and the other by the river ,^ and 
because on these two sides, also, the rectilinear 
figure is fairly well preserved. Secondly, Ariana. 
Although he sees that it has at least three sides well- 
suited to the formation of the figure of a parallelogram, 
and although he cannot mark off the western side by 
mathematical points, on account of the fact that the 
tribes there alternate with one another,* yet he 
represents that side by a sort of line ^ that begins at 
the Caspian Gates and ends at the capes of Carmania 
that are next to the Persian Gulf. Accordingly, he 
calls this side " western " and the side along the 
Indus " eastern," but he does not call them parallel ; 
neither does he call the other two sides parallel, 
namely, the one marked by the mountain, and the 
one marked by the sea, but he merely calls them 
"the northern" and "the southern " sides. 

23. β And so, though he represents the Second 
Section merely by a rough outline, he represents, 
the Third Section much more roughly than the 
Second— and for several reasons. First is the reason 
already mentioned, namely, because the side be- 
ginning at the Caspian Gates and running to 
Carmania (the side common to the Second and 
Third Sections) has not been determined distinctly ; 

* That is, they merge confusedly with one another across 
the imaginary line representing the common boundary 
between Section Second and Section Third. 

^ In mathematics, a dotted line. 

• See figure and note on page 296. 297 



νότων irXevphv 6 Τΐ€ρσικ6<; έμττίτΓΤ^ κολττος, oirep 
Kcu αύτ6<ζ φησιν, ώστ' ηνά^κασται την €Κ Έαβν- 
Χωνος Χαβεΐν '^ραμμήν, ώ? άι/ βύθβΐάν τίνα Sect 
ΈiOύσωv καΐ ΤΙερσεττολβως μ^χρί' των ορών τη^ 
C 79 Καρμανία^ καΧ της TlepaiSo^, ^ 8υνατ6<; ήν 
evpelv μεμβτρημένην 6Β6ν, σταδίων οΐ)σαν την 
οΧην μικρφ ττΧβιόνων ή εννακισχιΧίων fjv νοτιον 
μ€ν καΧβΐ TrXevpav, τταράΧΧηΧον S* ου Xiyet τ^ 
βορείφ. ΒήΧον S* δτι ovS* ο Έύώράτη^;, ω το 
ίσττέρίον αφορίζει ττΧευρόν, συι/βγγυ? ίστιν evOeia 
'^ραμμτι, αλλ' αττο των ορών eirX την μεσημβρίαν 
ρυείς, είτ iinaTpioet ττρος βω καΧ ιτάΧιν ττρος 
νοτον μ^χρι της βις θαΚατταν εκβοΧής, ΒηΧοϊ 
Be το μη εύθύττορον του ττοταμοΰ, φράζων το 
σχήμα της Μεσοποταμίας, h ττοιοΰσι συμττίτΤ' 
τοντες εις h/ ο τε Ύί^ρις καΐ 6 Έίύφράτης, υττη- 
ρεσίφ τταραττΧησων, ως φησι. καΐ μην το άττο 
^αψάκου μέχρι της ^Αρμενίας ούΒε τταν μεμετρη- 
μενον έχει το εσττέριον ττΧευρον το άφοριζομενον 
ύτΓΟ του Εύφράτου, άΧΧά φησι το ττρος τ§ ^Αρ- 
μενία μέρος καΐ τοις άρκτικοΐς ορεσι μη εχειν 
ειττεΐν ^ ττόσον εστί Bih το άμετρητον είναι, Bih 
Βη ταύτα πάντα τυττωΒως φησιν άττοΒιΒοναι την 
τρίτην μερίΒα' καΐ yap /cal τά Βιαστήματά ^ φησιν 
εκ τΓοΧΧων συναηατ^ειν ^ των τους σταθμούς 
ττρα^ματευσαμενων* &ν * τινας καΐ άνεττι^γράφους 

^ clir«iv, Meineke inserts, after Ιίχ^ιν ; Corais, Kramer, had 
already suggested it. 

2 Λ, Siebenkees, Du Theil, delete, before φησιρ ; Groskurd, 
Meineke, Forbiger, following. 

^ avvayaytiv, Corais, for awaytiv ; Meineke following. 

* ών, CJorais inserts, before rivas ; Groskurd, Meineke, 
Forbiger, following ; C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 23 

secondly, because the Persian Gulf breaks into the 
southern side, as Eratosthenes himself says, and 
therefore he has been forced to take the line 
beginning at Babylon as though it were a straight 
line running through Susa and PersepoHs to the 
frontiers of Carmania and Persis, on which he was 
able to find a measured highway, which was sligKtly 
more than nine thousand stadia long, all told. This 
side Eratosthenes calls '^ southern," but he does not 
call it parallel to the northern side. Again, it is 
clear that the Euphrates, by which he marks off the 
western side, is nowhere near a straight line ; but 
after flowing from the mountains towards the south^ 
it then turns eastward, and then southward again to 
the point where it empties into the sea. And 
Eratosthenes makes clear the river's lack of straight- 
ness when he indicates the shape of Mesopotamia, 
which results from the confluence of the Tigris and the 
Euphrates — ^^ like a galley," as he says. And besides, 
as regards the stretch from Thapsacus to Armenia — 
Eratosthenes does not even know, as a distance that 
has been wholly measured, the western side that is 
marked off* by the Euphrates ; nay, he says he does 
not know how great is the stretch next to Armenia 
and the northern mountains, from the fact that it 
is unmeasured. For all these reasons, therefore, he 
says he represents the Third Section only in rough 
outline ; indeed, he says that he collected even the 
distances from many writers who had worked out the 
itineraries — some of which he speaks of as actually 




KoXei, ά^γνωμον€Ϊν Sif Βόξ€ΐ€ν αν 6 "Ιττττα/οχο? 
7Γ/)09 την τοίαντην όΧοσχέρειαν ^βωμετρικω^ άντι- 
λ^γωι/, iv y χάριν etSevai Ββΐ τοις καΧ οττωσονν 
άπαγγβίλασιν ήμΐν την των τόττων φνσιν. όταν 
δβ Βη μη^ έζ ων εκείνος Xiyei Χαμβάντ) τά? 
yeayp^erpi/ca^ ύττοθέσβις, αλλ' ίαυτφ πΧάσας, 
βκφανέστβρον &ν το φιΧότιμον καταμηνύοιτο, 

24. Ό μ€ν St) όντως φησί την τρίτην μερίΒα 
τνττωΒως άττοΒίΒοσθαι μυρίων σταΒίων άττο Κα- 
σττίων ττυΧων εττΐ τον Έιύφράτην, κατίί μέρος Be 
Βιαφων, ώς άvay€ypaμμ€vηv evpe την μέτρησιν, 
οντω τίθησιν, βμτταΧιν την αρχήν άττο του Εύ- 
φράτου ττοιησάμενος καΧ της κατά, ^άψακον 
Βιαβάσ€ως αύτου, μέχρι μ€ν Βη του ΎίypιBoς, 
οττον ^ΑΧέξανΒρος Βιέβη, σταΒίους ΒισχιΧίους 
καΐ τετρακόσιους ^ράφβι* έντβΰθεν δ' iirl τους 
έξης τόπους Βιά, Ταυ^αμηΧων καΧ του Αύκου καΧ 
^ΑρβηΧων καΧ ^Εκβατάνων, § Ααρεΐος έκ των 
ΤαυηαμηΧΛύν €φυ^€ μέχρι Κασττίων ττυΧων, τους 
μύριους έκττΧηροΐ, τριακοσίοις μόνον ττΧβονάσας, 
το μ^ν Βη βορβιον πΧευρον οΰτω καταμετρβι, ου 
παράΧΧηΧον τοις ορβσι θβίς, ουδέ τ§ δ^ά ΧτηΧών 
καΧ ^Αθηνών καΧ 'Ρόδου ^ραμμτΐ' η yap %άψακος 
ποΧύ των ορών άφέστηκε, συμπίπτει Be καΧ το 
ορός καΧ ή άπο &αψάκου οΒος έπΧ τά,ς Κασπίους 
πύΧας. καΧ τα ye προσάρκτια μέρη του ορού 
ταυτ €στΜ/. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 23-24 

without titles. So, then, Hipparehus would seem to 
be acting unfairly when he contradicts with geo- 
metrical accuracy a mere rough outline of this 
nature, instead of being grateful, as we should be, 
to all those who have reported to us in any way at 
all the physiography of the regions. But when 
Hipparehus does not even take his geometrical hy- 
potheses from what Eratosthenes says, but fabricates 
on his own account, he betrays his spirit of jealousy 
still more obviously. 

24. Now Eratosthenes says that it is only thus, 
"in a rough-outline way,*' that he has represented 
the Third Section, with its length of ten thousand 
stadia from the Caspian Gates to the Euphrates. 
And then, in making subdivisions of this length, he 
sets down the measurements just as he found them 
already assigned by others, after beginning in the 
inverse order at the Euphrates and its passage at 
Thapsacus. Accordingly, for the distance from the 
Euphrates to the Tigris, at the point where Alexander 
crossed it, he lays off two thousand four hundred 
stadia; thence to the several places in succession, 
through Gaugamela, the Lycus, Arbela, and Ecbatana 
(the route by which Darius fled from Gaugamela to 
the Caspian Gates) he fills out the ten thousand stadia, 
and has a surplus of only three hundred stadia. 
This, then, is the way he measures the northern side, 
not having first put it parallel with the mountains, or 
with the line that runs through the Pillars, Athens, 
and Rhodes. For Thapsacus lies at a considerable 
distance from the mountains, and the mountain- 
range and the highway from Thapsacus meet at the 
Caspian Gates. — And these are the northern portions 
of the boundary of the Third Section. 




C 80 25. ΆτΓοδού? δέ το βορβιον οΰτω πΧενρον, το 
Be νότίον, φησί, irapcL μβν την θάΧατταν ουκ €στι 
Χαββΐν 8ιά το τον ΤΙερσικον έμ,ττίτττβίν κολπον, 
άτΓΟ ΈαβυΧωνο^ Se Sih Χούσων καΐ Πβ/οσβττόλβω? 
60)9^ των ορίων τή^ τε ΤΙβρσίΒο^; καΧ τη^ Καρ- 
μανία<; σταΒίου^ elvat έννακισχιΧίονς καΐ Βια- 
κοσίους, νότιον μεν \€yωv, τταράΧληλον δ' ου 
Χβγωι/ τφ βορβίφ το νότιον. την Be Βίαφωνίαν 
του μήκους φησΙ συμβαίνειν του Τ€ βορείου 
τεθέντος ττΧευροΰ καΙ του νοτίου, Βια το τον 
Έίύφράτην μέχρι τινο^ 7Γ/οο9 μεσημβρίαν ρυέντα 
7Γ/)09 την εω ποΧύ έ^κΧίνειν, 

26. Ύων δέ 'rΓ\ayίωv ττΧευρων την έσττερίαν 
\έyει ττρωτον ην οποία τίς εστίν, εϊτε μία εϊτε 
Βύο, εν μέσφ πάρεστι σκοττεΐν. άττό ycip τη^ 
Ατατά ^άψακον φησι Βιαβάσεω<ζ irapci τον Έίύφρά- 
την €t9 μεν ΈαβυΧωνα σταΒίου^ είναι τετρακισ- 
χιΚίου^ οκτακοσίου<ζ, εντεύθεν δ' εττΐ τας εκβοΧας 
του Έίύφράτου καΐ ττόΧιν ΎερηΒόνα τρισχιΧίου^ξ* 
τά δ' άττό ^αψάκου ιτρο^ τά9 άρκτους Η'^ΧΡ^ Η*^^ 
των ^Αρμενίων ττυΧων καταμεμετρησθαι καϊ είναι 
ώ9 χιΧίου^ εκατόν, του^ Βε Bih ΤορΒυαίων κα\ 
*Αρμενίων μηκετί' Βιο Βη παραΧείττειν αυτούς, 
του δέ ττρος Ιω ττΧευροΰ το μεν Βια τή<ξ Τ1ερσική<ί 
κατά μήκος άττο Τ7;9 ^Έίρυθράς ως εττΐ ΜηΒίαν και 
τας άρκτους ουκ εΧαττον είναι Βοκεΐ των οκτα- 
κισχιΧίων, άττο Βέ τίνων ακρωτηρίων καΐ υττερ 
τους εννακισχιΧίους, το δέ Χοιττον Βιά, της ΤΙαραι- 
τακηνής καΐ ΜηΒίας εττΐ Κασττίους ττύΧας ώς 

^ Ιωί, Cobet, for καί (for which Groskurd substitutes μ^χρι ; 
Meineke, Dubner-Miiller, Forbiger, following) ; Bernadakis 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 25-26 

25. After having thus represented the northern 
side, Eratosthenes says it is not possible to take the 
southern side as along the sea, because the Persian 
Gulf breaks into it ; but, says he, from Babylon 
through Susa and Persepolis to the frontiers of 
Persis and Carmania, it is nine thousand two hundred 
stadia — ^and this he calls ^'southern side," but he 
does not call the southern side parallel to the 
northern. As to the difference in the lengths of 
the estimated northern and southern sides, he says it 
results from the fact that the Euphrates, after having 
flowed southwards to a certain point, makes a 
considerable bend towards the east. 

26. Of the two transverse sides Eratosthenes 
speaks of the western first ; and what the nature of 
this side is, whether it is one line or two, is a matter 
open to consideration. For from the passage at 
Thapsacus, he says, along the Euphrates to Babylon, 
it is four thousand eight hundred stadia, and thence 
to the outlet of the Euphrates and the city of 
Teredon, three thousand ; but as regards the distances 
from Thapsacus northward, the stadia have been 
measured up to the Armenian Gates and amount to 
about one thousand one hundred ; whereas the 
stadia through Gordyene and Armenia are still 
unmeasured, and so for this reason he leaves them 
out of consideration. But of the side on the east, 
that part which runs through Persis lengthwise from 
the Red Sea, approximately toward Media and the 
north, is, he thinks, no less than eight thousand 
stadia (though, if reckoned from certain promontories, 
even above nine thousand stadia) ; and the remaining 
part, through Paraetacene ^ and Media to the Caspian 

^ For the position of Paraetacene see 15. 3. 12. 




τρίσχίΧίων τον Sk Tiypiv ποταμον καΐ τον 
Έυφράτηρ ρίοντα^ ίκ τη^ ^ Αρμενίας ττ/οό? μβσημ- 
βρίαν, iireiShv τταραμβίψωνταί τά των ΓορΒυαίων 
δρη, κνκΧον μ€τ^αν ire ριβαΧο μένους καΐ έμπερι- 
Χαβόντας γωραν ττοΧΧην την Μ.€σοποταμίαν 
έπιστρίφείν προς χβιμβρινην άνατοΧην καΐ την 
μεσημβρίαν, πΧέον δέ τον Ενφράτην ^βνομενον 
δβ τούτον eyyiov del τον Tiy piSo<; κατά, το Έ,εμί- 
ράμίΖος Βίατβίχισμα καΧ κώμην καΧουμένην ^Λτην, 
Βιασχόντα ταύτης όσον Βιακοσίους σταΒίους, καΐ 
ρυέντα Bta ΉαβυΧωνος εκιτίτΓτειν εις τον Hepat/cov 
κοΧτΓον. yiv€Tai Βή, φησί, το σχήμα της Μεσο- 
ποταμίας καΐ ΉαβνΧωνίας νττηρβσΐφ πάρα- 
ττΧησων, 6 μ^ν Βη ^Ερατοσθένης τοιαντ εϊρηκε, 

27. Tlepl Be της τρίτης σφρα^ϊΒος κα\ αΧΧα μεν 
Τίνα αμαρτήματα ττοιεί, ττερί &ν ετησκεψόμεθα, α 
Βε '^Ιππαρχος προφέρει αύτφ, ου πάνυ, σκοπωμεν 
δ' h Χέ^εί, βουΧόμενος ycup βεβαιούν το εξ αρχής, 
ΟΤΙ ου μεταθετέον την ^ΙνΒικην επΙ τά νοτιώτερα, 
ωσπερ ^Ερατοσθένης άξιοι, σαφ^ς &ν γενέσθαι 
C 81 τούτο μάΧιστά φησιν εξ ων αύτος εκείνος 
προφέρεται' την γά/) τρίτην μερίΒα κατά, την 
βορειον πΧενράν είπόντα άφορίζεσθαι υπ ο τής 
άπο Κασπίων πυΧων επΙ τον Έύφράτην γραμμής 
σταΒίων μυρίων οΰσης, μετά ταύτα επιφέρειν δτι 
το νότιον πΧευρον το άπο ΈαβυΧωνος εις τους 
ορούς τής Κ,αρμανίας μικρφ πΧειόνων εστϊν η 
εννακισχιΧίων, το δέ προς Βύσει πΧευρον άπο 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 26-27 

Gates, about three thousand stadia. The Tigris and 
the Euphrates, he says, flow from Armenia south- 
wards ; and then, as soon as they pass the mountains 
of Gordyene, they describe a great circle and 
enclose a considerable territory, Mesopotamia; and 
then they turn toward the winter rising of the sun ^ 
and the south, but more so the Euphrates ; and the 
Euphrates, after becoming ever nearer to the Tigris 
in the neighbourhood of the Wall of Semiramis and 
a village called Opis (from which village the 
Euphrates was distant only about two hundred 
stadia), and, after flowing through Babylon, empties 
into the Persian Gulf. " So it comes to pass," he 
says, " that the shape of Mesopotamia and Babylonia 
is like that of a galley." Such, then, are the state- 
ments which Eratosthenes has made. 

27. Now, as regards the Third Section, although 
there are certa^ other errors which Eratosthenes 
makes — ^and I shVl discuss these — still he does not 
err at all in the matters for which Hipparchus 
reproaches him. Let us see what Hipparchus says. 
In his desire to establish his initial statement, 
namely, that we must not shift India farther to the 
south, as Eratosthenes requires, he says it will be 
particularly obvious from Eratosthenes' own utter- 
ances that we must not do so ; for after first saying 
that the Third Section is marked off on its northern 
side by *he line drawn from the Caspian Gates to 
the Euphrates, a distance of ten thousand stadia, 
Eratosthenes adds, later on, that the southern side, 
which runs from Babylon to the frontiers of Carmania, 
is slightly more than nine thousand stadia in length, 
and the side on the west from Thapsacus along the 

^ See footnote 2, page 105. 


VOL. I. X 



θαψάκον τταρα τον ΈΛφράτην έστΧν eh Ι^αβνΧωνα 
τ€τ ρακισχίλιοι οκτακόσιοι στάΒιοι, καΙ έξη^ έττΐ 
τά? έκβοΜ^ τρισχίΧιοι, τά Se 7Γ/)09 αρκτον άπο 
θαψάκον, το μ€ν άπομβμέτριιται μέγβΐ χιλίων 
ίκατόν, το ΧοιτΓον δ' ονκέτι. iirel τοίννν, φησί, το 
μλν βορβιόν βστι irXevpov της τρίτης μερίΒος ως 
μυρίων, ή Be τούτφ τταράΧΧηΧος άττο "ΒαβνΧωνος 
evdela μέχρι άνατόΧικου ττΧευροΰ σιw€Xoyίσθη 
μικρφ ττΧειονων η έννακισχιΧίων, ΒηΧον οτι ή 
ΒαβυΧων ου ποΧΧφ πΧ€ίοσιν ή γΐΚίοις έστΙν 
ανατοΧικωτίρα της κατά θάψακον οιαβάσ€ως. 

28. ^Εροϋμεν S* οτι, el μ€ν €πΙ της αυτής μεσημ- 
βρινής ευθείας εττ ακριβές εΧαμβάνοντο αϊ τε 
Κάσπιοι ττύΧαι καΧ οι οροί των Χαρμανιών καϊ 
ΤΙερσων, ττρος ορθάς τε ffyovTO άττο τής Χεχθείσης 
μεσημβρινής ευθείας ή τε εττΐ θάψακον καΐ η επΙ 
ΒαβυΧωνα, συνέβαινεν Άν το ντο, ή yelp ττροσεκ- 
βαΧΧομενη ttj Bicl ΰαβυΧωνος μέχρι τής Bih 
%αψάκου ευθείας μεσημβρινής, ϊση &ν ήν ττρος 
αϊσθησιν ή πάρισός ^ε Ty άττο Κασττίων ττυΧων 
εΙς θάψακον ώστε ttj υπεροχή ε^ίνετ &ν άνα- 
τοΧικωτέρα ή ΈαβυΧων τής %αψάκου, ζ υπερέχει 
ή εκ Κασπίων πυΧων εΙς @ayfraKov τής εκ των 
Κ,αρμανίων ορών εις ΊΆαβυΧώνα, αλλ' ούτε 

^ Of course Hipparchus' argument is sound if his hypoth- 
eses be granted. Hipparchus assumes that Eratosthenes' 
figures refer to latitudinal and longitudinal distances ; and 
by drawing a rectangle whose sides are formed by meridians 
through Thapsacus and the Caspian Gates, respectively, and 
by parallels of latitude through Thapsacus and the Caspian 
Gates, and through Babylon, he easily convicts Eratosthenes 
of inconsistency. That is, by a reductio ad absurdum, 
he forces Eratosthenes' Babylon much farther west than 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 1. 27-28 

Euphrates to Babylon is four thousand eight hundred 
stadia^ and, next, from Babylon to the outlet of the 
Euphrates is three thousand stadia, and as for the 
distances north of Thapsaeus, one of them has been 
measured off as far as one thousand one hundred 
stadia, while the remainder is still unmeasured. 
Then, says Hipparchus, since the northern side of 
the Third Section is about ten thousand stadia, and 
since the line parallel thereto, straight from Babylon 
to the eastern side, was reckoned by Eratosthenes at 
slightly more than nine thousand stadia, it is clear 
that Babylon is not much more than a thousand 
stadia farther east than the passage at Thapsaeus. ^ 

28. My reply will be: If, with geometrical 
precision, we took the Caspian Gates and the 
frontiers of Carmania and Persis as upon the same 
straight meridian, and if we drew the line to 
Thapsaeus and the line to Babylon at right angles 
with the said straight meridian, then that con- 
clusion of Hipparchus would be valid. Indeed, the 
line through Babylon,^ if further produced as far as the 
straight meridian through Thapsaeus, would, to the 
eye, be equal — or at all events approximately equal — 
to the line from the Caspian Gates to Thapsaeus ; and 
hence Babylon would come to be farther east than 
Thapsaeus by as much as the line from the Caspian 
Gates to Thapsaeus exceeds the line from the 
Carmanian frontiers to Babylon! But, in the first 

Eratosthenes meant it to be (cp. § 36 below on this point). 
Strabo proceeds to show the fallacy of Hipparchus* reason- 
ing, and even to show that Hipparchus might have proved, 
on the same premises, still greater absurdity on the part of 

* That is, the line drawn perpendicular to the meridian 
that passes through the Carmanian frontier. 

X 2 



την Βιορίζονσαν ^γραμμην eairipcov ττλενρον της 
^Αριανης iirl μεσημβρινού Κ€ΐμ4νην εϊρηκβν Έ/>α- 
τοσθένης, ovSe την άττο Κασττίων ττυΚων εττΐ 
Sayjta/cov ττρο^ζ ορθας ttj hih των ^ασιτιών ττυλων 
μβσημβρίντ}, aWct μάΧΚον την τφ opei ^ραφο- 
μένην, 7Γρο<ζ tjv ή €πΙ ^άψακον Ύωνίαν ττοιβΐ άττο 
του αύτοΰ σημείου /caτηyμέvη, άή> οδ καΧ η του 
ορούς γραμμή' οΰθ^ ή iirl ΈαβυΧωνα η^μίνη άττο 
της JLap μανίας τταράΧΧηΧος βϊρηται TJj iirl 
@άψακον ήyμ€V'p^ ouS' el παράΧΧηΧος ffv, μη 
προς ορθΰίς δέ τχί Βίά, Κασπίων πυΧων μεσημβρινή, 
ούΒεν &ν eyivcTO irXeov προς συΧΧο^ισμον. 

29. Ό δέ ταύτα Χαβων εξ ετοίμου καΐ Βείξας, 
ως οϊεται, 8ι6τί ή ΈαβυΧων κατίί ^Ερατοσθένη 
θαψάκον άνατοΧικωτέρα εστί μικρφ πΧείοσιν ή 
C 82 χιΧίοίς σταΒίοίς, πάΧίν άλλων πΧάττει Χήμμα 
εαυτφ προς την έξης άποΒειξιν, καν φησίν, έαν 
εννοηθτ} άπο θαψάκου επΙ μεσημβρίαν ευθεία 
άτγομένη καΐ άπο ΒαβυΧωνος επΙ ταντην κάθετος, 
τρί^ωνον ορθο^ώνίον εσεσθαι, συνεστηκος εκ τε 
της άπο ®αψάκου επΙ ΈαβυΧωνα τεινούσης 
πΧευράς κα\ της άπο ΒαβυΧωνος κάθετου επΙ 
την Βιά θαψάκου μεσημβρινην ^γραμμην ηρμένης 
καΧ αυτής της Βίά θαψάκου μεσημβρινής, τούτον 
δέ του τρίγωνου την μεν ύποτείνουσαν TJj ορθτ} την 
άπο ®αψάκου εΙς ΒαβυΧωνα τίθησιν, ήν φησν 
τετ ρακισχιΧίων οκτακοσίων είναι* την δ' εκ ϋαβυ- 
Χωνος εΙς την δίά θαψάκου μεσημβρινην ^ραμμην 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 28-29 

place, Eratosthenes has not spoken of the line that 
bounds a western side of Ariana as lying on a meridian ; 
nor yet of the line from the Caspian Gates to 
Thapsaeus as at right angles with the meridian line 
through the Caspian Gates, but rather of the line 
marked by the mountain-range, with which line the 
line to Thapsaeus forms an acute angle, since the 
latter has been drawn down ^ from the same point as 
that from which the mountain-line has been drawn. 
In the second place, Eratosthenes has not called the 
line drawn to Babylon from Carmania parallel to the 
line drawn to Tliapsacus ; and even if it were 
parallel, but not at right angles with the meridian 
line through the Caspian Gates, no advantage would 
accrue to the argument of Hipparchus. 

29. But after making these assumptions off-hand, 
and after showing, as he thinks, that Babylon, ac- 
cording to Eratosthenes, is farther east than Thapsa- 
eus by slightly more than a thousand stadia, Hip- 
parchus again idly fabricates an assumption for use 
in his subsequent argument ; and, he says, if we 
conceive a straight line drawn from Thapsaeus to- 
wards the south and a line perpendicular to it from 
Babylon, we will have a right-angled triangle, com- 
posed of the side that extends from Thapsaeus to 
Babylon, of the perpendicular drawn from Babylon 
to the meridian line through Thapsaeus, and of 
the meridian itself through Thapsaeus. Of this 
triangle he makes the line from Thapsaeus to 
Babylon the hypotenuse, which he says is four 
thousand eight hundred stadia ; and the perpendi- 
cular from Babylon to the meridian line through 
Thapsaeus, slightly more than a thousand stadia — 

^ That is, with a divergence toward the south. 




κάθετον μικρω ττΧβιονων ή χ^ιΧίων, όσων ffv η νττβρ- 
οχη της €7γΙ θάψακον 7γ/?09 την μ^χρι Έαβυ\ωνο<;. 
i/c Be τούτων καΧ την Χοιττην των ττβρΧ την ορθην 
σύΚΚο^ίζ€Ύαι νοΧΚαττΚάσ lov ονσαν της \€χθ€ίση<; 
καθέτου, ττροστίθησί δε τανττι την αττο &αΛΐτάκον 
7Γ/)09 άρκτον ίκβαΧΚομένην μέχρι των * Αρμενίων 
ορών, ^9 το μ^ν βφη μ€μ€τρήσθαι ^Ερατοσθένης 
καΐ elvai χιΧίων εκατόν, το δ' άμέτρητον id. 
οντος δ' €7γΙ τούΧάχιστον υποτίθεται χιΧίων, ωστ€ 
το συνάμφω ΒισχιΧίων καΐ έκατον γίγι^βσ^α^• ο 
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άτΓΟ του Βι ^Αθηνών τταραΧΧηΧου εττΐ τον δίά 
ΈαβυΧωνος Βείκνυσιν ου μείζον ον σταΒίων Βισχι- 
Χίων τετρακοσίων, ύττοτεθέντος του μεσημβρινού 
τταντος τοσούτων σταΒίων, όσων ^Ερατοσθένης 
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ώς ^Ερατοσθένης, αλλά ττοΧΧαΐς χιΧιάσι σταΒίων 
άρκτικώτερα κατ αύτον εκείνον, ενταύθα Βη ιτρος 

^ From the Caspian Gates. 

' From the Carmanian froDtier. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 29 

the amount by which the line to Thapsaeus^ ex- 
ceeded the line up to Babylon ^ ; and then from 
these sums he figures the other of the two lines 
which form the right angle to be many times longer 
than the said perpendicular. And he adds to that 
line the line produced northwards from Thapsacus 
up to the Armenian mountains, one part of which 
Eratosthenes said had been measured and was one 
thousand one hundred stadia, but the other part 
he leaves out of consideration as unmeasured. Hip- 
parchus assumes for the latter part a thousand stadia 
at the least, so that the sum of the two parts 
amounts to two thousand one hundred stadia ; and 
adding this sum to his straight-line side* of the 
triangle, which is drawn to meet its perpendicular 
from Babylon, Hipparchus computes a distance of 
several thousand stadia, namely, that from the 
Armenian Mountains, or the parallel that runs 
through Athens, to the perpendicular from Babylon 
— which perpendicular he lays on the parallel 
that runs through Babylon. At any rate, he points 
out that the distance from • the parallel through 
Athens to that through Babylon is not more than 
two thousand four hundred stadia, if it be assumed 
that the whole meridian is the number of stadia 
in length that Eratosthenes says ; and if this is so, 
then the mountains of Armenia and those of the 
Taurus could not lie on the parallel that runs 
through Athens, as Eratosthenes says they do, 
but many thousand stadia farther north, according 
to Eratosthenes* own statements. At this point, 

^ In §26 Strabo indicates clearly that Eratosthenes did 
not say the western side was one straight line. But 
Hipparchus took this for granted. 




τ^ τοί? άνβσκβνασμένοις \ημμασι Ίτροσχρησθαι 
7Γ/)09 την του ορθογωνίου τριγώνου τάξιν, καΧ 
τούτο \αμβάν€ΐ το μη Sih6/jL6V0Vy το την ύποτ€ί- 
νουσαν τη ορθή *^ωνία την αττο ^αψάκου ^ραμμην 
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την φησίν elrai την 686ν ταύτην 6 ^Ερατοσθένης, 
teal την Μ βσοποταμίαν συν τη Βαβυλωνία μβ^άΚψ 
κύκΧφ ττεριέχεσθαί Χέ^ων υπό τ€ του Κύφράτου 
καΐ του Ύί^ρώος, το πΚέον ^ της π€ρωχη^ υπο τον 
Εύφράτου συμβαίνβίν φησίν ωσθ^ η άπο Θα- 
C 83 ψάκου βίς Έαβύλωνα ευθεία οΰτ αν πάρα τον 
Εύφράτην €Ϊη, οΰτ &ν τοσούτων σταΒίων ουδ' 
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εϊρηταί 7€, οτι ούχ οίον τε Βυεΐν ΒεΒομενων 
γραμμών άπο των Κασπίων πυΧων κατάτ/εσθαι 
την μεν επΙ €^άψακον, την δ' επΙ τα των ^Αρμενίων 
ορη τά καταΧΧηΧα ττ} ^αψάκφ, απέχοντα της 
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ΒισχίΤύους καΐ έκατον σταΒίους, άμφοτέρας παράλ- 
ληλους είναι κα\ άλλτ^Χαίς καΧ Trj Βιά Έαβυλώνος, 
fjv νοτιον πλευράν ^Ερατοσθένης εκάλεσεν, εκείνος 
μεν ουν ουκ έχων καταμεμετρημένην εΙπεΙν την 
παρά τα ορη οΒόν, την^ άπο &αΛΐτάκου επΧ 
Κασπίους πύλας ταύτην είπε, καΧ προσέθηκε το 
ως τυτ^ωΒώς είττεΐν άλλων τε τφ βουλομένφ το 
μήκος είπεΐν της μετά την ^Αριανην μέχρι Ευ- 
φράτου χώρας ου πολύ Βιέφεοε ταύτην ή εκείνην 
καταμετρεΐν, 6 S* ως παράλληλους υπακούων 

^ δί, Madvig deletes, after ir\4ow. 
^ ^, before ατό, Jones deletes. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 29 

then, in addition to making further use of his 
now demolished assumptions for the construction of 
his right-angled triangle, he also assumes this point 
that is not granted, namely, that the hypotenuse — 
«he straight line from Thapsacus to Babylon — is 
within four thousand eight hundred stadia. For 
Eratosthenes not only says that this route is along 
the Euphrates, but when he tells us that Meso- 
potamia, including Babylonia, is circumscribed by 
a great circle, by the Euphrates and the Tigris, 
he asserts that the greater part of the circumference 
is described by the Euphrates: consequently, the 
straight line from Thapsacus to Babylon could 
neither follow the course of the Euphrates, nor be, 
even approximately, so many stadia in length. So 
his argument is overthrown. And besides, I have 
already stated that, if we grant that two lines are 
drawn from the Caspian Gates, one to Thapsacus, 
the other to that part of the Armenian Mountains 
that corresponds in position to Thapsacus (which, 
according to Hipparchus himsejtf, is distant from 
Thapsacus at the least two thousand one hundred 
stadia), it is impossible for both these lines to be 
parallel either to each other or to the line through 
Babylon, which Eratosthenes called ^^ southern side." 
Now because Eratosthenes could not speak of 
the route along the mountain-range as naeasured^ 
he spoke of only the route from Thapsacus to 
the Caspian Gates as measured, and he added the 
words '^ roughly speaking " ; moreover, since he 
only wished to tell the length of the country 
between Ariana and the Euphrates, it did not make 
much difference whether he measured one route or 
the other. But Hipparchus, when he tacitly assumes 




XiyeaOai τελέως αν 86ξ€ΐ€ Karayivfuafceiv τταιΖικην 
άμαθίαν τάνθρώττου. ταύτα μεν ονν iav BeX ώ? 

30. *^Α δ' αν τις αΐτιάσαντο του * Ερατοσθένους 
τοιαύτα €στί, καθάττερ yap ή κατά μέλος τομή 
της αΧΧώς κατά μέρος Βιαφέρβι (Βιότι ή μεν καΧ 
τα μέρη Χαμβάνβι ττερι^ραφην έχοντα φυσικ'ήν, 
άρθρωσα τινί καΐ τύττφ σημβίΛύΒβι, καθ^ ο καΐ 
τούτο εϊρηται, 

τον δέ Βιά μέΚεΙστΙ ταμών, 

(Od, 9. 291, 77. 24. 409) 

ή δ' ουδέϊ/ Ιχ€ΐ τοιούτον), γ^ρώμεθα δ* οίκβίως 
έκατέρα, τον καιρόν κα\ την χρβίαν σκοττοΰντβς, 
οΰτως iirl των γεωγραφικών hei μεν τομΛς 
ΊΓοιεΐσθαι των μερών, τά καθ^ έκαστα εττιόντας, 
μιμεΐσθαι δέ τάς κατά μέλος τομάς μάλλον ^ 
τάς ώς έτυχε» το yap σημείωνες καΐ το εύττερι- 
άριστον εκείθεν λαβείν εστίν, οδ γρείαν έχει 6 
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ή δρεσιν ή θαλάτττ) Βυνατον y, καΐ ίθνει δέ ^ 
εθνεσι καϊ μετ^έθει ττοσφ καΐ σχήματι, οπού τούτο 
Βυνατον. πανταχού δέ άντΧ τού yεωμετpcκως το 
άττλως καΐ ολοσχερώς ικανόν. μέτ^εθος μεν ούν 
Ικανον ίστιν, &ν το μέyιστov ειπτ^ς μήκος καϊ 
πλάτος, ώς της οικουμένης επτά μυριάΒων ει 
τύχοι μήκος, πλάτος δ' ελαττον ή ήμισυ μικρφ 
τού μήκους' σχήμα Β\ &ν τών yεωμeτpικώv τινι 
σχημάτων είκάστ}ς, ώς την Χικελίαν τpιyώvω, ή 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 29-30 

that the lines are spoken of by Eratosthenes as 
parallel, would seem to charge the man with utterly 
childish ignorance. Therefore, I must dismiss these 
arguments of his as childish. 

30. But the charges which one might bring against 
Eratosthenes are such as follow. Just as, in surgery, 
amputation at the joints differs from unnatural piece- 
meal amputation (because the former takes off only 
the parts that have a natural configuration, following 
some articulation of joints or a significant outline — 
the meaning in which Homer says, " and having cut 
him up limb by limb ** — whereas the latter follows 
no such course), and just as it is proper for us to use 
each kind of operation if we have regard to the proper 
time and the proper use of each, just so, in the case of 
geography, we must indeed make sections of the 
parts when we go over them in detail, but we must 
imitate the limb-by-limb amputations rather than the 
haphazard amputations. For only thus it is possible 
to take off the member that is significant and well- 
defined, the only kind of member that the geographer 
has any use for. Now a country is well-defined when 
it is possible to define it by rivers or mountains or 
sea ; and also by a tribe or tribes, by a size of such 
and such proportions, and by shape where this is 
possible. But in every case, in lieu of a geometrical 
definition, a simple arid roughly outlined definition 
is sufficient. So, as regards a country's size, it is 
sufficient if you state its greatest length and breadth 
(of the inhabited world, for example, a length of 
perhaps seventy thousand stadia, a breadth slightly 
less than half the length) ; and as regards shape, if 
you liken a country to one of the geometrical figures 
(Sicily, for example, to a triangle), or to one of the 




των αΧΚων γνωρίμων rivi σχημάτων, οίον την 
^Ιβηρίαν βνρστ), την ΤΙβΧοτΓοννησον ττλατάνον 
C 84 φνΧΧφ' οσφ δ* hv μβίζον ^ το τβμνόμβνον, 
Toa<phe καϊ οΧοσχερβστέρας πρέττοι αν ττοιβΐσθαν 
τα? τομάς. 

31. Ή μ€ν ονν οικουμένη Βίχα Βιηρηται τφ τ€ 
Ύανρφ καϊ τη iirl 2τ?;λα9 θαΧάττη κα\ω<;, καϊ 
τον νοτίου μέρους, ή μίν ^Ιν^ικη ττβρίώρισται 
ΊΓοΧΧοΐς* καϊ yap opei και ττοταμφ καϊ ΘαΧάττη 
καΙ ivl ονόματι, ώς αν^ ένος βθνους- ωστ€ καϊ 
τβτράττΧβυρος ορθώς Xeyerai teal ρομβθ€ΐΒης, 
ή δ ^Αριανη ήττον μ€ν το ενττβρίγραφον ίχει Βια 
το την ίστΓβρίαν ττΧευραν συγκεχύσθαι, Βιώρισται 
δ' όμως ταΐς τ€ τρισι ττΧβυραΐς, ώς &ν βνθβίαις, 
καΐ τφ ονόματι, ώς &ν ίνος έθνους, η he τρίτη 
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άφορισθείσα* ή Τ€ yap κοινή ττΧ^υρίι αύτη τβ καϊ 
τη ^Αριανη συyκeχυτaι, ως ττροβίρηται, καϊ ή 
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γράφβι την σφpayΐha, Sici μέσης τ€ αυτής βαδί- 
ζουσα, και ΤΓοΧΧα μέρη άττοΧβίττουσα ττρος νότον, 
οντ€ μήκος νττογράφβι το μέγιστον το yap 
ττροσάρκτιον ττΧβυρον μβϊζον ονθ^ ο Ευφράτης 
έσιτέριόν έστι πΧ€υρόν, ούδ' el βττ' eύθ€ίaς ρέοι, 
των άκρων αυτού μη έττΧ του αυτού μeσημβp^voύ 
κeιμέvωv. τι yap μαΧΧον ίσττέριον ή νότων; 
χωρϊς δέ τούτων, οΧίγης ούσης της εττΐ θάΧατταν 
Χοιττής την ΚιΧίκιον καϊ την 'ϊ,υριακην, το μη 
μέχρι Seύpo irpoayeiv heiv την σφραγίδα ού ττι- 

^ άν, Paetz, Groskurd, for I0i/os. 

* ο0τα>, Spengel, for οΰιτω ; Meineke following ; C. Milller 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 30-31 

other well-known figures (for instance, Iberia to an 
oxhide, the Peloponnesus to a leaf of a plane-tree). 
And the greater the territory you cut into sections, 
the more rough may be the sections you make. 

31. Now the inhabited world has been happily 
divided by Eratosthenes into two parts by means of 
the Taurus Range and the sea that stretches to thh 
Pillars. And in the Southern Division : India, indeed, 
has been well-defined in many ways, by a mountain, 
a river, a sea, and by a single term, as of a single 
ethnical group — so that Eratosthenes rightly calls 
it four-sided and rhomboidal. Ariana, however, has 
a contour that is less easy to trace because its western 
side is confused,^ but still it is defined by the three 
sides, which are approximately straight lines, and also 
by the term Ariana, as of a single ethnical group. 
But the Third Section is wholly untraceable, at all 
events as defined by Eratosthenes. For, in the first 
place, the side common to it and Ariana is con- 
fused, as I have previously stated. And the southern 
side has been taken very inaccurately ; for neither 
does it trace a boundary of this section, since it runs 
through its very centre and leaves out many districts 
in the south, nor does it represent the section's 
greatest length (for the northern side is longer), nor 
does the Euphrates form its western side (it would 
not do so even if its course lay in a straight line), 
since its extremities do not lie on the same meridian. 
In fact, how can this side be called western rather 
than southern.'* And, quite apart from these 
objections, since the distance that remains between 
this line and the Cilician and Syrian Sea is slight, 
there is no convincing reason why the section should 

^ See § 22, above. 




θανόν, τ^9 τ€ 'ϊ,βμιράμιΒο^ καΧ του ί^ίνου Χύρων 
\€^ομ€νων, ων της μλν η ΈαβνΧων κτίσμα καΐ 
βασί\€ίον, του δέ Νίζ/09, ώ? αν μητρόττοΧίς της 
ουρίας, καϊ της ΒίαΧέκτου Be μ^γρι νυν Βιαμβνονσης 
της αυτής τοις τ€ €Κτος του Εύφράτου καΧ τοΐς 
^^τός. το^ Be^ ίνταυθα μέντοι τονούτφ μ€ρισμφ 
Βίασπαν ίθνος ^νωριμωτατον καΧ τά μέρη συν- 
άπτ€ίν τοΐς άλΧοβθνέσίν ήκνστα αν irpeiroL. oiBe 
yap υτΓο μεγέθους αιτηνα^κάσθαι, Xiyot αν και 
yap το μέχρι θαΧάττης ου μην ττω άν ίξισάζοιτο 
τγι ^IvBiKfjy αλλ' ox)Bk TJj ^Apiavj}, ττροσΧαβον καΧ 
το μ^χρι των ορών της βύΒαίμονος ^Αραβίας και 
της Kiyύ^ΓToυ' ωστ€ ττόΧύ κρβίττον fjv μίχρι 
Ββΰρο ττροέΧθεΐν, της τρίτης βίττόντα σφpaylBoς 
τοσαύττ) ΐΓροσθηκγ) ττ} μέχρι της 'Κυριακής Θα- 
Χάττης το μ€ν νότιον ττΧβυρον ούχ ωστΓ€ρ €Κ€Ϊνος 
είπεν βχον, ούδ' βττ' βύθβίας, αλλ' άττο της Κα/ο- 
μανίας βύθύς την Ββξιάν τταραΧίαν elairXeovTi 
τταρα^ τον TlepaiKOV κοΧττον μέχρι της €κβοΧής 
του Εύφράτου, καΧ μετά, ταύτα τοΙς όρίοις της 
Μβσηνης καΧ της ΈαβυΧωνίας συνάτττον, ήττβρ 
€στΧν άρχη του Ισθμού του Βιορίζοντος την eiBai- 
C 85 μονά ^Αραβίαν άττο της άΧΧης ηπείρου, είτ 
εφεξής αύτον τούτον Βιεξιον, Βνήκόν τβ μέχρι του 
μυχού τού ^Αραβίου κόΧττου καΧ ΤΙηΧουσίου, καΧ 
€τι τού Κ,ανωβικού στόματος τού Νε/λου• τούτο 

^ τ<{, Corais, for τά, before 4ρταΰ0α ; Meineke following. 
^ δβ, Madvig inserts, after Corais' τό, 

• vapdf SiecKenkees and CJorais, for yap^ after «ίσιτλ^ορτι, 
following o. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 31 

not be extended thereto, both because Semiramis 
and Ninus are called Syrians (Babylon was founded 
and made the royal residence by Semiramis, and 
Nineveh by Ninus, this showing that Nineveh was 
the capital of Syria) and because up to the present 
moment even the language of the people on both 
sides of the Euphrates is the same. However, to 
rend asunder so famous a nation by such a line of 
cleavage in this region, and to join the parts thus 
dissevered to the parts that belong to other tribes, 
would be wholly improper. Neither, indeed, could 
Eratosthenes allege that he was forced to do this by 
considerations of size ; for the addition of the territory 
that extends up to the sea ^ would still not make the 
size of the section equal to that of India, nor, for 
that matter, to that of Ariana, not even if it were 
increased by the territory that extends up to the 
confines of Arabia Felix and Egypt. Therefore it 
would have been much better to extend the Third 
Section to these limits, and thus, by adding so small 
a territory that extends to the Syrian Sea, to define 
the southern side of the Third Section as running, 
not as Eratosthenes defined it, nor yet as in a 
straight line, but as following the coast-line that is 
on your right hand as you sail from Carmania into 
' and along the Persian Gulf up to the mouth of the 
Euphrates, and then as following the frontiers of 
Mesene and Babylonia, which form the beginning of 
the Isthmus that separates Arabia Felix from the rest 
of the continent ; then, next, as crossing this Isthmus 
itself, and as reaching to the recess of the Arabian 
Gulf and to Pelusium and even beyond to the 
Canobic mouth of the Nile. So much for the 

^ The Mediterranean. 




μβν το νότων ττΧβνρόν, το δέ Χοιττον ίσττέριον την 
άίΓο τον Κανωβίκον στόματος μβχρί της ΚίΧίκίας 

32. Τετάρτη Β* &ν €Ϊη σφραψ,ς η συνιστώσα 
€κ τ€ της evhai μονός ^Αραβίας καϊ του ^Αραβίον 
kOXttovSkuI της AlyviTTOV ττάσης καί της AWto- 
ττίας. ταύτης δέ της μ€ρίΒος μήκος μβν €σται το 
άφοριξόμενον ύττο Βυβϊν μεσημβρινών ο μεν yap 
γράφεται Bicb τον Βνσ μικωτάτου σημείον τον επ* 
αντής, ό Βε Bict τον εωθινωτάτον ττΧάτος Βε το 
μεταξύ Βνεΐν τταραΧΧηλων, ων ό μίν γράφεται Βια 
τον βορειοτάτον σημείον, ό δέ Βια τον νοτιωτάτον 
εττΐ yap των άνωμάΧων σχημάτων, εφ" &ν ττΧενραΙς 
ου Βννατον άφορίσαι ττΧάτος καΙ μήκος, οντω το 
μiyεθoς άφοριστεον. καθόΧου δέ νοητέον, οτι ου χ 
ωσαύτως Χετ^εται μήκος καί ττΧάτος εττΐ οΧου καϊ 
μέρους' αλλ' εφ^ οΧου μεν το μείζον Βιάστημα 
καΧεΐται μήκος^ το δ' εΧαττον ιτΧάτος, εττΐ μέρους 
Βε μήκος μεν το παράΧΧηΧον τφ του δΧου μηκει 
τμήμα εκείνου, όττότερον &ν η μείζον, κ&ν το 
Χηφθεν Βιάστημα εν τφ πΧάτει μείζον ^ τον 
Χηφθέντος εν τφ μηκει Βιαστηματος. Βιο καϊ τής 
οίκονμένης άττ άνατοΧής έττΐ Βύσιν μηκννομενης, 
άττο δέ άρκτων εττΐ νότον ττΧατννομενης, καΐ τον 
μεν μήκους εττΐ τταραΧΧήΧου τίνος τφ Ισημερινφ 
ypaφoμέvoυ, του δέ ττΧάτους έττΐ μεσημβρινού, 
Βεΐ καϊ των μέρων Χαμβάνεσθαι μήκη μεν τά 
τταράΧΧηΧα τω μηκει τμήματα αυτής, ττΧάτη Βε 
τα τω ττΧάτει. οΰτω yap &ν άμεινον υ^Γoypάφoιτo 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 31-32 

southern side ; the remaining, or western, side 
would be the coast-line from the Canobic mouth of 
the Nile up to Cilicia. 

32. The Fourth Section would be the one com- 
posed of Arabia Felix, the Arabian Gulf, all Egypt, 
and Ethiopia. Of this section, the length will be 
the space bounded by two meridian lines, of which 
lines the one is drawn through the most western 
point on the section and the other through the most 
eastern point. Its breadth will be the space between 
two parallels of latitude, of which the one is drawn 
through the most northern point, and the other 
through the most southern point ; for in the case of 
irregular figures whose length and breadth it is 
impossible to determine by sides, we must in this 
way determine their size. And, in general, we must 
assume that "length" and "breadth" are not 
employed in the same sense of a whole as of a part. 
On the contrary, in case of a whole the greater 
distance is called "length," and the lesser, 
" breadth " ; but, in case of a part, we call "length '* 
any section of a part that is parallel to the length of 
the whole — no matter which of the two dimensions 
is the greater, and no matter if the distance taken in 
the breadth be greater than the distance taken in the 
length. Therefore, since the inhabited world 
stretches lengthwise from east to west and breadth- 
wise from north to south, and since its length 
is drawn on a line parallel to the equator and its 
breadth on a meridian line, we must also, in case of 
the parts, take as "lengths " all the sections that are 
parallel to the length of the inhabited world, and as 
" breadths " all the sections that are parallel to its 
breadth. For by this method we can better indicate, 


VOL. I. V 



ττρωτον μ^ν το μ&^βθο^ τ^9 οικουμένης ο\ης, 
€7Γ€ΐτα καΧ η SidOeat^ καΐ το σχήμα των μέρων, 
καθ* α μεν άττόλείττείν, καθ* α δέ ττΧεονάζειν 
φαινομένων ττ} τοιαύττ} τταραθέσει. 

33. ^Ερατοσθένης δέ το μεν της οικουμένης 
Χαμβάνει μήκος εττΐ τής Βια Έ,τηΧων κάΙ Κασττίων 
'ττυΧων και Καυκάσου γραμμής, ως &ν ευθείας, το 
δέ τής τρίτης μερίΒος βττΐ τής Βια Ιίασττίων νυΧων 
καΐ &αψάκου, το 8ε τής τετάρτης εττΐ τής Bih 
^αψάκου καΐ 'Ηρώων ττόΧεως μέχρι τής μεταξύ 
των στομάτων του -^ειΧου, ήν ανάγκη κατά- 
στρέφειν εις τους ττερι Κ,άνωβον καΐ * ΑΧεξάνΒρειαν 
τόνους' ενταύθα yap εστί το εσχατον στόμα 
το καΧούμενον Κανωβικόν τε καϊ ΉρακΧεωτικον, 
εϊτ oiv επ ευθείας άΧΧήΧοις τά μήκη τίθησιν, 
εϊθ* ως αν γωνίαν ττοιοΰντα κατίί &άψακον, αλλ* 
ΟΤΙ 7€ ου τταράΧΧηΧον ούΒέτερον τφ τής οίκου- 
μενης μηκει, φανερον εστίν εξ αυτών ων εϊρηκεν 
C 86 αυτός, το μ^ν jcip τής οικουμένης μήκος Sici τον 
Ταύρου γράφει καϊ τής εττ ευθείας μέχρι Έ,τηΧων 
θαΧάττης κατά, γραμμί)ν την Sia του Καυκάσου 
καϊ 'Ρόδου καϊ ^Αθηνών, άττο δέ 'Ρόδου εις Άλ€- 
ξάνΒρειαν κατά, τον Βι αύτων μεσημβρινον ου 
ΤΓοΧύ €Χάττους των τετρακισχιΧίων φησϊν είναι 
σταΒίων ώστε τοσούτον και οι τταράΧΧηΧοι 
Βιέχοιεν αν άΧΧήΧων δ τε Βιά 'Ρόδου καϊ 6 Βι 
^ΑΧβξανΒρείας, 6 δ' αυτ09 ττώ? €στ* τούτφ 6 Βιά 
τής ΙΙρώων ττόλβως, ή νοτιώτερός γε τούτου* 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. τ. 32-33 

firstly, the size of the inhabited world as a whole, and, 
secondly, the position and the shape of its parts; 
because, by such comparison, it will be clear in what 
respects the parts are deficient and in what respects 
they are excessive in size. 

33. Now Eratosthenes takes the length of the 
inhabited world on the line that runs through the 
Pillars, the Caspian Gates, and the Caucasus, as 
though on a straight line ; and the length of his 
Third Section on the line that runs through the 
. Caspian Gates and Thapsacus ; and the length of his 
Fourth Section on the line that runs through 
Thapsacus and Heroonpolis to the region between 
the mouths of the Nile — a line which must needs 
come to an end in the regions near Canobus and 
Alexandria ; for the last mouth of the Nile, called the 
Canobic or Heracleotic mouth, is situated at that 
point. Now whether he places these two lengths on 
a straight line with each other, or as though they 
formed an angle at Thapsacus, it is at any rate clear 
from his own words that he does not make either line 
parallel to the length of the inhabited world. For 
he draws the length of the inhabited world through 
the Taurus Range and the Mediterranean Sea 
straight to the Pillars on a line that passes through 
the Caucasus, Rhodes, and Athens ; and he says that 
the distance from Rhodes to Alexandria on the 
meridian that passes through those places is not 
much less than four thousand stadia ; so that also the 
parallels of latitude of Rhodes and Alexandria would 
be just this distance apart. But the parallel of 
latitude of Heroonpolis is approximately the same as 
that of Alexandria, or, at any rate, more to the south 
than the latter ; and hence the line that intersects 

γ 2 



ώσί* η σνμττίΐΓΤονσα γραμμή τούτφ Τ€ ^ τω 
τταραΧΚηΧφ καΧ τφ Sici ^PoSov /cat Κασιτίων 
πυΚων, €Ϊτ βύθύα elre κεκΧασμένη, ουκ αν €Ϊη 
τταράΧΚηλος ovSerepa, ουκ βδ jovp \αμβάν€ται 
τά μήκψ ουκ βΰ δέ ουδέ αΐ Βιαβόρβίοι Χαμβάνονται 

34. Ά\ν €7γΪ τον '^Ιτηταρχρν ττρότερον iiravi- 
6ντ€ς τά ίξής Ϊ8ωμ€ν. ττάΚιν yap ττλασα? βαντω 
Χημματα <γ€ωμ6τρικως άνασκβυάξβι rci υπ βκείνου 
τι/ττωδώ? \&γ6μ€να, φησί yap αύτον \iyeiv το 
€Κ 3αβυ\ωνος et? μβν Κασττίους πυΚας διάστημα 
σταδίων βξακνσ^^ιΧίων ίπτακοσίων, eh δέ του? 
δρου(; της Κ.αρ μανίας καΧ ΤΙβρσίΒος ττΧβωνων 
ή ένακνσχίΧίων,^ oirep iirl γραμμής κείται, ττρος 
ισημερινά,ς ανατοΊώ,ς ευθβίας αγομένης* yiveadac 
δέ ταύτην κάθβτον iirl την κοινην πΧβυραν της τ€ 
Ββυτέρας καΐ της τρίτης σφρα/^ΐ^ος, ωστ€ κατ 
αύτον συνίστασθαι τρί^ωνον ορθογώνιον, ορθην 
βχον την προς τοΐς οροις της Καρμανίας, καΐ 
την υποτβίνουσαν elvai βλαττω μιας των π€ρΙ 
την ορθην βχουσων Seiv οΰν την TlepaiSa της 
δευτέρας ποιβΐν σφραψ^ος, προς ταντα δ' 
€Ϊρηται, δτι οΰθ* ή βκ ^αβυΧωνος €ΐς την Καρ^ 
μανίαν €πΙ παραΧΧηΧου Χαμβάνβται, ουθ* η διορί- 
ζουσα €νθύα τά? σφραψΖας μεσημβρινή εϊρηταΐ' 
ωστ oihkv εϊρηται προς αύτον, ούδε το ίπι- 

^ Τ6, Meineke, for 7*• 

^ 4νακισχι\1ων, Meineke, for 4νράκιτχιλίων. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 33-34 

both the parallel of latitude of Heroonpolis and that 
of Rhodes and the Caspian Gates, whether it be a 
straight line or a broken line, cannot be parallel to 
either. Accordingly, the lengths are not well taken 
by Eratosthenes. And, for that matter, the sections 
that stretch through the north are not well taken by 

34. But let us first return to Hipparchus and see 
what he says next. Again fabricating assumptions 
on his own account he proceeds with geometrical pre- 
cision to demolish what are merely the rough estimates 
of Eratosthenes. He says that Eratosthenes calls the 
distance from Babylon to the Caspian Gates six 
thousand seven hundred stadia, and to the frontiers 
of Carmania and Persis more than nine thousand 
stadia on a line drawn straight to the equinoctial 
east, and that this line comes to be perpendicular to 
the side that is common to the Second and the Third 
Sections, and that, therefore, according to Eratos- 
thenes, a right-angled triangle is formed whose right 
angle lies on the frontiers of Carmania and whose 
hypotenuse is shorter than one of the sides that 
enclose the right angle ^ ; accordingly, adds Hippar- 
chus, Eratosthenes has to make Persis a part of his 
Second Section ! Now I have already stated in 
reply to this that Eratosthenes neither takes the 
distance from Babylon to Carmania on a parallel, nor 
has he spoken of the straight line that separates the 
two sections as a meridian line ; and so in this 
argument Hipparchus has made no point against 
Eratosthenes. Neither is his subsequent conclusion 

^ That is, the sections that stretch north of the Taurus 
2 See the figure and the note on page 328. 



φ€ρόμ€Ρον €V' €Ϊρηκ6τος yap άττό Κασττίων 
ττυΧών €t9 μ€ν Βαβυλώνα τού<ζ Χεχθέντα'ζ, eh Se 
ΣοΟσα στα^ίους elvau τ€τρακισχιλίον<; βνακοσίου^,^ 
άτΓο Sk Ι^αβυΚωνος τρισχίΚίους τβτρακοσίονς,πάλιν 
άτΓο των αύτων ορμηθβΐ^ζ ν7Γθθέσ€ων άμβΧιτ/ώ- 
νιον τρίηωνον συνίστασθαί φησι ττρό? τε ταΓ9 
Κασττ/οί? 7Γυλαί9 καΐ Έ,ονσοι^ και ΈαβνΚωνί,, 
την άμβΚεΐαν ywviav έχον Ίτρο^ ^Χονσοί^, τά δέ 
των ττΧβνρων μήκη τά ίκ κείμενα* βίτ iwiXoyL- 
ζεται, SioTC σνμβησβται κατά τάς νποθεσενς 
ταύτας την Sea Κ,ασπίων ττυΧων μεσημβρινην 
^^ραμμην έττϊ του hicL ΈαβυΧωνος καϊ λούσων 
τταραΧΧηΧου Βνσμικωτέραν ίχειν την κοινην το- 
μην τή<ζ κοίνή<; τομής τον αύτοΰ τταραΧΧηΧον καϊ 
C 87 της άττο Κασιτίων ττυΧων καθηκούσης ευθείας 
εττΐ τους ορούς τους της Καρμανίας καΐ της 
ΤΙερσίΒος Ή-Χείοσι των τετ ρακισχιΧίων καϊ τετρα- 
κοσίων σχεδόν Βη τι προς την δίά Κασπίων 
ττυΧών μεσημβρινην ^ραμμην ημίσειαν ορθής 
ΊΓΟιεϊν <γωνίαν την Βια ίίασττίων ττυΧων καΐ των 
ορών της τε Καρμανίας καϊ της ΤίερσίΒος, καϊ 
νεύειν αύτην εττΐ τά μέσα της τε μεσημβρίας 
καϊ της Ισημερινης ανατοΧης' ταύττ) δ' εϊναι 
τταράΧΧηΧον τον ^IvSov ττοταμόν, ώστε καϊ τούτον 
άττο των ορών ουκ εττΐ μεσημβρίαν ρείν, ως φησιν 
^Ερατοσθένης, aXXct μεταξύ ταύτης καΐ της 
Ισημερινης άνατοΧής, καθάττερ εν τοΙς άρχαίοις 
ττίναξί Λταταγεγ/οατΓτα^. τις ουν συγχωρήσει 
το νυν συσταθέν τρί'γωνον άμβXυyώvιov είναι, μη 
^26 ^ ivaKofflous, Meineke, for ivvaKoaiovs, 




Taking advantage of the rather loose estimates of Eratos- 
thenes, and aided by false assumptions, Hipparchus again 
follows the process of reductio ad ahsurdum by applying the 
figures of Eratosthenes to latitudinal and longitudinal dis- 
tances. Thus, Hipparchus forces Eratosthenes' Caspian 
Gates to be 4,400 stadia to the west of its real position ; and 
hence Persis would fall into the Second Section. However, 



Eratosthenes' line from Babylon to Carmania, Strabo means, 
would not be the line -4Z>, but a line drawn from A and 
diverging considerably to the south from AD. Of course, if 
Hipparchus' assumptions be granted, the Indus would have 
to be parallel to ED^ and it would make an angle with the 
parallel EF of slightly more than 45", though the Indus 
should really run about due south. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 34 

correct. For, because Eratosthenes had given the 
distance from the Caspian Gates to Babylon as the 
said six thousand seven hundred stadia, and the 
distance from the Caspian Gates to Susa as four 
thousand nine hundred stadia, and the distance from 
Babylon to Susa as three thousand four hundred 
stadia, Hipparchus, again starting from the same 
hypotheses, says that an obtuse-angled triangle is 
formed, with its vertices at the Caspian Gates, Susa 
and Babylon, having its obtuse angle at Susa, and 
having as the lengths of its sides the distances set 
forth by Eratosthenes. Then he draws his conclusion, 
namely, that it will follow according to these 
hj^otheses that the meridian line that runs through 
the Caspian Gates will intersect the parallel that 
runs through Babylon and Susa at a point further 
west than the intersection of the same parallel with 
the straight line that runs from the Caspian Gates to 
the frontiers of Carmania and Persis by more than 
four thousand four hundred stadia ; and so the line 
that runs through the Caspian Gates to the frontiers 
of Carmania and Persis will form almost a half of 
a right angle with the meridian line that runs 
through the Caspian Gates and will lean in a 
direction midway between the south and the 
equinoctial east ; and that the Indus River will be 
parallel to this line, and that consequently this river, 
also, does not flow south from the mountains as 
Eratosthenes says it does, but between the south and 
the equinoctial east, precisely as it is laid down on 
the early maps. Who, pray, will concede that the 
triangle now formed by Hipparchus is obtuse-angled 
without also conceding that the triangle that 




σν^χωρών opOoywviov elvai το ττβριέχον αυτό; 
τις δ' €7rt τταραΧΚηΧου κβιμένην την άττο ϋαβυ- 
\ωνο<ζ €^9 Χοΰσα μίαν των την άμβΧβϊαν Trepie- 
χουσων, την οΚην μη συηχωρων την μέχρι, 
Καρμανίας; τίς δε τ^ *1ν8φ παράΧΚηΧον την άττο 
Κασττίων πνΧων βττΐ τους ορούς της Καρμανίας; 
ων χωρίς κ€νος &ν €Ϊη 6 συΧΚο^ισμος, χωρίς 
δέ τούτων κακ€ΐνος βϊρηκεν otl ρομβοβι^ές 
έστί το σχήμα της ^ΙνΒικής• καΧ καθάττβρ η 
ίωθινη TrXevpa ΤΓαρίσττασται ττοΧν προς €ω, καΐ 
μαΚιστα τφ ίσχάτφ άκρωτηρίφ, ο καΧ ττρος 
μ€σημβρίαν ΤΓροιτίτΓτβί ττλέον τταρά τ^ν αΧΚην 
ήιονα, οντω καΧ η irapct τον ^Ivhov ττΧευρά, 

35. ΤΙάντα δέ ταΰτα \iy€i ^^Βωμετρικώς, iXiy- 
χων ου ΊΓίθανως, ταΰτα δε καΧ αύτος ίαυτφ 
έτΓ€νέ^κας άττοΧύεται, φήσας, el μίν τταρα μικρά, 
Βιαστή ματα ύττήρχβν ό έλεγχο?, συ^^νωνοΑ, civ ί^ν 
έττειΒη δέ παρά χιΚιάΒας σταδίων φαίνβται Sia- 
πίπτων, ουκ elvai συγγνωστά* καίτοι €Κ€Ϊν6ν ye 
και παρά τ€τρακοσίους σταΒίους αισθητά άπα- 
φαίνβσθαι τά παραΧΚά^ματα, ώς έπΧ του Βι 
* Αθηνών παραΧΚηΚου καΧ του Βιά 'Ρόδον. ^στι 
δε το προς αϊσθησιν ούχ άπΧοΰν, αΚΚά το μέν 
iv π\άτ€ΐ μείζον ι, το δ' iv βΧάττονι, μβίζονι μέν, 
&ν αύτφ τφ οφθάλμω πιστβύωμ^ν η καρποΐς η 

^ If the line Ε Β (ρ. 328) be produced to Eratosthenes' Susa 
(on his line drawn from A to Cannania), we shall then have 
a right-angled triangle AEB' that comprehends the obtuse- 
angled triangle A BB, 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 34-35 

comprehends it is right-angled ? ^ And who will 
concede that one of the sides which enclose the 
obtuse angle (the line from Babylon to Susa) lies on 
a parallel of latitude, without also conceding that the 
whole line on to Carmania does? And who will 
concede that the line drawn from the Caspian Gates 
to the frontiers of Carmania is parallel to the Indus ? 
Yet without these concessions the argument of 
Hipparchus would be void. And it is without these 
concessions that Eratosthenes has made his statement 
that the shape of India is rhomboidal ; and just as its 
eastern side has been stretched considerably east- 
wards (particularly at its extreme cape, which, as 
compared with the rest of the sea-board, is also 
thrown farther southwards, so, too, the side along the 
Indus has been stretched considerably eastwards. 

35. In all these arguments Hipparchus speaks as a 
geometrician, though his test of Eratosthenes is not 
convincing. And though he prescribed the prin- 
ciples of geometry for himself, he absolves himself 
from them by saying that if the test showed errors 
amounting to only small distances, he could overlook 
them ; but since Eratosthenes' errors clearly amount 
to thousands of stadia, they cannot be overlooked ^ ; 
and yet, continues Hipparchus, Eratosthenes himself 
declares that differences of latitude are observable 
even within an extent of four hundred stadia ; for 
example, between the parallels of Athens and 
Rhodes. Now the practice of observing differences 
of latitude is not confined to a single method, but 
one method is used where the difference is greater, 
another where it is lesser ; where it is greater, if we 
rely on the evidence of the eye itself, or of the crops, 

^ Compare § 40, following. 




κράσ€σιν αέρων irpo^ την των κλιμάτων κρίσιν 
ίΚάττονι δ*, hv hi οργάνων ^νωμχ)νικων η Βιοτττρι- 
κων, 6 μ€ν οΰν hi * Αθηνών τταράΧΚηΧος ^γνωμο- 
VIKW \ηφθ€ΐς και 6 Sict 'Ρόδου καΙ Καρίας, 
€ΐκ6τω<: iv σταΖίοι^ τοσούτοι^ αίσθητην ίττοίησε 
την 8ιαφοράν, 6 δ* iv ττΧάτβι μβν τρίσγϊΚίων 
σταΒίων, μηκβι δέ καΧ τβτρακισ μυρίων 6ρον<;, 
ττέΚώγους δέ τρισμυρίων "λαμβάνων την άττο 
Βνσ€ω<ζ €π Ισημερινά,ς άνατοΧείς <γραμμήν, καΐ τα 
C 88 €φ' €κάτερον το μίρο^ τα μίν νοτιά ονομάζων, 
. τά δέ βορβια, καϊ ταύτα ττΧινθία κάλων και 
σφραγίδας, νοείσθω ττάς fcal ταύτα Xi^ei καϊ 
irXevpcL τά μεν αρκτικά, τά δέ νοτιά, καΧ ττά? τά 
μίν €σ7Γ€ρια, τα δέ ίωθινά' καΧ το μ€ν τταρα πολύ 
Βιαμαρταν6μ€νον τταρορων νπβχέτω \6yov (έκαιαν 
yap), το δέ πα/)ά μικρόν ovSe τταριΒων €λετ^κτ^<ζ 
ίστίν, ίνταυθα δ* ούΒετέρως αυτφ ττροσά/γβταί 
ΤΛ9 βλεγχος. οΰτβ yap των iv τοσοντφ ττλάτβι 
y€ωμ€τρική τις Βνναιτ &ν elvai ^ airohei^i^* οντ 

* flvaiy Casaubon inserts, after ίύναιτ^ &v; Siebenkees, 
Corais, Meineke, Forbiger, following ; L. Kayser approring. 

^ It was a common device of Eratosthenes and other ancient 
geographers to visualize countries and sections by comparing 
them to well-known objects — for example, Spain to an ox- 
hide, the Peloponnesus to a plane-leaf, Sardinia to a human 
foot-print. In this case the Greek words * * plinthia " ( * * tiles ") 
and **sphragides*' ("seals," **gems") are used in a general 
sense as convenient terms for sections which presented, re- 
spectively, tile-shaped and seal-shaped appearances. (In 
2. 1. 22, however, Strabo attributes only the latter word to 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 35 

or of the temperature of the atmosphere, in our 
judgment of the " climata " ; but where it is lesser, 
we observe the difference by the aid of sun-dials 
and dioptrical instruments. Accordingly, the taking 
of the parallel of Athens and that of Rhodes and 
Caria with the sun-dial showed perceptibly (as is 
natural when the distance is so many stadia) the 
difference in latitude. But when the geographer, 
in dealing with a breadth of three thousand stadia 
and with a length of forty thousand stadia of moun- 
tain plus tliirty thousand stadia of sea, takes his 
line from west to equinoctial east, and names the 
two divisions thus made the Southern Division and 
the Northern Division, and calls their parts 
"plinthia" or " sphragides," ^ we should bear in 
mind what he means by these terms, and also by the 
terms " sides that are northern " and " that are 
southern,'* and again, " sides that are western " and 
^^that are eastern." And if he fails to notice that 
which amounts to a very great error, let him be 
called to account therefor (for that is just) ; but as 
regards that which amounts only to a slight error, 
even if he has failed to notice it, he is not to be con- 
demned. Here, however, no case is made out 
against Eratosthenes on either ground. For no 
geometrical proof would be possible where the cases 
involve so great a breadth of latitude ; nor does 

Eratosthenes ; and, furthermore, this is the word he himself 
often employs in the same sense.) Eratosthenes meant to 
convey by "sphragides" the notion of irregular quadrilaterals 
(as shows 15. 1. 11) ; but in his more specilic description of a 
given section — India, for example — he refers to it as ** rhom- 
boidal," and, in the case of the Second Section, he refers to 
"three of its sides" as "fitting into a parallelogram" (see 
2. 1. 22). 




iv 0I9 iiTiXeipel <γ€ωμ€τρ€Ϊν, ομοΚο^ονμ,ενοι^ XPV' 
ται Χημμασιν, αλλ' ίαντφ ττλασας. 

36. ΈέΧτίον Be irepi τη<; τέταρτης \eyei μβρίΒο^^ 
ττροστίθησι Bk καΐ τό^ τον φιλαιτίον καΐ του 
μένοντος ίττΐ των αυτών ύττοθέσβων ή των πάρα- 
ττΚησίων, τούτο μ€ν jcip ορθώς βττιτιμα, Βιότι 
μήκος 6νομάζ€ΐ της μερίΒος ταύτης την άττο 
^αψάκου μέχρις ΑΙ^ύιττου <γραμμήν, ωσττβρ €Ϊ 
τις 7ΓapaWη\oypάμμoυ . την Βιάμ€τρον μήκος 
αυτού φαίη. ου yap έπΙ τού αυτού τταραΧΚηΚου 
κ€Ϊται ητ€ &άψακος καΐ ή της ΑΙ^ύτττου τταρα- 
\ία, αλλ' έττΐ Biea τώτων ττοΧύ άλλ?;λωι;• iv Bk τφ 
μεταξύ Βια^ώνιος ττως άγεται κα\ \οξη ή άττο 
&αψάκου εις Αίγι/τττον. το Be θaυμάζeιv, πως 
έθάρρησεν εΐιτειν έξακισχιΧίων σταΒίων το άττο 
ΤΙηΧουσίου εις ^άψακον, ττΧειόνων όντων η οκτα- 
κισχιΧίων, ούκ ορθώς, Χαβων yap Βι αΊτοΒείξεως 
μέν, ΟΤΙ 6 Bict, ΐΙηΧουσίου παράΧΧηΧος τού Βιά 
Βα/8νλωϊ/09 ττΧείοσιν ή ΒισχιΧίοις καΐ ττεντα- 
κοσίοις σταΒίοις νοτιώτερος εστί, κατ ^Ερατο- 
σθένη δέ (ως οϊεται), Βιότι τού Βιά ΈαβυΧωνος 6 
Bici της ^αψάκου άρκτικώτερος τετ ρακισχιΧίοις 

^ τό, Casaubon inserts, after καί; Siebenkees, Corais, 
Meineke, followiDg ; C. Muller approving. 

^ "Lemma," the Greek word here used, is, according to 
Proclus, a proposition previously proved, or hereafter to be 
proved ; it is, therefore, for any proposition in hand, an 
assumption which requires confirmation. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 1.35-36 

Hipparchus, even where he attempts geometrical 
proof, use admitted assumptions,^ but rather fabri- 
cations which he has made for his own use. 

36. Hipparchus discusses Eratosthenes' Fourth 
Section better; though here, too, he displays his 
propensity for fault-finding and his persistent ad- 
herence to the same, or nearly the same, assumptions. 
He is correct in censuring Eratosthenes for this, 
namely, for calling the line from Thapsacus to 
Egypt the length of this section — which is as if one 
should call the diagonal of a parallelogram its length. 
For Thapsacus and the coast-line of Egypt do not 
lie on the same parallel of latitude, 'but on parallels 
that are far apart from each other ; and between 
these two parallels the line from Thapsacus to 
Egypt is drawn somewhat diagonally and obliquely. 
But when he expresses surprise that Eratosthenes 
had the boldness to estimate the distance from 
Pelusium to Thapsacus at six thousand stadia, 
whereas the distance is more than eight thousand, 
he is incorrect. For having taken it as demonstrated 
that the parallel that runs through Pelusium is more 
than two thousand five hundred stadia farther south 
than the parallel that runs through Babylon,^ and 
then saying — on the authority of Eratosthenes, as he 
thinks — that the parallel through Thapsacus is four 
thousand eight hundred stadia farther north than 
the parallel through Babylon, he says that the 
distance between Pelusium and Thapsacus amounts 

2 Both Eratosthenes and Strabo gave Pelusium a higher 
latitude than Babylon. 




6κτακοσίοι<;, σνμττίτΓτβίν φησί ττΧβίους των οκτα- 
κισχιΧίων. ττως ουν κατ ^Ερατοσθένη Ββίκννταν 
ή τοσαντη άττόστασις του Βια Έαβυ\ωνο<ζ τταραΧ- 
Χηλον άτΓΟ τον Sth &αψάκου, ζήτω, οτι μεν yap 
άπο θαψάκον iirl ΉαβυΧωνα τοσούτον εστίν, 
€Ϊρηκ€ν €Κ€Ϊνος' ΟΤΙ δβ fcal άτΓο τον Si €κατέρον 
τταραΧΚηΧον iirl τον δ^ά θατέρον, ονκ βίρηκεν* 
ovBe yap, otl iirl ταντον μεσημβρινού βστιν η 
&άψακος κα\ η ΈαβυΧών, τάναντία yctp αντος ό 
'^Ιτηταρχος ΙΒβιξβ κατ ^Ερατοσθένη πΧείοσιν η 
ΒισχιΧίοις σταΒίοι<ξ σνμβαίνβιν άνατοΧικωτέραν 
είναι την ΒαβνΧωνα τ^9 &αψάκον. ήμ€Ϊ<ζ τβ 
παρβτίθβμεν^ τάς ^Ερατοσθένον<ξ αποφάσεις, εν 
αΙ<ζ τον Tiypiv και τον Ενφράτην εyκvκXovσθaι 

^ 'καρ€τΙθ€μ€Ρ^ C5orais, for ΊταρατΙθ^μ^ν ; Meineke, Tardieu, 

^ On the assumptions of Hipparchus, Eratosthenes' Thap- 
sacus is made to lie at a latitude 7,300 stadia north of 
Pelusium (see figure, p. 337) ; and hence, computing the 
hypotenuse of the right-angled triangle for the distance 
between the two places, we get approximately 8,500 
stadia. Hipparchus' argument is, as usual, a reductio ad 
ahsurdum, and his fallacy again lies, Strabo means, in his 
applying Eratosthenes' estimates to parallels of latitude and 
to meridians. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 36 

to more than eight thousand stadia.^ I ask, then, 
how is it shown on the authority of Eratosthenes 
that the distance of the parallel through Babylon 
from the parallel through Thapsacus is as great as 
that? Eratosthenes has stated, indeed, that the 
distance from Thapsacus to Babylon is four thousand 
eight hundred stadia ; but he has not further stated 
that this distance is measured from the parallel 
through the one place to the parallel through the 
other ; neither indeed has he stated that Thapsacus 
and Babylon are on the same meridian. On the 
contrary, Hipparchus himself pointed out that, 
according to Eratosthenes, Babylon is more than 
two thousand stadia farther east than Thapsacus.^ 
And I have just cited the statements of Eratosthenes 
wherein he says that the Tigris and the Euphrates 


[Βοέ^ /οη] 




2 Compare §§ 27-29 (above), where Hipparchus, by his 
usual form of argument, forces Eratosthenes' Babylon to be 
1,000 stadia farther west. 




την τ€ ΉίεσοτΓοταμ,ίαν καΧ την 3αβν\ωνίαν, καΐ 
το ττΧβον ye της €^κυκΚωσ€ως τον Κύφράτην 
C 89 iroteiv άττο ycip των άρκτων hrl μεσημβρίαν 
ρυέντα ετηστρέφβιν προς τάς άνατοΧάς, €κπίπτ€ΐν 
δέ €7γΙ μβσημβρίαν, ή μβν οΖν iirl μεσημβρίαν 
ατΓΟ των άρκτων οΖος ως &ν μεσημβρινού τινός 
ίστιν, η S* €7γΙ τάς άνατοΧας βιηστροφη και iirl 
την Βαβυλώνα εκνευσίς τέ εστίν άττο του μεσημ- 
βρινού καΐ ουκ €7γ' ευθείας 8ιά την ρηθεΐσαν ^γκύ- 
κΧωσιν, την Si γβ οΒον εϊρηκε τετ ρακισχιΧίων 
καϊ οκτακοσίφν σταδίων την ειά ΒαβυΧωνα άττο 
θαψάκου τταρλ τον Έύφράτην ττροσθείς, καθάττερ 
εττίτη^ες, του μη τίνα ευθείαν αύτην 8έξασθαι καϊ 
μέτρον του μεταξύ Βυεΐν τταραΧΚηΚων διαστή- 
ματος, μη Ζώομενου δέ τούτου, κενόν βστι καϊ το 
εφεξής Βείκνυσθαι Βοκοΰν, οτι συνιστάμενου ορθό- 
^ωνίου τρίγωνου ττρός τε ΤΙηΧουσίφ καΐ θαψάκφ 
καϊ TTj τομτ) του τε Sia θαψάκου τΓαραΧΧήΧον 
καί του οια ΤΙηΧουσίου μεσημβρινού, μία των 
ττερί την ορθήν, η εττΐ του μεσημβρινού, μείζων 
ίσται της υττο την ορθήν, της άττο &αψάκου εις 
ΤΙηΧούσιον, κβνον δέ καϊ το συνάτττον τούτφ, 
άττο μη συ^χωρουμένου Χήμματος κατασκεύαζα- 
μενον. ου ycip Βη ΒίΒοται το απ ο ΈαβυΧωνος επΙ 
τον Bici ΚαστΓίωι/ πυΧων μεσημβρινον είναι Βια- 
στή μα τετ ρακισχιΧίων οκτακοσίων. iXήXεyκτaι 

^ In the figure on p. 337 draw a parallel of latitude through 
Β (Thapsacus) and a meridian through A (Pelusium), and let 
them intersect at a point C Then AC { = BC= 4,800 stadia) 
becomes greater than A Β (6,000 stadia) — that is, Eratos- 
thenes' estimates lead to this result, says Hipparchus. 

* The Greek verb here used corresponds to the noun 




GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 36 

encircle Mesopotamia and Babylonia, and that the 
Euphrates does the greater part of the encircling, 
in that, after flowing from the north towards the 
south, it turns towards the east, and finally empties 
southwards. Now its southward course from the 
north lies approximately on some meridian, but its 
bend to the east and to Babylon is not only a 
deviation from the meridian but it is also not on a 
straight line, owing to the said encircling. It is 
true that Eratosthenes has stated the route to 
Babylon from Thapsacus to be four thousand eight 
hundred stadia long, though he added, as on 
purpose, ^^ following the course of the Euphrates," 
in order that no one might interpret it as a straight 
line or as a measure of the distance between two 
parallels. If this assumption of Hipparchus be not 
granted, futile also is his subsequent proposition 
which has only the appearance of being proven, 
namely, that if a right-angled triangle be constructed 
with vertices at Pelusium, Thapsacus, and the point 
of intersection of the parallel of Thapsacus with 
the meridian of Pelusium, then one of the sides of 
the right angle, namely, that on the meridian, is 
greater than the hypotenuse, that is, the line from 
Thapsacus to Pelusium. ^ Futile also is the pro- 
position that he links with this proposition, because 
it is fabricated 2 from something that is not conceded. 
For surely Eratosthenes has not granted the 
assumption that the distance from Babylon to the 
meridian that runs through the Caspian Gates is a 
matter of four thousand eight hundred stadia. I 

which, in the formal divisions of a proposition, constitutes 
that division which, says Proclus, *' atdds what is wanting to 
the data for the purpose of finding out what is sought." 

ζ 2 



tyap υή> ημών €κ των μη συγχω ρου μένων ύττ' 
^Ερατοσθένους; κατβσκευακοτα τούτο τον "ΙτΓττα/}- 
γρν ίνα δ' άνίσχυρον y το ύττο εκείνου Βώόμενον, 
Χαβων το είναι, ττΧείους ή εννακισχιΚίονς εκ 
ΒαβυΧωνος εττΐ την εκ Κασττίων ττυΧων οΰτως 
α^ομένην 'γραμμην, ώς εκεΐνος εϊρηκεν, εττϊ τους 
ορούς της Καρμανίας, εΒείκννε το αυτό. 

37. Ου τούτο ουν Χεκτέον ιτρος τον ^Ερατο- 
σθένη, αλλ' ίτί των εν ττΧάτεί Χε^ομένων κα\ 
μεγεθών καϊ σγτιμάτων εΙναί τι Βεΐ μέτρον, καΐ 
οτΓου μ^ν μάΧΧον, δττου δέ ίΧαττον συ^^χωρητέον. 
Χηφθέντος γάρ του των ορών *πΧάτους των εττΙ 
τ ας ίσημερινας άνατοΧ^ς εκτεινο μένων τρισχιΧίων 
σταΒίων, ομοίως Βε καϊ του της θαΧάττης της 
μέχρι ^τηΧων, μάΧΧον αν τις συ^χωρήσειεν ώς 
ειτί μιας γραμμής εζετάζεσθαι τίυς τταραΧΧηΧονς 
εκείνης εν τφ αύτφ πΧάτει ά'γομενας ή τας συμ- 
πίπτουσας, καϊ των συμτΓΠΓΤουσων τίίς iv αύτφ 
εκείνω τω ττΧάτει την σύμτττωσιν έχουσας ή τάς 

^ Strabo refers to the false conclusion in § 34. 

' Strabo had in the main accepted Eratosthenes' map 
together with his treatise thereon, inadequate though they 
were. He objected to Hipparchus' criticism based upon 
false assumptions and geometrical tests applied to specific 
cases. He argues in this paragraph that the map requires a 
**metron,"or standard of measure, by means of which, as 
a sort of sliding scale, we may make proportional concessions 
or allowances in the matter of linear directions and geometri- 
cal magnitudes. Practically applied, this * ' metron " would 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 36-37 

have proved that Hipparchus has fabricated this 
assumption from data that are not conceded by 
Eratosthenes; but in order to invalidate what 
Eratosthenes does grant, Hipparchus took as granted 
that the distance from Babylon to the line drawn 
from the Caspian Gates to the confines of Carmania 
just as Eratosthenes has proposed to draw it is more 
than nine thousand stadia, and then proceeded to 
show the same thing. ^ 

37. That, therefore, is not the criticism that 
should be made against Eratosthenes,* but rather 
the criticism that his roughly-sketched magnitudes 
and figures require some standard of measure, and 
that more concession has to be made in one case, 
less in another. For example, if the breadth of the 
mountain-range that stretches toward the equi- 
noctial east, and likewise the breadth of the sea 
that stretches up to the Pillars, be taken as three 
thousand stadia, one would more readily agree to 
regard as \ying on a single line* the parallels ot 
that line drawn within the same breadth than he 
would the lines that intersect therein * ; and, of the 
intersecting lines, those that intersect within that 
said breadth than those that intersect without. 

save us from such a mistake as placing the Caspian Gates and 
the mouth of the Nile on the same parallel of latitude, and 
again from such a mistake as estimating the actual distance 
between these two points to be the same as the longitudinal 
distance. Furthermore, Strabo shows by parallelograms that 
the actual distance between any two points, A and B, does 
not grow less in the same proportion as does their difference 
of longitude. 

^ That is, an assumed line drawn east and west through 
the length of the strip — a strip approximately 70,000 stadia 
in length. 

* See the figure and the note on pages 342 and 343. 



€Λτ09* ωσαύτω<; καΧ τάν 8ασταμ€νας f^c'xpi τον 
μη €κβαίν€ίν του ττλατον? ή τά? έκβαινούσας, καΐ 
τάς έν μζίζονυ μήκβί μαΧΚον fj τά? iv βλάττονι. 
καΐ yctp ή άνισότη^ των μήκων σν^κρντττοίτ αν 
C 90 μαΧΚον /cai ή άνομοιότης των σχημάτων οίον iv 
τφ ττλάτβί του Ύαύρου 7Γαντο<; καί τη<ζ μ€χρι 
Έ^τηΧων θσΧάττη^, ύττοκβιμένων τρισχ^ίλίων στα- 
Βίων, νοείται & τί τταραΧΚηΧό^ραμμον χωρίον, το 
ΤΓβρί'γράφον το τε ορο^ ατταν κα\ την Χβχθβΐσαν 
θάΧατταν. ihv ουν ΒιέΧτ/^ eh ττΧείω ΊταραΧΧηΧό- 
y ράμμα το μήκο^, καΐ τί^ν Βίάμετρον 6Χου τ€ 
τούτου ΧάβΎΐ^ κα\ των μέρων, ραον &ν η του οΧου 
Βιάμετρος ή αύτη Χο^ισθείη,^ τταράΧΧηΧο^; τ€ καΧ 
ίση, TJj KaTCL το μήκος ττΧενρα rjirep ή iv τοις 
μέρεσΐ' καΐ οσφ y &ν εΧαττον y το τταραΧΧηΧό- 
Ύραμμον το Χηφθ^ν iv pApei, τοσφΒε μαΧΧον τοντ 
&ν συμβαίνοι. rj Τ€ yhp Χοξοτης της Βιαμ4τρου 
^ττον άττεΧέγχεται και ή άνισότης του μήκους iv 
τοις με^άΧοις, ωστ ούδ' hv οκνήσειας βπ' αύτων 
την Βιάμβτρον elireiv μήκος του σχήματος, iav 
ούν την Βιάμετρον Χοζώσι^ς μάΧΧον, ωστ€ ex- 

^ Miiller and Tardieu rightly regard Meineke's deletion of 
irapaWriKos τ€ κάί Ιση after Koyiaeelri as unwarranted. 

Let A BCD be assumed strip ; let 00' be assumed east and 
west line ; let PP" and SS' be parallel to 00' ; let BK and 
KG (or BK' and K'C) be lines that intersect within, and 
BJC* and K"G lines that intersect without. It is easier to 
consider PP' as coincident with 00' than BK + KG (as Ο to 
PK + KP') as coincident with 00', and easier BK + KG 
than BK" + K"G, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 37 

Likewise, also, one would more readily agree to 
regard as lying on a single line those lines that 
extend within the limits of said breadth and do not 
reach beyond than those that reach beyond ; and 
those lines that extend within greater lengths than 
those in lesser. For in such cases the inequality of 
the lengths and the dissimilarity of the figures would 
be more likely to escape notice ; for instance, in the 
case of the breadth of the entire Taurus Range, 
and of the Sea up to the Pillars, if three thousand 
stadia be taken as hypothesis for the breadth, we can 
assume one single parallelogram which traces the 
boundary both of the entire Range and of the said 
Sea. Now if you divide a parallelogram lengthwise 
into several small parallelograms, and take the 
diagonal both of this whole and of its parts, then 
the diagonal of the whole might more easily be 
counted the same as (that is, both parallel and 
equal to) the long side than could the diagonal ot 
any one of the small parallelograms as compared 
with the corresponding long side ; and the smaller 
the parallelogram taken as a part, the more would 
this be true. For both the obliquity of the diagonal 
and the inequality of its length as compared with 
the long side are less easily detected in large 
parallelograms ; so that you might not even hesitate 
in their case to call the diagonal the length of the 
figure. If, however, you make the diagonal more 
oblique, so that it falls exterior to both of the sides. 




Treaelv ίξω των ττΧενρων βκατέρας ή της ye 
ετέρας, ουκ civ ομοίως €τι ταντα σνμβαίνοί' 
τοιούτον 8η τί λβγω το μβτρον των iv πΧάτει 
\€τ/ομ€νων. 6 S* άττο των Κασιτίων ττυΧων την 
μεν Βί αύτων των ορών Χαμβάνων, ώς αν βττΐ 
ταντοΰ τταραΧλήΧον μέχρι %τη\ων άτ/ομένην, την 
S* άτΓονβνονσαν eh @άψακον βύθυς βξω ττοΧν των 
ορών, καΐ ΐΓοΚιν €Κ ^α^^άκου ττροσβκβάΧΚων 
αΧΚην μέχρις Αιγύπτου τοσούτον εττιΚαμβά- 
νουσαν ττλατος, είτα τφ μήκβι τφ ταύτης κατά- 
μέτρων το του χωρίον μήκος, Βιαμέτρφ τετραγώ- 
νου καταμετρεΐν &ν Βόρειε το τον τετραγώνου 
μήκος, όταν δέ μηΒε διάμετρος rj, aXKk κεκΧα- 
σμένη ή γραμμή, ττοΧύ μάΧΧον &ν Βοξειε ττΧημ- 
μεΧεΐν κεκΧασμένη yap εστίν ή άττο Καστηων 
ττυΧων Sih &αψάκου προς τον ΝεϊΧον ά/γομένη. 
ττρος μεν ^Ερατοσθένη ταύτα, 

38. ΐΐρος Βε τον "Ιττιταρχον κάκεΐνο, οτι €χρήν, 
ώς κaτηyopίav ττεττοίηται των υπ εκείνου Χε- 
χθέντων, οΰτω καΐ επανορθωσίν τίνα ποιησασθαι 
των ήμαρτημένων όπερ ημείς ποιοΰμεν. εκείνος 
δ' εΐ καί που τούτου πεφρόντικε, κεΧεύει ή μας 
τοις άρχαίοις πίναξι προσέχειν, Βεομένοις παμ- 
ττόλλ^ τινί μείζονος επανορθώσεως, ή 6 Έ/οα- 

* ΑΌ represents a line which falls exterior to ΒΟκηάΛΗ, 
and -40 a line which falls exterior to BO, Let A BCD be 
the large parallelogram ; then the small parallelograma are 
A BOH, HGCD, FECD, JICD—&na so on indefinitely. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 37-38 

or at least to one of them, this would no longer, in 
like manner, be the case.^ This is substantially 
what I mean by a standard of measurement for 
roughly-sketched magnitudes. But when Eratos- 
thenes, beginning at the Caspian Gates, takes not 
only the line which runs through the mountains 
themselves, but also the line which at once diverges 
considerably from the mountains into Thapsacus, as 
though both were drawn to the Pillars on the same 
parallel, and when, again, he still further produces 
his line, on from Thapsacus to 'Egypt, thus taking in 
all this additional breadth, and then measures the 
length of his figure by the length of this line, he 
would seem to be measuring the length of his 
rectangle by a diagonal of a rectangle. And when- 
ever his line is not even a diagonal but a broken 
line, much more he would seem to err. In fact, it 
is a broken line that is drawn from the Caspian 
Gates through Thapsacus to the Nile. So much 
may be said against Eratosthenes. 

38. But against Hipparchus this too may be urged, 
that, as he criticised the statements of Eratosthenes, 
so also he should have made some sort of correction 
of Eratosthenes* errors — the thing that I am doing. 
But Hipparchus — if he has really ever taken thought 
of this matter — bids us to give heed to the old maps, 
although they need much more correction than the 




τοσθένονς ττίναξ προσ^βΐταί, /cal το ετηφβρόμβνον 
δ' eiri'xeifyq^a της αυτής Ιχεταί μογθηρίας, Χαμ- 
βάν€ί yap iv Χημματί το ίκ των μη ΒιΒομένων 
κατασκενασθέν, ώς ηΚέ^ζαμεν ημείς, οτι ^αψάκον 
^αβυΧών άνατοΧικωτέρα έστΙν ου ττΧβίοσιν η 
χιλίοις σταΒίοις' ωστ el tcaX ττάνυ συνάτ/εται το 
ττΧείοσιν η ΒισχίΧίοις καϊ τετρακοσίοις σταϋοις 
άνατοΧίκωτβραν αυτήν είναι εκ των Χε^ομενων 
υτΓο του ^Ερατοσθένους, δτι ειτί την του Ύίypc8oς 
Βίάβασιν, y ^ΑΧέζανΒρος Βιεβη, άττο &αψάκου 
€στΙ σύντομος σταΒίων ΒισχίΧίων τετρακοσίων, 
C 91 6 Βε Ύί^ρις καϊ 6 Ευφράτης ε^κνκΧωσάμενοί την 
ΜεσοτΓΟταμίαν, τέως μεν επ άνατοΧίίς φέρονται, 
είτ επιστρέφουσα ιτρος νοτον καΐ ττΧησιάζουσι 
' τότ€ άΧΧήΧοις τε άμα καϊ ^αβυΧώνι, ούΒεν ατοττον 
συμβαίνει τφ Xiyφ. 

39. ΙΙΧημμεΧεΐ Bk καΐ εν τφ εξής επιχειρηματία 
εν φ συνάηειν βούΧεται, δτι την άττό θαψάκου 
επΙ Κασττίους ττύΧας οΒόν, ήν μυρίων σταΒίων 
^Ερατοσθένης εϊρηκεν, ουκ επ ευθείας άναμεμετρη- 
μένην ώς εττ ευθείας τταραΒίΒωσι, τής ευθείας 
ποΧύ εΧάττονος ου σης, ή δ' ^φοΒός εστίν αύτφ 
τοιαύτη, φησίν είναι και κατ ^Ερατοσθένη τον 
αυτόν μεσημβρινον τον τε Βιά του Κ,ανωβικοΰ 
στόματος και τον Bici Κυανέων, Βιέχειν δέ τούτον 
του Bih ®αψάκου εξακισχιΧίους τριακόσιους 

^ Hipparchus' reductio ad absurdum again fails, Strabo 
says. First, he has attributed to Eratosthenes a result 
(1,000 stadia) not ba^ed upon Eratosthenes' statements ; 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 3S-39 

map of Eratosthenes still needs. And his subsequent 
effort suffers from the same flaw. For, as I have 
shown by test, he takes as an admitted assumption 
what he has fabricated from data not granted by 
Eratosthenes, namely, that Babylon is not more than 
one thousand stadia farther east than Thapsacus ; 
hence, if even a perfect 'inference is drawn by 
Hipparchus to the effect that Babylon is not more 
than two thousand four hundred .stadia farther east 
than Thapsacus, from Eratosthenes' statement that 
there is a short route of two thousand four hundred 
stadia from Thapsacus to the Tigris River where 
Alexander crossed — ^yet if Eratosthenes also states 
that the Tigris and the Euphrates, after encircling 
Mesopotamia for a time, flow east, then turn toward 
the south, and finally draw near to each other and 
to Babylon, he has proved no absurdity in Eratos- 
thenes statement. 1 

39. Hipparchus is also wrong in his next effort, 
in which he wishes to draw the inference that 
Eratosthenes gives the highway from Thapsacus to 
the Caspian Gates — a highway the length of which 
Eratosthenes has estimated at ten thousand stadia — 
as measured in a straight line, although it was not so 
measured, the straight line being much shorter. 
The attack he makes against Eratosthenes is to 
this, effect: According to Eratosthenes himself the 
meridian through the Canobic mouth of the Nile 
and that through the Cyanean Rocks ^ are one and 
the same, and this meridian is six thousand three 
hundred stadia distant from the meridian through 

secondly, he has drawn a false inference from an estimate 
that Eratosthenes did make (2,400 stadia), as Eratosthenes' 
description of the circuit of the Tigris and Euphrates shows. 
2 The Symplegades. 




σταΒίου^, τάς δέ Κυανέας τον Κασττίου ορου^ 
ίξακισχιλίονς έξακοσίου^;, & κείται κατά την 
υττίρθζσίν την iirl το Κάσττίον ττέλα^ος ifc 
Κολχίδθ9, ωστ€ irapct τριακόσιους σταΒίονς το 
ϊσον elvai Βιάστημα άττο τον Sta Ίίναν4ων με- 
σημβρινού ίττί τ€ θάψακον καϊ iirl τ6 Κάσιτιον 
τρόπον 8η τίνα έττΐ τον αντον μεσημβρινού κεΐσθαι 
την τ€ @άψακον και το ΊίάστΓίον. τούτω S* 
άκοΧονθβΙν το άφεστάναι ϊσον τά? Τίασττίονς 
'ττύΧας &αψάκον τε καΐ τον Κασιτίον' τον δέ 
Τίασττίον ^ ττόΚν εΚάττονς άφεστάναι των μνρίων, 
δσονς φησϊν άφεστάναι ^Έ^ρατοσθενης της &αψά- 
κον της θαψάκον ^ αρα ποΧν iλάττovς ή μνρίονς 
άφεστάναι τονς εττ ενθβίας• κνκΧοττορίαν αρα 
είναι τους μύριους, ους^ Χο'γίζεται εκείνος εττ 
ευθείας άττο Κασττίων ττυΧων εις &άψακον. ipov- 
μεν δέ ττρος αντόν, οτι τον ^Ερατοσθενονς εν 
7Γλατ€4 Χαμβάνοντος τας ευθείας, οττερ οίκεΐόν 
εστί Ύεα^γραφίας, iv ττΧάτει δέ καΧ τας μεσημ- 
βρινές καΐ τάς ειτί Ισημερινην άνατοΧην, εκείνος 
'γεωμβτρικως αντον ενθννει, καΐ ώς &ν Βι οργάνων 
Χάβοι τις τούτων εκαστον' ονΒε αντος Βι οργάνων, 

^ του δ€ Καστίον, Spengel inserts, before τολυ ; Meineke, 
Forbiger, following ; C. Miiller, H. Berger, approving. 

2 r^s Θα^ράκου, Spengel inserts, before &pa ; Meineke, For- 
biger, following ; 0. Miiller, H. Berger, approving. 

^ oSi, Siebenkees inserts, from Tyrwhitt's conjecture ; 
Forbiger, Meineke, following. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 39 

Thapsacus ; and the Cyanean Rocks are six thousand 
six hundred stadia distant from Mt. Caspius, which 
lies at the mountain-pass that leads over from 
Colchis to the Caspian Sea ; and hence the distance 
from the meridian through the Cyanean Rocks to 
Thapsacus is within three hundred stadia of being 
equal to the distance thence to Mt. Caspius ; so then, 
practically speaking, both Thapsacus and Mt. Caspius 
lie on the same meridian. From this it follows, says 
Hipparchus, that the Caspian Gates are equidistant 
from Thapsacus and from Mt. Caspius ; but the 
Caspian Gates are at a much less distance from Mt. 
Caspius than the ten thousand stadia which Eratos- 
thenes says is the distance between the Caspian 
Gates and Thapsacus; therefore the Caspian Gates 
are at a much less distance from Thapsacus than the 
ten thousand stadia that are measured on a straight 
line; and therefore it is a roundabout way that 
measures the ten thousand stadia which Eratosthenes 
reckons on a straight line from the Caspian Gates to 
Thapsacus.^ Now my reply to Hipparchus will be 
that, although Eratosthenes takes his straight lines 
only roughly, as is proper to do in geography, and 
roughly, too, his meridians and his lines to the equi- 
noctial east, Hipparchus puts him to a geometrical 
test — ^just as if every one of these lines had been 
taken with the aid of instruments. ^ Neither does 
Hipparchus himself take everything by the aid of 
instruments, but it is rather by conjecture that he 

^ Even though Hipparchus takes Eratosthenes' distances 
as longitudinal, the error of the latter is quite obvious ; and 
it is now obvious also that Strabo is inclined to protect 
Eratosthenes wherever he can. 

^ That is, instruments of observation — the sun-dial, for 




άλλα μαΧΚον στοχασμω Χαμβάνων και το ιτρος 
ορθΰίς καΐ το TrapaWrj/Xov^, hf μ^ν Βη rovff 
αμάρτημα' ίτερον δέ το μηΒβ ret κείμενα τταρ" 
ίκβίνφ Βιαστηματα τίθβσθαι υττ αντον, μηΒβ ττρος 
εκείνα τον €\€<γχον ττροσάηεσθαι^ αλλά 7γ/)09 
τά ντΐ αυτού ττΚ,αττόμ^να. Βιόττερ ιτρωτον μλν 
βκείνου το άττο του στόματος itrl Φασιν βίττοντος 
σταΚων οκτακισχ^ίΧίων, καΐ ττροσθέντος τους €Α9 
AcoaKovpidSa ivOhhe εξακόσιους, την δ' άττο 
ΑωσκουριάΒος εις το Κάσπιον υπερθβσιν ήμερων 
ττέντε, ήτις κατ αντον ^ΊιηΓαρχον εικάζεται 
Χ&^εσθαι όσον χιλίων σταΖίων, ώστε την σύμ- 
C 92 ττασαν κατ ^Κρατοσθενη κεφαΧαιονσθαι ενα- 
κισχιλίων^ εξακοσίων, αύτος συντέτμηκε και 
φησιν εκ μεν Κνανέων εις Φασιν ττεντακισχιΧίονς 
εξακόσιους, εις δέ Τίάσιτιον ένθένΒε αΧΚους χιλίονς* 
ωστ ου κατ ^Ερατοσθένη συμβαίνοι άν εττΐ τον 
αυτού ττως μεσημβρινού το τε Κάσιτιον είναι καΐ 
την &άψακον, άλλα κατ αυτόν, φέρε δ' οΰν κατ 
^Ερατοσθένη* ιτώς οΰν τοντφ εττεται το την άττο 
του Κασιτίου εττΐ Κασττίονς ττνΧας ϊσην είναι ttj 
άτΓΟ θαψάκου εττϊ το αυτό σημεΐον; 

40. Έϊ/ δέ τφ Βευτέρφ ύττομνηματι άναΚαβων 
ττάΧιν την αντην ζήτησιν την ττερί των ορών των 
κατίί τον Ύαΰρον, ττερΙ ων ίκανως ειρηκαμεν, 
μεταβαίνει ττρος τά βόρεια μέρη της οίκου μένης* 

^ 4νακισχι\ία)ν, Sterrett, for 4ννακισχι\1ων, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 39-40 

takes the relations of both " perpendicular " and 
" parallel." This, then, is one of Hipparehus* mis- 
takes. Another mistake is this, that he does not 
even put down the distances that are found in 
Eratosthenes or apply his test to them, but to those 
that are fabricated by himself. So, for instance, 
though Eratosthenes first estimated the distance 
from the outlet ^ to Phasis ^ at eight thousand stadia 
and added to this the six hundred stadia thence to 
Dioscurias, and then estimated at a five days' 
journey the pass that leads over to Mt. Caspius 
(which, according to Hipparchus himself, is con- 
jectured to mean about one thousand stadia), so 
that the total distance, according to Eratosthenes, 
amounts to nine thousand six hundred stadia, Hip- 
parchus has made a short cut to his result, and says 
that from the Cyanean Rocks to Phasis the distance 
is five thousand six hundred stadia, and thence to 
Mt. Caspius, another thousand stadia. Therefore 
the statement that Mt. Caspius and Thapsacus are 
virtually situated on the same meridian could not 
be based on the authority of Eratosthenes, but on 
that of Hipparchus himself. Well, suppose it were 
on the authority of Eratosthenes. How, pray, can it 
follow therefrom that the line from Mt. Caspius to 
the Caspian Gates is equal in length to the line from 
Thapsacus to the same point ? 

40. In his Second Book, Hipparchus again takes 
up the same question of Eratosthenes' division ot 
the inhabited world along the line of the Taurus 
Range, about which I have already said enough ; 
then he passes to a discussion of the Northern 

1 Of the Euxine. 

^ A town at the mouth of the Phasis River. 




€ΐτ ίκτίθβταί τα Χβχθβντα νττο τον ^Ερατοσθένους 
περί των μ€τα τον ΤΙόντον τόττων, οτι φησϊ τρβΐς 
ακρα^ άτΓο των άρκτων καθηκβιν μίαν μέν, βφ' 
^9 ή ΤΙέλοηόννησο^, SevTepav Se την ^ΙταΧικην, 
τρίτην Se την AcyvaTiKfjv, υή> ων κολττονς άττο- 
λαμβάνεσθαι τον τ€ ^ΑΒριατίκον καΧ τον Ύνρρη- 
νικόν, ταύτα δ' βκθίμβνο^ καθόλου ττΰΐραταί τα 
καθ^ €καστα irepl αύτων Χβ^γομβνα iXiyxeiv 
<γ€ωμ€τρίκω<; μαΧΚον η γεωγραφικώς, €στι Be 
τοσούτον των άμα ρτανο μένων iv αύτοΐ<; υπ 6 του 
*Κρατοσθένου<ζ το πΧήθος, καΐ ύττο Ύίμοσθβνους 
του T0U9 Χιμένας συ^γ^ρά^^αντος (ρν iiraivel μβν 
€Κ€Ϊνο<; μάΧιστα των αΧΧων, Βιαφωνων δ' ελέγ- 
χεται ττρος αντον ττΧεϊστα), ωστ ουκ άξιον 
ηγούμαι Βιαιτάν οντ εκείνους, εττΐ τοσούτον 
Βιαμαρτάνοντας των όντων, ούτε τον ^Ίτηταρ'χρν. 
καί yap ούτος τα μεν τταραΧείττει των ήμαρτημέ- 
νων, τα δ' ουκ εττανορθοΐ, αλλ' eXέyχει μόνον, οτι 
ψευΒως ή μαχομένως εϊρηται, αΐτιάσαιτο μεν yhp 
καΐ τοΰτ &ν ϊσως τις, οτι φησιν άκρας τρεις της 
Εύρώττης, μίαν μεν τιθεις την εφ' ίις ή ΤΙεΧοττόν- 
νήσος' έχει yap τι ττοΧυσχιΒές, καΐ yap το 
Χούνιον ακρωτηριάζει ομοίως Tjj Αακωνικτ], ου 
τΓοΧύ fJTTOV μεσημβρινον^ ον των Μαλεώι^, κα\ 
κοΧτΓον άτΓοΧαμβάνον a^ioXoyov, καΙ ή ®ρακία 
Κερρόνησος άττοΧαμβάνει ττρος το Χοννιον τον 

^ μ€σημβριι^6ν, Madvig, for μ^σημβριρώτΐρον. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 40 

Division ; and then he sets forth what Eratosthenes 
said about the countries that He next after the 
Pontus, namely, that three promontories jut down 
from the north : one promontory, on which is the 
Peloponnesus; a second, the Italian; and a third 
the Ligurian ; and that these three promontories 
enclose both the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian 
Gulfs. After setting forth these statements of 
Eratosthenes in a general way, Hipparchus under- 
takes to test each several statement about the 
promontories, yet on the principles of geometry 
rather than those of geography. But so great is the 
multitude of mistakes made in case of these promon- 
tories by Eratosthenes, and by Timosthenes who 
wrote on The Harbours (whom Eratosthenes praises 
beyond all the rest, though we find him disagreeing 
with Timosthenes on most points), that I consider it 
unfitting to pass judgment either upon those men, 
since they both stray so very far from the facts, or 
upon Hipparchus. For even Hipparchus passes by 
some of their mistakes in silence, while yet others 
he does not correct, but merely shows by test that 
they were made falsely or captiously. We might 
perhaps find fault with Eratosthenes on this point 
too, namely, because he says " three promontories " 
of Europe, putting down as " one promontory " that 
on which is the Peloponnesus ; for it is split, so to 
speak, into a number of promontories ; for example, 
Sunium is a promontory just as much as is Laconia, 
since it reaches almost as far south as Maleae and 
embraces a gulf of considerable size. And the 
Thracian Cherronese and the promontory of Sunium 
cut off, between them, not only the gulf of Melas ^ but 

1 The Gulf of Saros. 


VOL. I. A A 



τ€ MiXava κοΚττον κα\ τους βφβξής τους ΜαΛτβ- 
Βονίκονς. el δ' οΰν ιταρβίημβρ τούτο, καΐ των 
διαστημάτων τα 7Γ\€Ϊστα φανβρως yjrevSoypa- 
φούμβνα βλέγχβί την άττειρίαν των τοττων virep- 
βάΧΚουσαν καΐ αν Ββομένην ^βωμβτρικων εΚ^^γων, 
άλλα φανερών κα\ αύτόθβν ίκμαρτυρείσθαι δυνα- 
μένων οίον OTi έξ ^ΚτΓΐΒάμνον ττ/οό? τον &€ρμαΐον 
κόΧτΓον η ύττέρβασίς εστί ττΧειόνων ή ΒισχιΚίων 
C 93 ο'ταΒίων 6 δ' ίνακοσίων^ φησίν €κ Be ^ΚΚβζαν- 
Speia^ βίς ΚαρχηΒονα virep μύριους καϊ τρισ- 
χιλίους, ου ττΧβίους οντάς των ίνακισχΐΚιων'^ 
€Ϊ7Γ€ρ €7γΙ του αύτοΰ μεσημβρινού ίστι κατίι 
τούτον τ§ μ^ν ^ΑΧεξανΒρβία Καρία καϊ 'Ρόδο?, 
ττ) δέ ΚαργηΒονι 6 ΤΙορθμος. ττάντβς yap ομο- 
\ο<γοΰσι μη ττλβίόνων elvai τον ίκ Καριάς €7γΙ 
ΤΙορθμον ττΧοΰν σταΒίων η ίνακισγίΧίων*^ 6 Τ€ 
μεσημβρινός iv μβ^αΚω μέν τινι Βιαστηματι 
\αμβαν6μ€νος Βοθείη &ν 6 αύτος eivai τ φ τοσούτον 
Βυσμικωτίρω^ ττρος τον βωθινώτβρον όσον η Καρχη- 
8ών €στι τού ΤΙορθμού ττρος Βύσει μαΧΚον, iv 
δέ τ €τρακισ χιλίοις ^ σταΒίοις βχει καταφανή τον 
eXeyxov. 6 δέ καϊ την Ύώμην τιθείς έττΐ ταν- 
τού μεσημβρινού την τοσούτον καΧ ΚαρχηΒονος 
Βυσμικωτέραν, ύττβρβοΧην ουκ άττοΧβίττβι της των 
τοττων ατΓβιρίας καϊ τούτων καϊ των βφβξής ττρος 
Βύσιν μίχρι ΧτηΧων, 

* 4νακοπίων, Meineke, for ^ννακοσίων. 

' 4νακισχιλΙωρ, Sterrett, for ^ννακισχιΧίων. 
^ ^νακισχιΚίων, Meineke, for ίννακισχιΧίων. 

* Kramer, Muller-Diibner, and Meineke delete τφ before 
τοσούτον and read ζυσμικώτ€ρο5 with some of the MSS. But 
the MSS. also support Βυσ μικοιη4ρφ. Capps, quite indepen- 
dently, suggested the above reading. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 40 

also all the Macedonian Gulfs that come after Melas. 
However, if we should pass over this objection, still, 
the most of the distances, which are obviously 
wrong, prove that Eratosthenes* ignorance of these 
regions is surpassing and that his ignorance requires 
no geometrical proofs, but only such proofs as are 
obvious and can be attested forthwith ; for instance, 
that the pass from Epidamnus that leads over to the 
Thermaic Gulf is more than two thousand stadia, 
though Eratosthenes says it is nine hundred; and 
that the distance from Alexandria to Carthage is 
more than thirteen thousand stadia, though it is not 
more than nine thousand — if Caria and Rhodes lie, as 
Eratosthenes says, on the same meridian as Alexan- 
dria, and the Strait of Sicily on the same meridian as 
Carthage. In fact, all agree that the voyage from 
Caria to the Strait of Sicily is not more than nine 
thousand stadia; and though, when there is some 
considerable distance between two places, the me- 
ridian taken for the more easterly place might be 
granted to be the same as the meridian which is no 
farther west therefrom than Carthage is west of the 
Strait of Sicily, yet when we are concerned with a 
matter of four thousand stadia the error is self- 
evident. And when Eratosthenes actually places 
Rome — which is so much farther west of the Strait 
of Sicily than even Carthage is — on the same me- 
ridian with Carthage, his ignorance both of these 
regions and of the successive regions toward the 
west as far as the Pillars can reach no higher 

^ τ€τρακισχιλίυΐ5, Broquigny, for τρισχιΚίοΐ5 ; all editors or 
translators following or approving. 


A A ^ 



41. Ίτητάρχω μβν οΐ>ν μη ^^εω^^ραφονντ^ αλλ' 
βξβτάζοντι τα Χβχθέντα iv rfj '^βω^ραφία rfj 
* Ερατοσθένους;, οίκείον ην iirl ττΧέον τά καθ^ 
e κάστα εύθύνειν ημβΐς Β\ iv 0Ι9 μβν κατ ορθοί, 
το ττλέον δ' €τι οτΓον καϊ ττΧημμέλβΐ, τον καθ" 
βκαστα οίκβΐον Xoyov ωηθημβν Becv ττροσώγβίν, 
τά μβν €7Γανορθονντ€<ζ, υττίρ ων δ' άττοΧυόμβνοί 
τα? €7Γίφ€ρομ€να<ζ αΙτίας ύττο τον Ίτητάρχ^ου, καΧ 
αντον τον "Ιτηταρχον σννβξβτάζομβν, οττον τί φί- 
\αιτίω<ζ €Ϊρηκ€ν. iv δέ τούτοις 6ρωντ€<ζ ή8η τον μβν 
τέλέως τταρατταίοντα, τον δε 8ικαίω<ζ iiriKaXovvTa, 
άρκ€Ϊν υτΓοΧαμβάνομβν, αν iv avTJj Trj ^εωηραφία 
τα οντά XiyovTC^ βττανορθωμβν αυτόν, βφ' ων 
yap συνβχη καϊ βΤΓίττοΧαζοντά €στι τα άμαρτανο- 
μενα, κρεΐττον μηΒ^ μεμνησθαι, ττΧην el σττάνιον 
TC καϊ καθόΧου* oirep ττειρασόμεθα ττοιεΐν iv rot? 
καθ^ €καστα. καϊ νυν δ* elpησθωy οτι καϊ 
Ύιμοσθένης καϊ ^Ερατοσθένης καΐ οι €τι τούτων 
irpoTcpoi τέΧέως η^νόουν τά τ€ ^Ιβηρικά καΐ τα 
ΚβΧτίκά, μνρίω δέ μαΧΧον τα Τερμανικίί καϊ τά, 
Έρεττανίκά, ως δ' αΰτως τά των Τβτων καϊ 
Έασταρνων. iirX ττοΧύ δ' αγνοίας €τύγχανον 
άφιγμένοι καΐ των κατ ^ΙταΧίαν καϊ τον ^ΑΒρίαν 
καϊ τον ΤΙοντον καϊ των iφ€ζης ιτροσαρκτίων 
μέρων* el καΐ τά τοιαύτα ϊσως φίΧαίτιχι, του yctp 
^Ερατοσθένους βττΐ των ττόρρω Βίεστηκοτων τά 
ΊταραΖεΒομένα φάσκοντος ipetv Βίαστηματα, μτ) 
Βασγυριζομένου Be, καϊ Χέ^οντος ως τταρέΤ^ιββ, 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 41 

41. Now it would have been proper for Hipparchus, 
if he were not writing a work on Geography but 
merely a review of what Eratosthenes had said in his 
Geography, to go further than he did in setting right 
in detail the mistakes of Eratosthenes ; but as for 
me, I have thought it right to introduce in detail the 
appropriate discussion both in regard to the points 
in which Eratosthenes is right and, still more so, in 
regard to those in which he is wrong ; and I have 
not merely corrected his mistakes, but where I have 
acquitted him of the charges brought by Hipparchus, 
I have also criticised Hipparchus himself, whenever 
he has said anything in a censorious spirit. But since 
in these instances I see at a glance that Eratos- 
thenes goes entirely astray and that Hipparchus 
accuses him justly, I assume that it is sufficient if I 
correct Eratosthenes by merely stating the facts in 
the course of my Geography itself. Indeed, where 
the errors are continuous and lie on the surface, it 
is better not to mention them at all, except rarely 
and in a general way ; and this is what I shall try 
to do in my detailed account. However, let it be said 
at this moment that Timosthenes and Eratosthenes 
and the still earlier geographers were completely 
ignorant of Iberia and Celtica ; and vastly more igno- 
rant of Germany and Britain, and likewise of the 
countries of the Getans and the Bastamians ; and 
they were to a considerable extent ignorant of 
Italy, the Adriatic Sea, the Pontus, and the regions 
beyond them on the north ; though perhaps such 
statements are censorious. For, since Eratosthenes 
asserts that where it is a question of very remote 
regions he will give merely the traditional distances 
without vouching for them, and admits that he got 




Ίτροστιθίντο^ δ' βστιν οττον τα iir* βύθβίας μαλΧον 
καΧ fJTTOv, ου hei Trpoaayeiv τον ακριβή €Κ&γχρν 
C 94 το?9 μη ομοΧο^ουμένοις προς άΧΧηΧα ^ιαστή- 
μασιν oirep iroLelv ττειράται 6 "Ιτητ άρχος εν τ€ 
τοις irpoTepov Χεχθβΐσι καϊ iv οίς τά Trepi την 
'Ύρκανίαν μ^χρι Βακτρίων καϊ των βττέκανα 
εθνών εκτίθεται διαστήματα, καϊ ετι τα άττο 
ΚόΧχίΒος εττΐ την 'Ύρκανίαν θάΧατταν, ου yap 
ομοίως εττί τ€ τούτων εξεταστίον αύτον καΧ επί 
των κατά την ηπειρώτιν τταραΧίαν ^ καϊ τους 
αΧΧους τους οΰτω γνωρίμους τόττους* αλλ' ούδ' 
€7γΙ τούτων ^εωμετρικως, οιτερ εφην, άΧΧα γβω- 
^ραφικως μαΧΧον, αΐτιασάμενος δ' οΐτν τίνα των 
Αίθιοτηκων ειτί τεΧει του δευτέρου υπομνήματος 
των προς την ^Ερατοσθένους ^εω^ραφίαν πεποιη- 
μένων, iv τφ τρίτφ φησί την μεν πΧείω θεωρίαν 
εσεσθαι μάθη ματ ικην, επΙ ποσόν δέ και ιγεω- 
^ραφικήν* ουδ' επΙ ποσόν μέντοι Βοκεΐ μοί ποίη- 
σασθαι ^εω^ραφικήν, αλλά πασαν μαθηματικην, 
8ι86ντος καϊ του ^Ερατοσθένους την τοιαύτην 
πρόφασιν, ποΧΧαχοΰ yap εκπίπτει προς το 
επιστημονικώτερον της προκειμένης ιστορίας, εκ- 
πεσων δέ ουκ ακριβείς, αλλ' οΧοσχερεΐς ποιείται 
τας αποφάσεις, τρόπον τινά εν μ^ν τοις yεω- 
ypaφικoΐς μαθηματικός, εν Βε τοις μαθηματικοΐς 
yεωypaφικbς ων, ώστε προς αμφω ΒίΒωσιν άφορ- 
^ -KapahiaVf Groskurd, for ιτάΚιν ; Meineke following. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 41 

them by tradition, — though at times he adds the 
words "in a line more or less straight" — it is not 
fair to apply the rigorous test^ to those distances 
which do not agree with each other. That is pre- 
cisely what Hipparchus tries to do, not only in the 
cases mentioned above but also where he sets forth 
the distances round about Hyrcania up to Bactria 
and to the tribes on beyond, and, besides, the dis- 
tances from Colchis to the Hyrcanian Sea. Indeed, 
in the case of the geography of the remote countries, 
we should not scrutinize him in the same way as we 
do in that of the continental sea-board and of the 
other regions that are as well known ; nay, not even 
in case of the nearer regions ought we to apply the 
geometrical test, as I was saying, but rather the 
geographical. Now toward the end of his Second 
Book, which he has written in refutation of the 
Geography of Eratosthenes, Hipparchus finds fault 
with some of the statements of Eratosthenes about 
Ethiopia, and then says that in his Third Book the 
greater part of his speculation will be mathematical, 
but "to some extent" geographical also. It seems 
to me, however, that he did not make his theory 
geographical even "to some extent," but wholly 
mathematical — ^though Eratosthenes himself gives 
Hipparchus a good excuse for so doing. For fre- 
quently Eratosthenes digresses into discussions too 
scientific for the subject he is dealing with, but, after 
he digresses, the declarations he makes are not 
rigorously accurate but only vague, since, so to speak, 
he is a mathematician among geographers, and yet a 
geographer among mathematicians ; and consequently 
on both sides he offers his opponents occasions for 

* That is, of geometry. 




μΛς το?9 άντίΧ&γουσιν iv Sk τοντφ τφ ύττομνη- 
μάτι καΧ Βικαίας καΐ οΰτος καΐ 6 Ύιμοσθέρης, 
ωστ ούΚ ημΐν καταΧβίττβται συνετησκοττεΐν, αλλ' 
άρκ€Ϊσθαι τοις ύττο τον Ίτητάρχον \€γθβίσιν. 


1. "^ΙΒωμβν δέ καΐ ΤΙοσβιΒώνιον, α φησιν iv τοις 
7Γ€ρΙ ωκβανού* Soxei yap iv αύτοΐς τα ττολλά 
yewy ραφβΐν, τα μίν οίκβίως, τα δέ μαθηματικών 
τ€ρον, ουκ άτοπον οΰν evia κα\ των ύττο τούτου 
Χέτ^ομίνων Βιαιτήσαι, τά μ^ν νυν, τά δ' iv τοις 
καθ* €καστα, ως Αν ύττοττίτττΎΐ, μέτρου τίνος 
βχομένους, βστιν οΰν τι των ιτρος y€ωypaφίav 
οίκβίων τ6 την yrjv οΚην ύττοθέσθαι σφαιρο€ΐΒη, 
καθάτΓβρ κα\ τον κόσμον, καΐ τά άλλα τταρα- 
Βέξασθαι τά ακολούθα τγι ύττοθέσβι ταύτψ τούτων 
δ' €στΙ κα\ το ττεντάζωνον αύτην ehai. 

2. Φι/σΙ δ^ ό ΤΙοσ€ΐ8ώνιος της βίς ττέντβ ζώνας 
8ιαιρ4σ€ως ap'xrjyov y€veσθaι ΤΙαρμενίΒην αλλ' 
iKeivov μ^ν σχβΒόν τι ΒιπΧασίαν άττοφαίνβιν 
το Ίτλάτος την Βιακβκαυμένην,^ υίΓερττίτττουσαν 

^ The words τηϊ μ^τα^\> των τροττικων after Βιακ€καυμ4νην 
are omitted by Kramer and succeeding editors. 

^ That is, some such standard as Strabo himself has defined 
in 2. 1. 37. ^ See footnote 2 on p. 40. 

' But, according to Plutarch, Thales and Pythagoras had 
divided the heavens into five zones, and Pythagoras had 
divided the earth into five corresponding zones {De Pla^itia 
Philosophorum 2. 12 and 3. 14). 

* That is, double the breadth assigned to the torrid 
zone by Poseidonius and Strabo— namely, 2 χ 17,600 stadia 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. ι. 41—2. 2 

contradiction ; and the occasions which both he and 
Timosthenes offer Hipparchus in this Third Book are 
so just that it remains for me not even to join my 
observations to those of Hipparchus, but merely to 
content myself with what Hipparchus has said about 


1. Now let us see what Poseidonius has to say in 
his treatise on Oceanus. For in it he seems to deal 
mainly with geography, treating it partly from the 
point of view of geography properly so called, and 
partly from a more mathematical point of view. And 
so it will not be out of place for me to pass judgment 
upon a few of Poseidonius' statements, some of them 
now, and others in my discussion of the individual 
countries, as occasion offers, always observing a kind 
of standard. 1 Now it is one of the things proper to 
geography to take as an hypothesis that the earth 
as a whole is spheroidal,^ — just as we do in the case 
of the universe — and accept all the conclusions that 
follow this hypothesis, one of which is that the earth 
has five zones. 

2. Poseidonius, then, says that Parmenides was 
the originator of the division into five zones,* but that 
Parmenides represents the torrid zone as almost 
double its real breadth,* inasmuch as it falls beyond 

= 35,200 ; and thus the torrid zone would reach to 25** 8' 34f" 
(counting 700 stadia to the degree). Thus the difference be- 
tween Aristotle and Parmenides is not great, if we assume 
that the former places the tropics at about 24". The reading 
of the manuscripts (see critical note on opposite page) makes 
Parmenides say that the torrid zone is double the zone be- 
tween the tropics, but it is inconceivable that he did so. 




έκατέρων των τροιτικων βίς το €/cto9 fcal ιτρος ταΐ^ 
βύκράτοις• *ΑριστοτέΧη δέ αύτην KoKeiv την 
μεταξύ των τροτηκων, τάς Sk μεταξύ των τροττι- 
κων^ κα\ των αρκτικών €ύκράτον<ζ. άμφοτέροίς 
C 95 δ* έτητίμα Βικαίω^, Βιακβκανμένην yap XeyeaOai 
το άοίκητον Sih καύμα* τη^ δέ μεταξύ των τρο- 
ιτικων ττΧέον ή το ήμισυ του ττΧάτους ουκ ^ 
οίκησιμόν ίστιν ίκ των υττίρ ΚΙ^ίηττου στογα- 
ζομίνοΐ'ζ Αίθιόττων, etiTep το μεν ήμισυ του Ίταντο<ζ 
ττΧάτους εστίν, δ hiaipei ίφ* έκάτβρα 6 Ισημερινός» 
τούτου δβ το μ^ν άττο της Χυήνης, ήττβρ €στΙν 
οριον του θερινού τροττικοΰ, €ΐς Μβρόην είσϊ 
ττεντακισγίΧιοι* το δ' ivOevhe €ως του της Κιννα- 
μωμοφορου ιταραΧΧήΧου, οσττβρ έστΙν άρχη της 
8ιακ€καυμένης, τρισγΙΧιοι. τούτο μεν ούν το 
διάστημα ττάν εστί μετρητόν, ττΧεΐταί τε yap 
και οΒεύεται* το δ' εξής, μέχρι τον ισημερινού, 
X6yφ ^ Βείκνυται κατά, την υττ ^Ερατοσθένους 
yεvoμεvηv αναμετρησιν της yής, οτι εστί σταΒίων 
οκτακισχιΧίων οκτακοσίων ον 8ή Xoyov έχει 
τά μύρια εξακισχιΧία οκτακόσια^ ττρος τά 

* Tcks 5e μ€raξb των τροιτικων^ Casaubon inserts ; all editors 

* ουκ, Kramer inserts, before οίκ^ισιμον ; Forbiger, C. Mviller, 
Tardieu, following. 

' Ισημ€ρινον, λόγγ Β^ίκνυται, Corais, for Ισημερινού λ^», 
ScUvvTui ; Groskurd, Meineke, Tardieu, following ; C. MtiUer, 
H. Berger, approving. 

* ^ακισχίλια οκτακόσια, Kramer, for τρισχίλια ; Meineke, 
Forbiger, Tardieu, C. Miiller, following. 

^ De Meteordogicis 2. 5. 

^ Poseidonius insists on taking literally the Greek word 
^ιακ€καυμ€νην, "scorched." 


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GEOGRAPHY, 2. 2. 2 

both the tropics and extends into the two temperate 
zones, while Aristotle^ calls ^^ torrid" the region 
between the tropics, and ^^ temperate " the regions 
between the tropics and the "arctic circles." But 
Poseidonius censures both systems, and with justice, 
for by *^ torrid," 2 he says, is meant only the region 
that is uninhabitable on account of heat ; and, of the 
zone between the tropics, more than half is unin- 
habitable if we may base a conjecture upon the 
Ethiopians who live south of Egypt — if it be true, 
first, that each division of the torrid zone made by 
the equator is half the whole breadth of that zone ^ 
and, secondly, that, of this half, the part that reaches 
to Meroe from Syene (which is a point on the boun- 
dary line of the summer tropic^) is five thousand 
stadia in breadth, and the part from Meroe to the 
parallel of the Cinnamon-producing Country, on 
which parallel the torrid zone begins, is three thou- 
sand stadia in breadth. Now the whole of these two 
parts can be measured, for they are traversed both 
by water and by land ; but the rest of the distance, 
up to the equator, is shown by calculation based 
upon the measurement which Eratosthenes made of 
the earth * to be eight thousand eight hundred stadia. 
Accordingly, as is the ratio of the sixteen thousand 
eight hundred stadia ^ to the eight thousand eight 

* Strabo proceeds to give a definite estimate of the inhabited 
and uninhabited portions of the torrid zone north of the 
equator. But, for the division of the zone south of the 
equator, he can only assume that a similar estimate applies. 
By so assuming he reaches a conclusion for the whole zone, 
in the form of a ratio. 

* The north and south temperate zones had also the name 
of summer and winter zones ; and hence the summer tropic 
is the northern tropic. ' 252,000 stadia. 

β The distance between the northern tropic and the equator. 




οκτακισγιΚια οκτακόσια^ τούτον &ν βχοι το 
μεταξύ των τροτηκων Βιάστημα ττρος το της 
8ίακ€κανμ€νης ττΧάτος, καν των νβωτέρων Sk 
αναμετρήσεων είσά^ηται, ή βλαγίστην ττοιοΰσα την 
yrjv, οΐαν 6 Ήοσβώώνιος iy/cpivei irepX οκτωκαί^βκα 
μυριάδας ονσαν, ττερί ημνσύ ττον άττοφαίνβι την 
Βιακβκαυμ^νην της μβταξύ των τροτηκων, η μικρφ 
του ή μίσους μείζονα* ϊσην Se και την αυτήν 
ούΒαμως. τοις τ€ άρκτικοΐς, ουτ€ τταρα ττασιν 
οΰσιν, οΰτ€ τοις αύτοΐς ττανταχοΰ, τις &ν 8ιορίζοι 
τλς εύκρατους, ahrep είσΐν άμετάτττωτοι; το μεν 
οΰν μη τταρα ττασιν είναι τους αρκτικούς, ουδέι^ 
άν εϊη ττρος τον εΧε^γρν* Βεΐ yhp τταρει τοις την 
εύκρατον οίκούσιν είναι ττασι, ττρος οΰσττερ καΐ 
Χε^^εται μονούς εύκρατος, το Βε μη ττανταχοΰ 
τον αύτον τροττον, αλλά μεταττίτττειν, καΧως 

3. Αύτος δέ Siaip&v εις τας ξώνας, ττέντε μεν 
φησιν είναι χρησίμους ττρος τά ουράνια, τούτων 
δέ ττερισκίους Βύο τας ύττο τοις ττοΧοις μέχρι των 
εχόντων τους τροττικούς αρκτικούς, ετεροσκίους 8ε 

1 That is, 16,800 : 8,800 :: 33,600 : 17,600. The ratio is 
21 : 11, and the breadth of the torrid zone 17,600 stadia 
(compare 2. 1. 13). 

2 The Greeks in general used the term " arctic circle " of a 
celestial circle, and not of a terrestrial circle as we do to- 
day. Our arctic circle is fixed ; theirs varied according 
to the standpoint of the observer. Their arctic circle was 
drawn on the celestial sphere parallel to the equator and 
tangent to the observer's horizon, and it therefore separated 
the circumpolar stars that are always above the horizon from 
the stars that rise and set with respect to his horizon. Since 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 2. 2-3 

hundred stadia, so would be the ratio of the distance 
between the two tropics to the breadth of the torrid 
zone.^ And if, of the more recent measurements of 
the earth, the one which makes the earth smallest in 
circumference be introduced — I mean that of Posei- 
donius, who estimates its circumference at about one 
hundred and eighty thousand stadia — this measure- 
ment, I say, renders the breadth of the torrid zone 
somewhere about half the space between the tropics, 
or slightly more than half, but in no wise equal to, or 
the same as, that space. And again, Poseidonius asks 
how one could determine the limits of the temperate 
zones, which are non-variable, by means of the 
"arctic circles," which are neither visible among all 
men nor the same everywhere. Now the fact that 
the "arctic circles" are not visible to all could be of 
no aid to his refutation of Aristotle, because the 
"arctic circles" must be visible to all who live in 
the temperate zone, with reference to whom alone 
the term "temperate" is in fact used. But his point 
that the "arctic circles" are not everywhere visible 
in the same way, but are subject to variations, has 
been well taken.^ 

3. When Poseidonius himself divides the earth 
into the zones,^ he says that nve of them are useful 
with reference to the celestial phenomena ; of these 
five, two — those that lie beneath the poles and 
extend to the regions that have the tropics as arctic 

the altitude of the celestial pole is always the same as the 
latitude of the observer, the arctic circles would become zero 
for him at the equator ; and, again, he would have no arctic 
circles if stationed south of the equator, nor would he have 
any antarctic circles if stationed north of the equator. 
Strabo insists that the boundaries of the temperate zones 
shall be fixed, not variable. 8 Seven. 




τάς €φ€ξή^ ταύται<ζ Βύο fJ^Xpt των υττο τοις 
τροτΓίκοΐς οίκούντων, άμφίσκιον Bk την μβταξν 
των τροπικών, ττρος δέ τά άνθρώττβια ταύτας τ€ 
και Svo άΧΚας στενας τά? νττο τοις τροττικοΐς, 
καθ" Κς ημισύ^ ττως μηνός κατά κορυφην έστιν 
6 ήΧιος, Βίχα Βιαφονμένας νττο των τροττικων. 
^χ€ΐν yap τι ΪΒιον τάς ζώνας ταύτας, ανχμηράς Τ€ 
ΙΒίως καΐ άμμώΒβις ύτταρχρύσας και άφορους ττΧην 
σίΚφίου και ττυρωΒων τίνων καρττων συ^κβκαυ- 
μένων, ορη yap μη είναι ττΧησίον, ωστ€ τα νέφη 
ΊΓροσττίτΓΤοντα ομβρονς iroieiv, μηΒ^ 8η ττοταμοΐς 
C 96 Βιαρρβΐσθαι. hioirep ουΚότ ρίγας και ούΧόκβρως 
και ττροχείΧονς καΐ ττΧατύρρινας yevvdaeai* τα 
yap άκρα αύτων σνστρέφβσθαΐ' και τους Ιγθυο- 
φάyoυς he κατά, ταύτας το^ς ξώνας οίκβΐν. οτι 
δέ ταντ iSia των ζωνών τούτων ΒηΧοΰν φησι 
το τους νοτιωτέρους αυτών βγβιν το περιέχον 
βύκρατότβρον καΐ την yrjv καρττιμωτέραν καΐ 


1. ΤΙοΧύβιος Se ποιεί ζώνας εξ' 8ύο μεν τας τοις 
άρκτικοΐς ύποπιπτούσας, Βύο Be τας μεταξύ 
τούτων τε και των τροπικών, καΐ Βύο τά^ μεταξύ 

^ That is, the frigid zones, where the shadows describe an 
oval in the summer-time. 
2 That is, the temperate zones, where the shadows are 


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GEOGRAPHY, 2. 2. 3—3. ι 

circles — are ^^ periscian ^ " ; and the two that come 
next and extend to the people who live beneath the 
tropics are " heteroscian ^ " ; and the zone between 
the tropics, ^^ amphiscianj^ ". But for purposes of 
human interest there are, in addition to these nve 
zones, two other narrow ones that lie beneath the 
tropics and are divided into two parts by the tropics ; 
these have the sun directly overhead for about 
half a month each year. These two zones, he says, 
have a certain peculiarity, in that they are parched 
in the literal sense of the word, are sandy, and pro- 
duce nothing except silphium and some pungent 
fruits that are withered by the heat ; for those 
regions have in their neighbourhood no mountains 
against which the clouds may break and produce 
rain, nor indeed are they coursed by rivers ; and for 
this reason they produce creatures with woolly hair, 
crumpled horns, protruding lips, and flat noses (for 
their extremities are contorted by the heat) ; and the 
^' fish-eaters '' also live in these zones. Poseidonius 
says it is clear that these things are peculiar to those 
zones from the fact that the people who live farther 
south than they do have a more temperate atmos- 
phere, and also a more fruitful, and a better-watered, 


1. PoLYBius makes six zones : two that fall beneath 
the arctic circles, two between the arctic circles and 
the tropics, and two between the tropics and the 

thrown ία opposite directions at noon; the shadow in the 
northern zone falling north and in the southern falling south. 
^ That is, the torrid zone, where the shadow for any point 
at noon is north part of the year and south part of the year. 




τούτων καΙ τον ίσημβρινον, η μ^ν ουν eU ιτέντβ 
Βιαίρβσις 8οκ€Ϊ μοι καΐ φυσικώς αμα καϊ 'γεω'γρα- 
φικως βίρήσθαί. φυσικώς μέρ, οτι καϊ ιτρος τά 
ουράνια καϊ ττρος την του ττβριίγρντος κρασιν 
ττρος μβν τά ουράνια, οτι τοις Ίτβρισκίοις καϊ τοις 
€Τ€ροσκίοις^ καΐ τοις άμφισκίοις, ούτως &ν άριστα 
Βιοριξομένοις, συνΒιορίζβται καϊ τά πβρϊ την θίαν 
των άστρων, ολοσχβρβΐ τινι μβρισμφ Χαμβάνοντα 
την βξάΧΚαξιν' ττρος Sk την του ττβριέχρντος 
κρασιν, οτι της τούτου κράσβως ττρος τον ηΚιον 
κρινομένης Βιαφοραϊ τρβΐς βίσιν αί ^βνικώταται 
καϊ συντείνουσαΐ' ττρος τ€ τας των ζφων καϊ 
φυτών σνστάσβις καϊ των αΧΧων ήμισυστάσβις ^ 
των ύτΓΟ τφ αέρι καϊ iv αύτφ βκάνφ, ύττ^ρβοΧη 
θάΧτΓους καϊ ^ΚΧβιψις καϊ μβσότης. αύτη Sk τφ 
εΙς τά,ς ζώνας μερισμφ Χαμβάνβι την οίκβίαν 
Βιάκρισιν αϊ τβ yap κατεψυ'γμέναι 8ύο την 
βΧΧβιψιν του θάΧτΓους ύττα^ορβύουσιν, βίς μίαν 
του περιέχοντος φύσιν συνα^όμεναι, αϊ Te εύκρατοι 
ΐΓαραττΧησίως εις μίαν την μβσότητα άγονται, βίς 
Se την ΧοΐΊτην ή Χοιττη μία καϊ Βιακεκαυμένη, 
οτι δέ καϊ γεωγραφικός ίστιν 6 μερισμός, ΒηΧον. 

^ καϊ Totf €Τ€ροσκίοΐ5, Groskurd inserts, after ΊΤ€ρισκίοΐ5 ; 
Meineke, Forbiger, Tardieu, following; Gosselin, Kramer, 
C. Mtiller, approving, but not inserting. 

^ ημισυστάσ€ί5^ Madvig, for τίμισυσταλ^ίχ ; A. Vogel, 
Sterrett, approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. ι 

equator. However, the division into five zones 
seems to me to be in harmony with physics as well 
as geography ; with physics, in relation both to the 
celestial phenomena and to the temperature of the 
atmosphere ; in relation to the celestial phenomena, 
because, by means of the ^^periscian" and the 
^^ heteroscian " and the " amphiscian " ^ regions (the 
best way to determine the zones), the appearance of 
the constellations to our sight is at the same time 
determined ; for thus, by a kind of rough-outline 
division,^ the constellations receive their proper 
variations ; and in relation to the temperature of the 
atmosphere, because the temperature of the atmo- 
sphere, being judged with reference to the sun, is 
subject to three very broad differences — namely, 
excess of heat, lack of heat, and moderate heat, 
which have a strong bearing on the organisations of 
animals and plants, and the semi-organisations ^ of 
everything else beneath the air or in the air itself. 
And the temperature of the atmosphere receives its 
proper determination by this division of the earth 
into five zones : for the two frigid zones imply the 
absence of heat, agreeing in the possession of one 
characteristic temperature ; and in like manner the 
two temperate zones agree in one temperature, that 
of moderate heat; while the one remaining is 
consistent in having the remaining characteristic, in 
that it is one and torrid in temperature. And it is 
clear that this division is in harmony with geography. 

' See 2. 2. 3, and footnotes. 

* Strabo, like Pythagoras, has in mind celestial zones cor- 
responding to his terrestrial zones. The former would not 
be so accurate as the latter, but they would afford a con- 
sistent basis for astronomical observation. 

3 Seeds, for example. 


VOL. I. Β Β 

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ζητ€Ϊ yap ή ^γ€ω^γραφία ttj ere pa ^ των ευκράτων 
άφορίσαι το οίκούμενον ύφ* ημών τμήμα' ιτρο^ξ 
Βύσ€ΐ μεν οΰν καϊ άνατολτ} θάΚαττά εστίν η irepa- 
τοΰσα, ττρος Be τά νότια καΐ τά βόρεια 6 άηρ, 6 
μεν μέσος εύκρατος ων καϊ φυτοΐς καϊ ζφοις, 6 
δ' εφ* έκάτερα Βύσκρατος ύττερβοΧτ) καΐ ελΧείψει 
του θάΧτΓονς. εις δέ τλς τρεις διαφοράς ταύτας 
εΒεησε της εΙς ττέντε ζώνας διαιρέσεως• τφ yhp 
Ισημερινφ τμηθεΐσα Βίχα η σφαίρα της γης εϊς τε 
το βόρειον ημισφαίριον, εν ω ημείς εσμβν, καΐ το 
νότιον, νττε^ραψε τίις τρεις διαφοράς* τά μεν 
yhp ττρος τφ ισημερινφ καί ττ} Βιακεκανμένρ ζώντ) 
Bict καν μα άοίκητά εστί, τά δέ ιτρος τ φ ΤΓοΧφ hih 
ψνχος, TCt δέ μέσα τά εύκρατα καϊ τα οικήσιμα. 
6 δέ τίίς ύτΓΟ τοις τροττικοΐς ττροστιθείς ουκ ανά 
\6yov ταΐς ττέντε ταύτας ^ ιτροστίθησιν, ovS* ομοία 
C 97 κεχρη μένος ^ διάφορα, αλλ' ως &ν ει και ταΐς 
εθνικαΐς Βιαφοραΐς άπέφαινε ζώνας, αΧΚην μεν 
την ΑίθιοτΓΐκήν, αΧΧην δέ την ^κυθικην καϊ 
ΊίεΧτικην, τρίτην δέ την avh μέσον. 

2. Ό Βε ΤΙόΧύβιος τοντο μεν ουκ εΰ, το ττοιεΐν 
τινας ζώνας τοις αρκτικοΐς Βιοριζομένας, Βύο μέν 
τίις ύποτΓίΤΓτούσας αύτοΐς, Βύο δέ τάς μεταξύ 
τούτων καΧ των τροττικων εϊρηται yhp οτι τοΐ^ 
μεταττίτΓτουσι σημείοις ούχ οριστέον τά άμε- 
τάτΓτωτα, ούΒε τοις τροττικοΐς δέ τ^9 Βιακεκαυ- 

* tJ ^τ4ρ^, Madvig, for t^j kripat. 

2 TatJraj, Cora is, for rairats ; Meineke following. 

• Κ€χρημ4ρο5ι Corais, for κ(χρημ4ναί, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 1-2 

For geography seeks to define by boundaries that 
section of the earth which we inhabit by means of the 
one of the two temperate zones. Now on the west 
and on the east it is the sea that fixes its limits, but 
on the south and the north the nature of the air ; for 
the air that is between these limits is well-tempered 
both for plants and for animals, while the air on both 
sides of these limits is harsh-tempered, because of 
excess of heat or lack of heat. It was necessary to 
divide the earth into five zones corresponding to 
these three differences of temperature ; indeed, the 
cutting of the sphere of the earth by the equator into 
two hemispheres, the northern hemisphere in which 
we live, and the southern hemisphere, suggested the 
three differences of temperature. For the regions 
on the equator and in the torrid zone are uninhabit- 
able because of the heat, and those near the pole are 
uninhabitable because of the cold; but it is the 
intermediate regions that are well-tempered and 
inhabitable. But when he adds the two zones 
beneath the tropics, Poseidonius does not follow the 
analogy of the five zones, nor yet does he employ a 
like criterion ; but he was apparently representing 
zones by the ethnical criteria also, for he calls one of 
them the ^^ Ethiopic zone," another the '^ Scythico- 
Celtic zone," and a third the '' intermediate zone." 

2. Poly bins is not right in this, namely, in that he 
defines some of his zones by means of the arctic 
circles : two that fall under the arctic circles them- 
selves, and two between the arctic circles and the 
tropics ; for, as I have already said, non-variables must 
not be defined by points that are variable. ^ And we 
must also not employ the tropics as boundaries of the 

^ See page 365, and footnote 2. 

Β Β 2 



μένης opoi<; γ^ρηστέον καΧ yap tout' €Ϊρηταν. την 
8ίακ€καυμ4νην μέντοι 8ίχα Staip&v ττρο^ ου φανλην 
inivoiav φαίνεται κ€Κΐνημ€νο<;, προς ήν καΐ οΚην 
ϋχα Βιαιροϋμεν €ύφνω<ζ την yrjv eU Τ€ το βοραον 
ήμισφαίριον καΐ το νότων τφ Ισημ^ρινφ* irjkov 
yap δτι, €1^ SiaipeiTat κατίί ταύτην την τομην 
καΐ ή Βιακ€κανμ€νη, καΐ iroiei τίνα 4πίτη8€ΐ6τητα 
ωστ€ καΐ το ήμισφαίριον ίκάτβρον βξ όλων συνε- 
τάγβαί τριών ζωνών 6μοιο€ΐ8ων των iv θατέρφ, 
ή μ^ν οΰν τοιαύτη τομή δβχβτα^ την eh ^ζ ζώνας 
hiaLpeaiv, η δ' βτίρα ου ττάνυ» el yoxjv τφ Sih των 
τΓολων 8ίχα τέμνοις την yrjv, ουκ &ν είκοτως 
€κάτ€ρον των ημισφαιρίων, τό τε εσττίριον καϊ το 
άνατοΧικον, τίμνοις βί^ζ ζώνα<ζ εξ, αλλά ή eh 
ττεντε αρκούσα &ν εϊη* το yctp ομοιοτταθ^ς των 
τμημάτων αμφοτέρων της Βιακεκαυμένης, & ττοιεΐ 
6 ισημερινός, καϊ το συyκelσθaι ττεριττην και 
'π•epίεpyov άποφαίνει την τομην, ομοιοειΒων μεν 
ούσων καϊ των ευκράτων καΧ των κaτεy|rυyμεvωv, 
αλλ' ου συyκειμέvωv^ οΰτως οΰν καΐ την δΧην yrjv 
εκ των τοιούτων ημισφαιρίων εττινοουμένην αρ- 
κούντως αν εΙς πέντε 8ιαιροίης. ει S\ ωσττερ 
^Έιρατοσθένης φησίν, ή ύποπίπτουσα τφ Ισημερινφ 
εστίν εύκρατος, καθάπερ καϊ ΤΙοΧύβιος ομοΒοξεΐ 
{προστίθησι δ' ούτος καΐ Βιότι ύψηΧοτάτη εστί' 
Βιόπερ καϊ κατομβρεΐται, των βορείων νεφών 
κατά τους ετησίας εκεί τοις άνασττ^μασι προσπιπ- 
* ydpf Sti, ei 5ιαιρβΓται, Madvig, for y^ ίτ« Smipetrai. 

y Google 

geography; 2. 3. 2 

torrid zone ; this, too, I have already said. However, 
when he divides the torrid zone into two parts, it is 
clearly no foolish notion that has moved him to do 
so ; for it is by this notion that we very suitably use 
the equator to divide the whole earth into two parts, 
namely, the northern and the southern hemispheres. 
For it is clear that, if the torrid zone as well is 
divided according to this method of partition, 
Polybius reaches a convenient result ; that is, each of 
the two hemispheres is composed of three whole 
zones, each of which is like in form to its correspond- 
ing zone in the other hemisphere. Now a partition 
of this kind admits of the division into six zones ; but 
the other partition does not altogether admit of it. 
At all events, if you should cut the earth into two 
parts by means of the circle that runs through the 
poles, you could not reasonably divide each of the 
two hemispheres, the western and the eastern, into 
six zones, but the division into n\e zones would be 
sufficient; for the homogeneousness of the two 
sections of the torrid zone that are made by the 
equator, and the fact that they are contiguous to each 
other, render their partition useless and superfluous, 
while the two temperate and the two frigid zones are, 
indeed, alike in form respectively, though they are 
not contiguous. So, therefore, if you conceive of the 
whole earth as composed of hemispheres of this kind 
it will be sufficient to divide it into five zones. But 
if the country that lies under the equator is temper- 
ate, as Eratosthenes says it is (an opinion with which 
Polybius agrees, though he adds this, that it is the 
highest part of the earth, and for that reason is 
subject to rains, because at the season of the Etesian 
Winds the clouds from the north strike in great 




τόντων ΊτΚείστων), ττοΧύ κρβΐττον τρίτην^ βνκρατον 
ταύτην iroLelv στβνην τίνα, ή τας ύττο τοις τρο- 
irifcoh eladyeiv. συνη^ορ^ΐ δε τούτοις καΐ τά 
τοιαύτα, ων μέμνηται καΐ ΤΙοσειΒώνιος, το i/cei 
τάς μ€ταστάσ€ΐς οξυτερας elvai τΛ? eU rh irXayia, 
ώς δ' αΰτως καΐ τας άττ άνατοΧής iirl Svaiv τον 
ηλίον οξύτβραι yap αί κατίι ^eyiaTov κνκΧον 
των ομοταγων κινήσεων, 

3. ^Ενίσταται δ' ο ΤΙοσ€ΐ8ώνιο<; τφ ΤΙοΧυβίφ, 
Βιότι φησί την νττο τφ Ισημερινφ οϊκησιν ύ^^λο- 
τάττ;!/• ovSkv yctp elvai κατά την σφαιρικην 
C 98 €'7ηφάν€ΐαν νψο<; Βιεί την ομαΧότητα, ουδέ δ?; 
6ρ€ΐνην elvai την ύττο τω ίσημβρινφ, άΧΧά μαΧΧον 
ireBiaSa iaoireiov ττων τ§ βττιφανβία της θαΧάττης* 
τους δε ττΧηρούντας τον Νείλοι/ 6μβρονς i/c των 
ΑίθιοτΓίκων ορών συμβαίνβιν, ταντα δ' είττων 
ένταΰθα iv αΧΧοις σvyχωp€l, φησας virovoeiv 
δρη elvai τά ύττο τφ Ισημβρινφ, ττρος ά εκα- 
τέρωθεν άίΓο των εύκρατων άμφοΐν ττροσττίτΓτοντα 
τά νέφη ττοιεΐν τους δμβρους, αύτη μ^ ούν ή άν- 
op^Xoyia φανερά* άΧΧΛ καΐ Βοθέντος τον ορεινην 
είναι την ύττο τφ Ισημβρινφ, αΧΧη τις άνακύτττειν 
&ν Βοξειεν οι yap αύτοΙ σύρρουν φασίν είναι τον 

' τ4\ν, Kramer suspects and Meineke deletes, before 

^ That is, the circumstances just quoted from Polybius. 
^ That is, the equator and adjacent circles of latitude. 
Strabo means simply that the sun passes more rapidly with 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 2-3 

numbers against the mountain peaks in that region), 
it would be much better to regard it as a third 
temperate zone, although a narrow one, than to 
introduce the two zones beneath the tropics. And 
in accord with these circumstances ^ are the following 
(which Poseidonius has already mentioned), namely, 
that in those regions the oblique motion of the sun 
is more rapid, and in the same way its daily motion 
from east to west; for when revolutions are 
accomplished within the same period of time, those 
on the greatest circles 2 are the more rapid. 

3. But Poseidonius objects to the statement of 
Polybius that the inhabited region under the equator 
is the highest. For, says Poseidonius, there can be 
no high point on a spherical surface, because the 
surface of a sphere is uniform all round ; and indeed 
the country under the equator is not mountainous, 
but rather is it a plain that is approximately on a 
level with the surface of the sea ; and the rains that 
flood the Nile come together from the mountains of 
Ethiopia. But although Poseidonius thus expresses 
himself in this passage, he concedes the view of 
Polybius in other passages, saying he suspects that 
there are mountains beneath the equator and that the 
clouds from the two temperate zones strike against 
those mountains on both sides and cause the rains. 
Now here the lack of consistency is obvious ; but even 
if it be admitted that the country beneath the equator 
is mountainous, another inconsistency, as it seems, 
would arise ; for these same men assert that the ocean 
is one continuous stream round the earth. How, pray, 

respect to points in this third temperate zone than in the new 
torrid zone on either side of that zone ; hence a temperate 
climate on and near the equator. 




ωκεανόν. πτω*; οΰν δρη κατά μέσον ίΒρνονσιν 
αυτόν, ΊτΧην el νήσους τίνας βούΧονται Xeyetv; 
δττως Be Βή 7Γ0Τ€ τοΰτ βχβ*, της yetoy ραφίκής 
μερίΒος ίξω niirTer Boreov δ' ϊσως τφ ττροθεμένφ 
την ΊΓ€ρΙ ωκεανού 7Γpayμaτ€ίav ταΰτ* βξετάζείν. 

4. Μ-νησθεΙς Be των ττερίττΧβϋσαι Xeyoμevωv 
την Αιβύην 'HpoBoTOV μεν οϊβσθαί φησιν ύττο 
Νεκω ^ Ίτεμφθέντας τινάς τεΧέσαι τον περί- 
ττΧουν 'ΙΙρακΧείΒην Bk τον ΤΙοντίκον εν BιaX6yφ 
ΤΓΟιεΐν aif>Lyp^vov iraph ΤεΧωνα ^ μάηον τίνα 
ττερί'ΤΓΧεϋσαι φάσκοντα. αμάρτυρα Βε ταΰτ είναι, 
φησας καΐ ΈιύΒοξον τίνα Κυζικηνον θεωρον καΐ 
στΓονΒοφορον του των Κορείων ά/γωνος εΧθεΐν εΙς 
AXyυ^ΓTOV Ιστορεί κατίί τον Βεύτερον Έιύεpyετηv^ 
συσταθήναί δέ καΐ τφ βασιΧεΐ καΐ τοις περί 
αυτόν, καΐ μάΧιστα κατ α τους άνώπΧους του 
Ne /λοι; θαυμαστικον δντα των τοτηκων ΙΒιω- 
μάτων αμα κα\ ουκ άτταίΒευτον, τυγεΐν Βη 
Τίνα ^ΙνΒον κομισθέντα ώς τον βασιΧέα ύττο 
των φυΧάκων του ^Αραβίου μυχοΰ, Xεy όντων 
εύρεΐν ήμιθανή καταγθεντα μόνον εν νηί, τις δ' 
εϊη καΐ ττόθεν, ayvoeiv, μη συνιέντας την Bta- 
Χεκτον* τον δέ τταραΒοΰναι τοις ΒιΒάξουσιν εΧΧη- 
νίζειν, εκμαθόντα Βε Bιηyησaσθaι, Βιότι εκ της 

* All scholars agree that Strabo or Poseidonius made a 
mistake in giving the name of Darius here. It was Neco 
who ordered the circumnavigation of Africa, while Darius 
ordered that of Arabia. (Herod. 4. 42). 

2 Γαλανά, Corais, for Γ*\ννι Meineke approving. 

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GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 3-4 

can they place mountains in the centre of the ocean — 
unless by "mountains " they refer to certain islands ? 
But however this may be, it falls outside the province 
of geography ; and perhaps we should give over these 
matters for examination to some one who proposes to 
write a treatise on the ocean. 

4. In giving the names of those who are said to 
have circumnavigated Libya Poseidonius says that 
Herodotus believes that certain men commissioned 
by Neco accomplished the circumnavigation of 
Libya ; and adds that Heracleides of Pontus in one of 
his Dialogues makes a certain Magus who had come 
to the court of Gelo assert that he had circumnavigated 
Libya. And, after stating that these reports are 
unsupported by testimony, he tells the story of a 
certain Eudoxus of Cyzicus, a sacred ambassador and 
peace herald at the festival of Persephone. Eudoxus, 
the story goes, came to Egypt in the reign of 
Euergetes the Second ^ ; and he became associated 
with the king and the king's ministers, and 
particularly in connection with the voyages up the 
Nile ; for he was a man inclined to admire the 
peculiarities of regions and was also not uninformed 
about them. Now it so happened, the story 
continues, that a certain Indian was brought to the 
king by the coast-guards of the recess of the Arabian 
Gulf, who said that they had found him half-dead 
and alone on a stranded ship, but that they did not 
know who he was or where he came from, since they 
did not understand his language ; and the king gave 
the Indian into the charge of men who would teach 
him Greek :and when the Indian had learnt Greek, 
he related that on his voyage ^rom India he by a 

Ptolemy Physcon, who reigned 3.0, 140-117. 


y Google 


^ΙνΒικης ττΧέων irepiireaoi ττΧάνη fcal σωθβίη 
Sevpo, τους σνμτΓΧοιτ; άττοβαΧών \ιμφ• ύττο- 
Χηφθίντα Be υττοσγ^σθαι τον eh ^IvSov<: ττΧοϋν 
ή^γήσασθαΰ τοις υττο του βασιΧέως 7Γροχ^ειρισθ€Ϊσΐ' 
τούτων Se yeviauac καΐ^ τον ΈίΰΒοξον. 

TiXeoaavTa 8η p^eTh Βώρων eTraveXOelv άντιφορ- 
τισάμ€νον αρώματα καΐ Χίθους πoXυτeXeΐς, ων τους 
μ€ν καταφίρουσιν οΐ ττοταμοί μeτa των ψήφων, 
τους δ' ορυκτούς €ύρίσκουσι, 7Γe^Γηy6τaς έξ ijpoO, 
C 99 KaOairep τά κρυστάΧΧινα ιταρ ημίν* Βιαψβυ- 
σθηναι Be των ίΧττίΒων* άφέλέσθαι yctp αύτον 
ατταντα τον φόρτον τον Εύβ/ογετ»/!^. τβλευττ;- 
σαντος δ' eκeίvoυ τον βίον, KXeoiraTpav την 
γυναίκα ΒιαΒέξασθαι την άρχι^ν ττάΧιν οΰν καΐ 
ύίΓΟ ταύτης irep^Orivai τον Έ/ΰΒοξον βΐ€τα μeίζovoς 
7Γαρασκ€υής. ίττανιοντα δ' άνέμοις TrapevexOrfvaL 
ύτΓ^ρ την ΑΙΘιοπίαν τrpoσφep6μevov Be tlcl 
τοτΓΟίς €ξοικ€ΐουσθαν τους ανθρώπους μeτaBόσ€l 
σιτίων τ€ καΧ οϊνου καϊ τταΧαθίΒων, ων €Κ€ίνοις 
ου μ€τήν, άντΙ Bk τούτων ίBpeίaς re τυ^χάνβιν 
καΐ καθοΒηγίας, άττο^ρο^φεσθαί τ€ των ρημάτων 
evia. βυροντα δ' άκρόττρφρον ξύΧινον i/c ναυαγίου 
ΐτΓΤΓον €χον βγγεγλυ/Α/Αβι/Οϊ/, 'πυθ6μevov ώς άττο 
της έσττέρας 7rXe6vτωv τίνων €Ϊη το ναυώγιον 
τούτο, κoμίζeιv αύτο άναστρέψαντα ττρος τον 
olfceiov πΧοΰν. σωθέντα δ' eίς ΑΧ^υτττον, ούκέτι 
της ΚΧεοττάτρας 'ψγουμένης, άΧΧα του τταιΒός, 

ϊ ffatf H^in^ke proposes to insert, after ytv4aeai, 

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GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 4 

strange mischance ^ mistook his course and reached 
Egypt in safety, but only after having lost all his 
companions by starvation ; and when his story was 
doubted, he promised to act as guide on the trip to 
India for the men who had been previously selected 
by the King ; and of this party Eudoxus, also, became 
a member. 

So Eudoxus sailed away with presents ; and he 
returned with a cargo of perfumes and precious 
stones (some of which the rivers bring down with the 
sands, while others are found by digging, being 
solidified from a liquid state, just as our crystals are). 
But Eudoxus was wholly deceived in his expectations, 
for Euergetes took from him his entire cargo. And 
after the death of Euergetes, his wife, Cleopatra, 
succeeded him on the throne ; and so Eudoxus was 
again sent out, by her also, and this time with a 
larger outfit. But on his return voyage he was 
driven out of his course by the winds to the south of 
Ethiopia, and being driven to certain places he 
conciliated the people by sharing with them bread, 
wine, and dried figs (for they had no share of such 
things), and in return therefor he received a supply 
of fresh water and the guidance of pilots, and he also 
made a list of some of their words. And he found 
an end of a wooden prow that had come from a 
wrecked ship and had a horse carved on it ; and when 
he learned that this piece of wreckage belonged to 
some voyagers who had been sailing from the west, 
he took it with him when he turned back upon his 
homeward voyage. And when he arrived safely in 
Egypt, inasmuch as Cleopatra no longer reigned but 

^ In §5 following Strabo makes sport of this "strange 




άφαφβθήναι τταΚιν ττάντα* φωραθήναί yap vevo- 
σφισμέρον ττολλα. το δ' άκρόττρφρον ττροφέροντα 
eh^ το βμττόριον, Ββικνύναι το?9 ναυκλήροι<ζ, yv&vat 
δέ Vaheipn&v 6ν τούτων yhp τους μβν έμπο- 
ρους με^γαΚα στίΧΧβιν πΧοΐα, τους δε ττένητας 
μικρά, h KaXeiv ίππους, άπο των iv ταΐς πρφραις 
επίσημων* τούτοις^ he πΧεΙν μέχρι, του Αίξου 
ποταμού περί την Μαυρουσίαν άΧιβυομένους• 
άΧΧα των 8η ναυκΧηρων τινά,ς γνωρίσαι το 
άκροπρφρον ίνος των απο του Αίξου ποταμού 
πορρώτερον πΧευσάντων καΧ μη σωθέντων υπάρ- 

Έλ: δβ τούτου συμβαΧόντα τον ΈιΰΒοξον ώς 
Βυνατος €Ϊη 6 περίπΧους 6 Αίβυκός, πορβυθέντα 
οϊκαΒβ την ούσίαν βνθέμενον πασαν εξόρμησαν, 
καΐ πρώτον μεν είς Αικαίαρχείαν,^ είτ εις Μασ- 
σαΧίαν εΧθεΐν, καΐ την εξής παραΧίαν μέχρι 
ΤαΒείρων, πανταχού 8ε 8ιακω8ωνίξοντα ταύτα καΐ 
χρηματιζόμενον κατασκευάσασθαι πΧοϊον με^γα 
zeal εφοΧκια Βύο Χέμβοις Χ^στρικοΐς όμοια, εμβι- 
βάσαι τε ^ μουσικά παιΒισκάρια καϊ ιατρούς και 
αΧΧους τεχνίτας, έπειτα πΧεΙν επΙ την ^ΙνΒικην 
μετεωρον ζεφύροις συνεχεσι. καμνόντων 8ε τφ 
πΧφ των συνοντων, άκοντα επονρίσαι προς yrjv, 
8ε8οικ6τα τλς πΧημμυρί8ας καϊ τίις αμπώτεις, 
καΧ 8η καΧ συμβήναι όπερ ε8ε8ίει* καθίσαι ycip το 

^ els, Meineke, for iv. 

2 Toorois, Casaubon, for τούτουχ ; Siebenkees, Corais, 
Meineke, following. 

^ AiKuiapxeiay, Meineke, for ΑικαίαρχΙαν; C. MuUer ap- 

* ίμβιβάσαι Τ6, Meineke, for 4μβιβάσασθαι ; Forbiger follow- 
ing, L. Kayser approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 4 

her son in her stead, he was again deprived of every- 
thing, for it was discovered that he had stolen much 
property. But he brought the figure-head to the 
market-place and showed it to the shipmasters, and 
learned from them that it was a figure-head from 
Gades ; for he was told that whereas the merchants 
of Gades fit out large ships, the poor men fit out small 
ships which they call " horses " from the devices on 
the prows of their ships, and that they sail with 
these small ships on fishing voyages around the coast 
of Maurusia as far as the river Lixus ; but some of 
the shipmasters, indeed, recognized the figure-head 
as having belonged to one of the ships that had sailed 
rather too far beyond the Lixus River and had not 
returned home safely. 

And from the above-mentioned fact Eudoxus 
conjectured that the circumnavigation of Libya was 
possible, went home,^ placed all his property on a 
ship, and put out to sea. First he put in at 
Dicaearchia, then at Massilia, and then at the 
successive points along the coast until he came to 
Gades ; and everywhere noisily proclaiming his 
scheme and making money by trafficking, he built a 
great ship and also two tow-boats like those used 
by pirates; and he put music-girls on board, and 
physicians, and other artisans, and finally set sail on 
the high sea on the way to India, favoured by 
constant western breezes. But since his companions 
became tired of the voyage, he sailed with a fair wind 
towards the land ; though he did it against his will, 
for he feared the ebb and flow of the tides. And, 
indeed, what he feared actually came to pass : the 

* To Cyzicus. 


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πΚοΙον, ηο-νχγ Si, ωστβ μ/ηΚ άθρονν ΒιαΧυθήναι, 
άλλΛ φθήναι τά φορτία σωθέντα εις yrjp καΐ των 
ξύλων τα ττλβΓστα• ίξ ων τρίτον 7<£μβον συμπη- 
ξάμβνον 7Γ€Ρτηκοντ6ρφ ττάρισον ττλειι/, Ιω9 άνθρώ- 
7Γ0ί9 συνέμίξβ τα αυτά ρήματα φθεγ^ομβνοι^, 
C 100 airep irpoTepov άττεγεγ/οατττο• ^ αμα he τοντό ye 
yv&vai, δτι τ€ οί ενταύθα ανθρωττοί ομοεθνείς eUv 
τοις Αιθίοψνν εκείνοι^, καΧ οτι ομοροΐεν τ§ Βόγον 

^Αφέντα Βη τον εττΐ ^ΙνΒούς ιτλονν άναστρέφενν ev 
Sk τφ τταράττλφ νήσον evvBpov καΐ evSevSpov ερή- 
μην ΙΒόντα σημειώσασθαι, σωθέντα δέ el^ την Μαυ- 
ρονσίαν, Βιαθέμενον τους Χέμβους ττεζχι κομισθήναι 
7Γ/ο09 τον 36yov κάΙ σνμβουΧεύβιν αντφ τί/ν νανστο- 
Χίαν €7Γαν€Χέσθαί ταντην, Ισγυσαί S* εΙς τάναντία 
τους φίΧους ύττοτείνοντας φόβον, μη συμβ^ την 
χωράν εύβΊΓΐβούΧευτον yeviaOai, Ταχθείσης τταρ- 
6Βου τοις έξωθεν εττιστρατεύειν εθέΧουσίν, ως 
δ' επύθετο Xόyφ μίν πεμιτομενον εαυτόν ειτί την 
άναΖειχθεΐσαν ναυστοΧίαν, ipyφ δ* εκτεθησομενον 
εΙς ερήμην τινά νήσον, φυyεΐv εΙς την 'Ρωμαίων 
ετΓίκράτειαν, κακείθεν εΙς την ^Ιβηρίαν Βιαραΐ' 
ττάΧιν δέ κατασκευασάμενον aTpoyy6Xov ττΧοΐον 
καΐ μακρόν ττεντηκόντορον, ώστε τφ μεν ττβλαγί- 
ζειν, τφ δέ ττειρασθαι, της yής, ενθεμενον yεωpyt/cά 
εpyaXεΐa καί σττέρματα καΐ οικοδόμους ορμήσαΐ 
Ίτρος τον αυτόν ττερίττΧουν Βιανοούμενον, εΐ 

^ hneyeypairro, Corais, for &Toy4ypairrai ; Meineke follow- 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 4 

ship ran aground, — ^though so gently that it was not 
broken up all at once, and they succeeded in bringing 
safely to land the cargo and also most of the ship's 
timbers; and from these timbers he constructed a 
third boat about as large as a ship of fifty oars ; and 
he continued his voyage, until he came to people 
who spoke the same words that he had made a list of 
on the former occasion ; and forthwith he learnt this, 
at least, that the men in that region belonged to the 
same nation as those other Ethiopians, and also that 
they were neighbours to the kingdom of Bogus. 

Accordingly, he abandoned the voyage to India and 
turned back ; and on the voyage along the coast, he 
espied and made note of an island that was well- 
watered and well-wooded but uninhabited. And 
when he reached Maurusia safely he disposed of his 
boats, travelled on foot to the court of Bogus, and 
advised him to take up this expedition on his own 
account ; but the friends of Bogus prevailed to the 
contrary, inspiring in him the fear that Maurusia 
might in consequence be easily exposed to hostile 
intrigue if the way thither had once been pointed out 
to outsiders who wished to attack it. And when 
Eudoxus heard that he was being sent out, ostensibly, 
on the expedition as proposed by him, but in reality 
was going to be placed out on some desert island, he 
fled to the territory that was under Roman dominion, 
and thence crossed over to Iberia. And again he 
built a round ship and a long ship of fifty oars, his 
purpose being to keep to the open sea with his long 
ship and to explore the coast with the round ship. 
He put on board agricultural implements, seeds, and 
carpenters, and again set out with a view to the same 
circumnavigation ; his intention being, in case the 


y Google 


βραΒυνοίτο 6 ττΧοΰς, €ν8ιαχ€ΐμάσαι τ{} προεσκεμ- 
μέντ) νήσω, καΐ σττβίραντα και άνέλομβνον τους 
καρτΓούς τβΧέσαι τον β^γνωσμίνον έξ αρχής ττΧονν. 
5. 'Εγώ μ€ν oiv, φησί, μ^ρί Bevpo ^ της irepl 
τον Έίϋοξον Ιστορίας ήκω• τι δ' ύστερον συνέβη, 
τους ifc ΤαΒβίρων καΐ της ^Ιβηρίας εΙκος eiSivai. 
€Κ ττάντων Βη τούτων φησϊ Βείκννσθαι, Βιότι ή 
οικουμένη κυκλφ ττβριρρβΐται τω ωκβανω* 

ου ηάρ μιν Βεσμος ττερφάΧΚετοΛ ήττείροιο, 
αλλ' 69 άτταρεσίην κίγυται* το μιν ούτι μιαίνβι, 

(Muller, /r. iii. 281). 

θαυμαστός Βη κατίυ ττάντα ίστΧν 6 ΤΙοσειΒώνίος, 
τον μεν του μά/^ου τΓβρίιτΧουν, ον ^ϊΙρακΧείΒης 
elirev, άμάρτυρον νομίσας, καΧ αύτων των ύττο 
Νεκω ττεμφθβντων, hv ΉροΒοτος Ιστορεί, το 
δέ Bepyaiov Βιήγημα τοΰτο iv πίστεως μέρει 
τιθείς, εϊθ* υττ αυτού τΓεττΧασμένον, εϊτ αΧΧων 
ττΧασάντων ττιστευθέν. τις yhp η ττιθανότης 
Ίτρωτον μεν της κατίι τον ^ίνΒον ττεριττετείας; 
6 yhp 'Αράβιος κοΧιτος ττοταμοΰ Βίκην στενός 
εστί fcal μάκρος ττεντακισχιΧίους εττΐ τοΐς^ 
μυρίοις ητου σταΒίους μέχρι του στόματος, καΐ 
τούτου στενού τταντάττασιν ίντος'^ ουκ εικός δ* 
οΰτ εξω ττου τον ττΧοΰν έχοντας εις τον κόΧττον 
τταρωσθήναι τους ^ϊνΒούς κατά ττΧάνην (τά yelp 
στενά άτΓο τού στόματος ΒηΧώσειν ίμεΧΧε την 
ττΧάνην), οΰτ εις τον κόΧττον εττίτηΒες καταχθεΐσιν 
ετι ττΧάνης fjv ττρόφασις καΐ ανέμων άστατων, 

* MpOy Meineke inserts, after μίχρι ; C. MuUer approving. 

* TOif , Cascorbi inserts, before μυρίοιε ; following the usage 
of Strabo. C. Frick cites. 



GEOGRAPHY, it, 3. 4-5 

voyage should be delayed, to spend the winter on 
the island he had previously observed, to sow the 
seed, reap the harvest therefrom, and then finish the 
voyage which he had decided upon at the outset. 

5. '^ Now I," says Poseidonius, " have traced the 
story of Eudoxus to this point, but what happened 
afterwards probably the people of Gades and Iberia 
know/* So from all these indications he says it is 
shown that the ocean flows in a circle round the 
inhabited world : '* For him no fetters of continent 
encompass ; but he pours forth his waters boundlessly, 
and nothing ever sullies their purity." ^ Now 
Poseidonius is a wonderful fellow in all this; for 
although he considers as unsupported by testimony 
the story of the voyage of the Magus, which 
Heracleides told, and of the voyage even of the 
emissaries of Neco, of which Herodotus gives an 
account, he puts down as real evidence this Bergaean* 
story, though he either invented it himself or 
accepted it from others who were its inventors. For, 
in the first place, what plausibility is there in the 
" strange mischance " which the Indian tells about ? 
Why, the Arabian Gulf is like a river in its narrow- 
ness, and it is about fifteen thousand stadia long up 
to its mouth, which, in its turn, is narrow throughout 
its entire length; and so it is not likely that the 
Indians who were voyaging outside this gulf were 
pushed out of their course into it by mistake (for its 
narrowness at its mouth would have shown their 
mistake), nor, if they sailed into the gulf on purpose, 
did they any longer have the excuse that they 
mistook their course or encountered inconstant 

' The authorship of these verses is unknown. 
2 See footnote, p. 172. 


VOL. I. C C 



C 101 \ιμ>ψ τ€ 7Γά9 7Γ€ρΐ€Ϊ8ον ατταντα/ζ άττοΧΧνμένον*; ^ 
σφας ττΧην ίνό^; ττβρί^βνομβνός τ€ ττώ? Ικανοί ην 
μόνος κατ€νθνν€ΐν το ττΧοΐον ου μικρόν 6ν, τά γ€ 
τηΧίκαντα ireXa /γη Βιαίρβιν Βννάμβνον; τίς δ* η 
οξνμάθβια της SiaXe/crov, αφ" fj^ ικανός fjv ττεΐσαι 
τον βασιΧβα, ώς Βννάμβνος τον ττΧοΰ καθη- 
γήσασθαι; τις δ' η στΐάνις τφ Ενβ/ογβτι; των 
τοιούτων καθη^€μόνων, ή8η ^νωριζομένης νττο 
ΤΓοΧΧων της ταύττ/ θαΧάττης; 6 Bk Βη (nrovho- 
φόρος καϊ θεωρός των Κ.νζικηνων ττως άφείς 
την τΓοΧιν €ΐς ^ΙνΒούς eirXei; ττως δέ εττιστενθη 
τηΧικαύτην χρείαν; ττως δ' βττανιων αφαιρεθείς 
ττάντα irapct την εΧττίΒα καΐ άτιμωθεις ετι μείζονα 
έτΓίστενθη τταρασκενην Βώρων; εττανιων δέ και 
τταρενεχθείς εις την Αιθιοττίαν, τίνος χάριν η τείς 
ΒιαΧεκτους άττε^ράφετο, ή το άκροττρψρον εττυνθ ά- 
νετο της άΧιάΖος ττοθεν εκττέσοι; το ycip μαθεΐν 
ΟΤΙ άτΓΟ Βνσεως ττΧεοντων fjv vavarfiov, ονΒενος 
εμεΧΧεν ύττάρξειν σημειον, εττεί καϊ αντος εμεΧΧεν 
άτΓΟ Βύσεως ττΧεΐν κατά την εττάνοΒον. εΧθων 
δ' oiv εις * ΑΧεζάνΒρειαν^ φωραθείς ώς νενοσφι- 
σμένος iroTCXa, ττως ουκ εκοΧάσθη, αλλά και 
ττερί'ρει τους ναυκΧήρονς Βιαπννθανόμενος, Βεικνύς 
αμα το άκρόττρφρον; 6 Βε ^νωρίσας ουχί θαύμα- 

^ ίιΐΓο\\υμ4νου$, Xy lander, for ίΐΊτολ.ομ4νου5 ; all editors, 
except Kramer, following ; C. Mtiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 5 

winds. And how can it be that they permitted all 
their number to die of starvation with the exception 
of one man? And if he survived, how could he 
single-handed have guided the ship, which was not a 
small one, since at all events it could sail over open 
seas of so great extent ? And how strange his 
speedy mastery of the Greek language, which 
enabled him to convince the king that he was 
competent to act as pilot of the expedition? And 
how strange Euergetes* scarcity of competent pilots, 
since the sea in that region was already known by 
many men ? And as for that peace herald and sacred 
ambassador of the people of Cyzicus, how came he to 
abandon his native city and go sailing to India? 
And how did he come to be entrusted with so great 
an office? And although on his return everything 
was taken away from him, contrary to his expectation, 
and he was in disgrace, how did he come to be 
entrusted with a still greater equipment of presents ? 
And when he returned from this second voyage and 
was driven out of his course to Ethiopia, why did he 
write down those lists of words, and why did he 
enquire from what source the beak of that fishing- 
smack had been cast ashore? For the discovery 
that this bit of wreckage had belonged to men who 
sailed from the west could have signified nothing, 
since he himself was to sail from the west on his 
homeward voyage. And so, again, upon his return 
to Alexandria, when it was discovered that he had 
stolen much property, how is it that he was not 
punished, and that he even went about interviewing 
shipmasters, at the same time showing them the 
figure-head of the ship ? And wasn't the man that 
recognized the figure-head a wonderftil fellow ? And 

c c 2 



στός; 6 Se τηστβνσας ου θανμασιώτερος, καΐ 
κατ €\πίΒα τοιαύτην βττανιων βίς την oitceiav, 
fcal μετοικισμον eKeWev ττοιησάμβνος eh τα βξω 
'ϊ,τηΧων; αλλ' ονΒ* βξην^ avev ττροστώγματος 
βξ ^ Α\€ξαν8ρ€ία<ζ άνότ/€σθαι, κα\ ταύτα vevo- 
σφισμένω βασιλικεί χρήματα. ovSi ye Χαθβΐν 
ίκττΧβνσαντα βνεΒέχβτο, τοσαντρ φρουρά κ€- 
κλβισμένου τον \ίμένο<ζ καϊ των αΧΚων έξοχων, 
δσην καϊ νυν €Τί Βιαμένόυσαν β^νωμεν ήμβΐ^ 
€7ηΒημοΰντ€^ τ§ ^ΑΧβξανΒρβία ττοΧύν χρόνον, 
καίτοι τά νυν ττοΧύ άνβΐται, ^Ρωμαίων βχόντων 
αΐ βασυΧίκαΧ Be φρουραΐ ττοΧύ fjaav ττικροτεραι, 
€ΤΓ€ΐΒη Be καΧ aTrrjpev eh τά TaBetpa καΐ ναυτττ^γη- 
σάμ€νο^ ^TrXet βασιΧικω^, καϊ * ΒιαΧυθέντο^ζ αύτφ 
του ττΧοίου, ττως μ€ν ίναυττη^ήσατο τρίτον Χέμβον 
iv TTJ €ρημφ; ττως Be ττΧέων ττάΧνν καΐ €ύρών τού^ 
eσ^Γepίoυ^ ΑΙΘίοττα^ τοις ecooc^ ομογΧώττονς ουκ 
ώρέχθη Βιανύσαυ τον έξης ΊτΧοΰν, οΰτω χαΰνος 
&ν ττρος το φιΧίκΒημον, μικρόν e^eiv ^Χιτίσας 
ΧοιΤΓον το ωγνωστον, αλλ' άφelς ταΰτα της Bih 
Bόyoυ ναυστοΧίας €^Γeθύμησe; ττως δ' &γνω την 
C 102 Χάθρα κατ αυτού συνισταμένην ίττιβουΧήν; τι 
δέ τοΰτ fjv τ φ Βόγω 7ΓXeov€Kτημa, 6 τάνθρώττον 
αφανισμός, έζον αλλω9 άποττέμψασθαι; αγνούς 

1 i^TJv, Cobet, for Hhv ^v, 

^ καί, is retained against Corais and Meineke, who delete it. 


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GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 5 

wasn't the man that believed him a still more 
wonderful fellow — the man who on the strength of a 
hope of that sort returned to his home land, and then 
changed his home to the regions beyond the Pillars ? 
But it would not even have been permitted him to put 
to sea from Alexandria without a passport, least of all 
after he had stolen property belonging to the king. 
Neither could he have sailed out of the harbour 
secretly, since not only the harbour, but also all the 
other ways of issue from the city had always been 
kept closed under just as strong guard as I know is 
still kept up to this day (for I have lived a long time 
in Alexandria) — ^though at the present time, under 
Roman control, the watch is considerably relaxed : 
but under the kings, the guards were much more 
strict. And, again, when Eudoxus had sailed away 
to Gades, and in royal style had built himself ships 
and continued on his voyage, after his vessel had been 
wrecked, how could he have built a third boat in the 
desert ? And how is it, when once more he put out 
to sea and found that those western Ethiopians spoke 
the same language as the eastern Ethiopians, that he 
was not eager to accomplish the rest of his voyage 
(inasmuch as he was so foolish in his eagerness for 
travels abroad, and since he had a good hope that 
the unexplored remainder of his voyage was but 
small) — but instead gave up all this and conceived a 
longing for the expedition that was to be carried out 
through the aid of Bogus } And how did he come to 
learn about the plot that was secretly framed against 
him ? And what advantage could this have been to 
Bogus — I mean his causing the disappearance of the 
man when he might have dismissed him in other 
ways ? But even if the man learned about the plot, 




δέ τη ρ έτηβουΚην ιτως βφθη φυ*^ων βίς άσφα\€Ϊς 
τότΓου^; Ικαστον γά/ο των τοιούτων ουκ αδύνατον 
μέν, αλλά χα\€7Γον καΧ σττανίως ^ινομ,ενον μετίυ 
τνχη^ τινό<ζ' τψ δ' €ντυχ€Ϊν del σννββαίνβν, eh 
κινΒννονς καθισταμένφ σννβχβΐς. ττως δ' ού /c 
eheiaev άττοΒρας τον Βόγοι/ ττλεΑΐ/ ττάλίν τταρα 
την Αίβύην συν Trapaa/cevf} Βυναμέντί συνοικίσαι 

Ου τΓοΧύ oiv άττοΧβίπεται ταύτα των ΤΙυθέου 
καΐ Έ,ύημύρου καΧ ^Αντιφάνους ψευσμάτων. αλλ' 
βκείνοις μλν συ^'^νώμη, τούτ αύτο έτητηΒεύουσιν, 
ωστΓβρ τοις θαυματοποίοϊς' τφ δ' άττοΒεικτικφ /caX 
φίλοσόφφ, σχβΒον Be τι καΧ ττερΧ ττρωτείων άτγωνι- 
ζομένφ, τις &ν συ^γτγροίη; ταύτα μ^ν οίτν ουκ βδ. 

6. Το δέ €ξαίρ€σθαι την yrjv ττοτβ καΧ ιζήματα 
\αμβάν€ΐν καΧ μ€ταβοΧας τ^ς €κ των σεισμών καΧ 
των αΧΚων των τταραττΧησίων, οσα Βιηριθμησά- 
μέθα καΧ ημείς, ορθώς κείται irap αυτψ ττρος δ 
καί το του ΙΧκάτωνος ε\) τταρατίθησιν, οτι ενΒέ- 
χεται καΧ μη ττΧάσμα είναι το ττερΧ της νήσου της 
^ΑτΧαντίΒος, ιτερΧ ^9 εκείνος ίστορήσαι ΧοΧωνά 
φησι ττεττυσμενον τταρα των Αί^γυΊΤτίων ιερέων, 
ώς υπάρχουσα ττοτε άφανισθείη, το μετ/εθος ουκ 
βλαττωϊ; ηπείρου' καΧ τούτο οϊεται βεΚτιον είναι 

* The only direct reference extant in Plato to the truth or 
falsity of the story is made by Socrates to Critias : "And 
what other narrative" (but the Atlantis story) "has the 
very great advantage of being a fact and not a fiction?" 
{Timaeus 2,^'^.) 

^ In Plato, one of the Egyptian priests is credited with 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 5-6 

how could he have made his escape to places of 
safety? For, although there is nothing impossible 
in any escapes of that sort, yet every one of them is 
difficult and rarely made even with a streak of luck ; 
but Eudoxus is always attended by good luck, although 
he is placed in jeopardies one after another. And, 
again, after he had escaped from Bogus, why was he 
not afraid to sail once more along the coast of Libya 
when he had an outfit large enough to colonize an 
island ? 

Now, really, all this does not fall far short of 
the fabrications of Pytheas, Euhemerus and Anti- 
phanes. Those men, however, we can pardon for their 
fabrications — since they follow precisely this as their 
business — ^just as we pardon jugglers ; but who could 
pardon Poseidonius, master of demonstration and 
philosopher, whom we may almost call the claimant 
for first honours. So much, at least, is not well 
done by Poseidonius. 

6. On the other hand, he correctly sets down in 
his work the fact that the earth sometimes rises and 
undergoes settling processes, and undergoes changes 
that result from earthquakes and the other similar 
agencies, all of which I too have enumerated above. 
And on this point he does well to cite the statement 
of Plato that it is possible that the story about the 
island of Atlantis is not a fiction.^ Concerning 
Atlantis Plato relates that Solon, after having made 
inquiry of the Egyptian priests, reported that Atlantis 
did once exist, but disappeared — an island no smaller 
in size than a continent ^ ; and Poseidonius thinks 

saying to Solon that Atlantis was larger than Libya and Asia 
put together, and that, as a result of violent earthquakes 
and floods, it sank beneath the sea in a single day and night 
(see Tiniaeus 24-25, and Critias 108 e, 113 c). 



Xeyeiv η Siori 6 ττΧάσας αυτήν ήφάνίσβν, ώς 6 
τΓΟίητης το των ^Αχαιών τβΐχος, βΐκάζβι he καί 
την των ίίίμβρων καϊ των σνγγβνων βξανάστασιν 
€κ της οικείας yeveadac κατίυ θαΚάττης ίφοΒον, 
άθροαν σνμβασαν, virovoei he το της οικου- 
μένης μήκος ετΓτα ττου μυριάΒων σταΖίων ύττάρχρν 
^μισυ elvai του οΚου κύκΧου, καθ* hv βϊληττταί, 
ωστ€, φησίν, άττο της Βύσβως βυθυιτΧοων^ iv 
τοσαύταις μυριάσιν €\θοις * &ν βίς ^ϊνΒούς, 

7. ^Έίτηγβίρησας he αΐτιασθαι τους οΰτω τας 
ηπείρους Βιορίσαντας, αλλά μη τταράλΧηλοις τισϊ 
τφ Ισημ€ρινφ, Sl &ν ίμεΧΚον ίξαΧΧάξεις Sei- 
κνυσθαι ζωών τ€ καϊ φυτών καϊ αέρων, των μεν τ§ 
κατ€?^υ*^μίν'τι συνατττοντων, των δέ TJ} ίιακεκαυ- 
μεντ), ώστε οίονεϊ ζώνας είναι τείς ηπείρους, 
ανασκευάζει ττάΧιν καϊ εν άναΧύσει Βίκης γίνεται, 
επαίνων πάΧιν την οΖσαν Βιαίρεσιν, θετικην 
ποιούμενος την ζητησιν προς ούΒ^ν γρησιμον.^ αΐ 
yhp τοιαΰται Βιατάξεις ουκ εκ προνοίας 'γίνονται, 
καθάπερ ουδέ αι κατίυ τά ίθνη Βιαφοραί, ουΒε 
C 103 αι ΒιάΧεκτοι, αλλά κατά επίπτωσιν καϊ συν- 
τυχίαν καΐ τέχναι δέ* καΐ Βυνάμεις καϊ επιτη- 

* ^υΒνκΚοων, Cobet, for Έ,ΰρφ κχίων ; Bernadakis, Α. Vogel, 

^ i\$oiSt Corais, for fixOot ; Cobet independently ; Berna- 
dakis, C. MiQler, A. Vogel, approving. 
' χρΊίσιμον, Cobet, for χρησίμωί, 

* δ€, Corais, for tc ; Meineke following. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 6-7 

that it is better to put the matter in that way than 
to say of Atlantis : '^ Its inventor caused it to dis- 
appear, just as did the Poet the wall of the Aehaeans/* ^ 
And Poseidonius also conjectures that the migration 
of the Cimbrians and their kinsfolk from their native 
country occurred as the result of an inundation of the 
sea that came on all of a sudden. And he suspects 
that the length of the inhabited world, being about 
seventy thousand stadia, is half of the entire circle 
on which it has been taken, so that, says he, if you 
sail from the west in a straight course you will reach 
India within the seventy thousand stadia. 

7. Then, after an attempt to find fault with those 
who divided the inhabited world into continents in 
the way they did,^ instead of by certain circles 
parallel to the equator (through means of which they 
could have indicated variations in animals, plants, 
and climates, because some of these belong peculiarly 
to the frigid zone and others to the torrid zone), 
so that the continents would be practically zones, 
Poseidonius again revises his own plea and withdraws 
his indictment, in that he again approves of the pre- 
vailing division into three continents, and thus he 
makes the question a mere matter of argument with 
no useful end in view. For such a distribution of 
animals, plants, and climates as exists is not the result 
of design — just as the differences of race, or of 
language, are not, either — but rather of accident and 
chance. And again, as regards the various arts and 
faculties and institutions of mankind, most of them, 

^ That is, Solon avoided the historical consequences of his 
fiction by sinking Atlantis, just as Homer did by making 
Poseidon and Apollo sweep away with a flood the wall built 
by the Achaeans in front of their ships (see Iliad 7. 433, 441, 
and 12. 1-33). 2 g^e pp. 119 and 129. 




Sevaei^, άρξάντων τίνων, κρατουσιν ai ifKeiovs 
iv οτΓοιωοϋν κλίματι €στι Si τι καΐ iraph τά 
κλίματα, ωστ€ ret μεν φνσβί ίστίν έτηγωριά 
τισι, τα δ' eOec καΧ ασκήσει, ου yap φύσει 
^Αθηναίοι μεν φίΚοΚο^οι, ΑακβΒαιμόνιοι δ' ου, 
καΐ οι €τι €yyυτ€pω Θηβαίοι, άλλα μα\\ον eOer 
οντω^ ovBk Βαβυλώνιοι φιλόσοφοι φύσει καϊ 
ΑΙ^ύτΓτιοι, αλλ' ασκήσει καϊ εθεί' καΐ ΐτητων τε 
καϊ βοών άρετ^ζ και άλλων ζωών, ου τοττοι μόνον, 
αλλά καϊ ασκήσεις ΐΓοιοΰσιν ό 8ε συ^χεΐ ταύτα, 
ετταινων δέ την τοιαύτην Βιαίρεσιν των ήττείρων, 
οΧα νυν εστί, τταραΖείηματι χρήται τφ τους ^ΙνΒούς 
των ΑΙΘιόττων Ζιαφερειν των εν ttj Αιβύτι* 
εύερνεστέρους γάρ είναι καΐ ^ττον Ιψεσθαι τρ 
ξηρασία του περιέχοντος• Sio καϊ '^Ομηρον ττάντας 
λέγοντα ΑΙΘίοττας Βίχα Βιελεΐν, 

οι μεν Βυσομίνου 'Ύττερίονος, οΐ δ' ανιόντος• 

φα. 1. 24) 

Κράτητα δ',^ είσά'^οντα την ετεραν οίκουμίνην, 
tjv ουκ οιΒεν'Ό μηρός, Βουλεύειν υττοθεσει* καϊ εΒει, 
φησί, μετα/^ράφειν ούτως. 

ήμ^ν άττερχομένου ^Τττερίονος, 

οίον οπΓο του μεσημβρινού ττερικλίνοντος, 

8. ΤΙρώτον μ^ν οΰν οι ττρος ΑΙηύτττφ ΑΙΘίοττες 

* Κράτητα 5^, Casaubon inserts ; Corais, Groskurd, Meineke, 
Forbiger, Tardieu, following ; Kramer, C. Miiller, approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 7-8 

when once men have made a beginning, flourish in 
any latitude whatsoever and in certain instances even 
in spite of the latitude ; so that some local character- 
istics of a people come by nature, others by training 
and habit. For instance, it was not by nature that 
the Athenians were fond of letters, whereas the 
Lacedaemonians, and also the Thebans, who are still 
closer to the Athenians, were not so ; but rather by 
habit. So, also, the Babylonians and the Egyptians 
are philosophers, not by nature, but by training and 
habit. And further, the excellent qualities of horses, 
cattle, and other animals, are the result, not merely 
of locality, but of training also. But Poseidonius 
confounds all this. And when he approves of such a 
division into three continents as is now accepted, he 
uses as an illustration the fact that the Indians differ 
from the Ethiopians of Libya, for the Indians are 
better developed physically and less parched by the 
dryness of the atmosphere. And, says he, that is 
the reason why Homer, in speaking of the Ethopians 
as a whole, divides them into two groups, ^^some 
where Hyperion sets and some where he rises.** 
But, says Poseidonius, Crates, in introducing into the 
discussion the question of a second inhabited world, 
about which Homer knows nothing, is a slave to a 
liypothesis,^ and, says Poseidonius, the passage in 
Homer should have been emended to read : " both 
where Hyperion departs,** meaning where he declines 
from the meridian. 

8. Now, in the first place, the Ethiopians that 
border on Egypt are themselves, also, divided into 

^ That is, his hypothesis that one division of the Ethio- 
pians lived south of the equator, on the other side of Oceanus 
(see pp. 117 ff.). 




καΧ αυτοί ϋχα Staipoxhnai' οί μ€Ρ yap iv rfj 
'ΚσΙα elaiv, οί δ' iv ry Aifivrj, ovBev Βιαφέροντβς 
αλΧτίΧων, €7Γ€ιΘ^ ^^Ομηρο^ζ ου Bih τοΰτο Βιαφβΐ 
τους Αίθίοττας,^ οτι τους ^ΙνΒούς yBet τοιούτους 
τίνείς τοις σώμασιν (ουδέ yctp άρχην eihevai τους 
^Ινίους βίκος ^Ομηρον, οττου ye ούδ* ο Έ^ύ€pyeτης 
κατΰί τον Έιύ86ξ€ΐον μυθον 'pSei τά κατά την 
^ΙνΒικην, ούΒβ τον Ίτλοΰν τον iir αυτήν), άλλα 
μα\\ον κατά την Χεχθεΐσαν ύφ^ ήμων ττρότβρον 
Biaipeaiv. ixei δέ καί irepX της y ραφής της 
Ιίρατητβίου Βι^τήσαμεν, οτι ούΒεν Βιαφέρει, οΰτως 
η €Κ€ίνως ypa^>€iv' 6 δέ τοΰτο μβν Βιαφβρβιν φησί, 
κρβΐττον δ' οΰτως elvai μεταθβΐναι " ήμ^ν άττερχο- 
μένου,^^ τι ουν Βιαφέρει τοΰτο τοΰ " ήμβν Βυσο- 
μένου "; τταν yap το τμήμα το άττο τοΰ μβσημ- 
βρινοΰ €7γΙ Βύσιν Βύσις καΧβΐται, καθάττβρ καΐ το 
τοΰ ορίζοντος ήμικύκΧιον οττβρ καΐ "Κράτος iiri- 

ήχί 7Γ€ρ ακραι 
μίσ^ονται Βύσιές τ€ καΧ άντόΧαϊ άΧΚηΚΎίσιν. 

(Arat. Phaen, 61) 

ei δ' ^τγΙ τ^9 Κρατητείου y ραφής οΰτω βέΧτιον, 
φήσ€ΐ τις καΐ iirl τής ^ Αρισταρχείου Beiv, 

Ύοσαΰτα καΐ ττρος ΤΙοσβιΒώνιον ττοΧΧά yhp καΐ 

C 104 iv τοις καθ' βκαστα τυyχάveι τής ττροσηκούσης 

Βιαίτης, οσα yeωypaφικά* οσα δέ φυσικώτβρα, 

iiriaKeTrTeov iv αΧΧοις, rj ουδέ φροντιστέον ττοΧύ 

^ 1i, Corais deletes, before 5τι ; Meineke, Tardieu, follow- 
ing ; C. Miiller approving, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 8 

two groups ; for some of them live in Asia, others in 
Libya,^ though they differ in no respect from each 
other. And, in the second place. Homer divides 
the Ethiopians into two groups, not for this reason, 
namely, because he knew that the Indians were 
physically similar to the Ethiopians (for Homer 
probably did not know of the Indians at all, in view 
of the fact that even Euergetes himself, according 
to that story of Eudoxus, knew nothing about India, 
nor the voyage that leads thither), but rather on the 
basis of the division of which I have spoken above.^ 
And in speaking on that subject I also expressed my 
opinion in regard to the reading proposed by Crates, 
namely, that it makes no difference whether we read 
the passage one way or the other ^ ; but Poseidonius 
says it does make a difference, and that it is better 
to emend the passage to read '^ both where Hyperion 
departs." Now wherein does this differ from ^^ both 
where Hyperion sets ** ? For the whole segment of 
the circle from the meridian to the setting is called 
^'the setting,*' * just as the semi-circle of the horizon 
is so called. This is what Aratus means when he says : 
^^ There where the extremities of the west and of 
the east join with each other." And if the passage 
is better as Crates reads it, then one may say that it 
must also be better as Aristarchus reads it. 

So much for Poseidonius. For in my detailed 
discussions many of his views will meet with fitting 
criticism, so far as they relate to geography ; but so 
far as they relate to physics, I must inspect them 
elsewhere or else not consider them at all. For in 

1 See pp. 119 ff. and 129. 

2 See p. 129. » See p. 117. 
* That is> the weet. 




γα/ο βστι το alrioXoyiKov iraph αυτφ καΧ το 
^ ΑριστοτέΧίζον, oirep έκκλίνονσιν οΐ ήμέτβροί Βια 
την eTTLKpinfriv των αίτνών, 


1. ΐΙοΧύβιο^ Be την Έιύρώπην γωρο'^ ραφών τον<ζ 
μεν αρχαίους iav φησί, τους δ' βκείνους ίΧέγχρν- 
τας €ξ€τάζ€ΐν Αίκαίαρχον τε κα\ ^Ερατοσθένη, 
τον τέλευταΐον ττρα^ματευσάμενον rrepl γβωγ/οα- 
φίας, καΐ ΤΙυθέαν, ύφ* ου τταρακρουσθηναι ττοΧ- 
λου9, ο\ην μ^ν την Έρεττανικί^ν την^ έμβατον 
€7Γ€Κθ€Ϊν φάσκοντος, την δέ ττερίμβτρον ττλειόνων 
η τβττάρων μυριάΒων άποΒόντος της νήσου, ττροσ- 
ιστορησαντος Sk καΧ τά irepX της %ού\ης καΧ των 
τοττων εκείνων εν οίς ούτε yrj καθ* αυτήν ύττήρχεν 
ετι ούτε θάΚαττα οΰτ άηρ, άλλα σύ^κριμά τί εκ 
τούτων ττΧεύμονι θαΧαττίφ εοικός, εν φ φησι την 
γην καΐ την θάΧατταν αίωρείσθαι καϊ τά σύμ- 
τταντα, καϊ [τούτον ώς άν Βεσμον είναι, των οΚων, 
μήτε ΤΓορευτον μήτε ττλωτον ύττάρχοντα* το μ^ν 
oiv τφ ττΧεύμονι εοικος αύτος εωρακέναι, ταΧΚα 
Βε Χε^ειν εξ ακοής, ταΰτα μεν τά του Ώυθέου, 
καΐ BcoTi εττανεΧθών ενθένΒε ττάσαν εττεΧθοι την 
τταρωκεανΐτιν της Έιύρώττης άττο ΤαΒείρων ^ως 

2. Φι^σΙ δ' ουν 6 ΤΙοΧύβως ατηστον καΧ αύτο 
τούτο, πως ΙΒιώττ) ανθρώττφ καΧ ττένητν τα τοσ- 

^ T-fiv, Α. Jacob inserts, before ^μβατόν. 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. 3. 8-4. 2 

Poseidonius there is much inquiry into causes and 
much imitating of Aristotle — precisely what our 
school 1 avoids, on account of the obscurity of the 


1. PoLYBius, in his account of the geography of 
Europe, says he passes over the ancient geographers 
but examines the men who criticise them, namely, 
Dicaearchus, and Eratosthenes, who has written the 
most recent treatise on Geography ; and Pytheas, by 
whom many have been misled ; for after asserting 
that he travelled over the whole of Britain that was 
accessible Pytheas reported that the coast-line of the 
island was more than forty thousand stadia, and 
added his story about Thule and about those regions 
in which there was no longer either land properly 
so-called, or sea, or air, but a kind of substance 
concreted from all these elements, resembling a 
sea-lungs 2 — a thing in which, he says, the earth, 
the sea, and all the elements are held in suspension ; 
and this is a sort of bond to hold all together, which 
you can neither walk nor sail upon. Now, as for 
this thing that resembles the sea-lungs, he says that 
he saw it himself, but that all the rest he tells from 
hearsay. That, then, is the narrative of Pytheas, 
and to it he adds that on his return from those 
regions he visited the whole coast-line of Europe 
from Gades to the Tana'is. 

2. Now Polybius says that, in the first place, it 
is incredible that a private individual — and a poor 

^ That is, the Stoic school of philosophy. Compare the 
same Greek phrase on p. 55 ; and ** our Zeno," p. 151. 
2 An acaleph of the ctenophora. 




αντα Βιαστήβίατα ττλωτά καΐ iropevrh yivoiTo* 
τον δ' ^Ερατοσθένη Βιαττορήσαντα, el χρη τη- 
στ€ν€ΐν τούτοι^;, όμως ττβρί Τ€ της ΙΒρβττανίχής 
ΤΓβτηστβνχέναί καΧ των κατά, ΤάΒβφα καΐ την 
^Ιβηρίαν, ΊΓοΧν Be φησν βέλτιον τφ Meσσηvίφ 
TTiaTeveiv fj τοντφ. 6 μέντοι ye eh μίαν χώραν 
Tifv ΤΙαγχαίαν λβγβ^ ττλβνσα^• ο δέ καΧ μέχρι 
των του κόσμου 'πeράτωv κaτω^Γτeυκ€vat την 
ιτροσάρκτιον της Ευρώπης ττασαν, ήν ονδ' &ν τφ 
Έ/}/Α§ ^nστeύσat τις \eyovTi. ^Ερατοσθένη Be 
τον pkv Εύημ€ρον IBepyaiov KaXeiv, ΤΙυθέα Be 
^nστeύeiv, καΐ ταΰτα μηΒ^ Αικαιάρχου ττ^στευ- 
σαντος, το μλν oiv μηΒ^ Αικαιάρχου ^Γlστeύ' 
σαντος, yeXoiov ωσ'πep eκeίvφ κανόνι χρησα^θαι 
προσήκον, καθ^ οδ τοσούτους eλέyχoυς αύτος 
πρoφέρeτaι' ^Ερατοσθένους Bk eϊpητaι ή πeρl τά 
έσπέρια καΐ τά αρκτικά της Ευρώπης ayvoia. 
αλλ' eκeίvφ μ^ν καΐ Αικαιάρχφ συyyvώμη, τοις 
μη κατιΒοΰσι τους τόπους iκeίvoυς^ ΤΙοΧυβίφ Be 
καΐ ΊIoσeιBωvίφ τις αν συyyvoίη; άΧλΛ μην 
ΤΙοΧύβιός yέ έστιν 6 \aoBoyμaτικhς καΧων άπο- 
φάσeις, &9 ποιούνται πepl των ev τούτοις τοις 
τόποις Βιαστημάτων καΐ ev αΧΚοις ποΧΚοΐς, αλλ' 
C 105 ούδ' ev οίς ίκ€ίνους eKέyχeι κaθapeύωv. του yovv 
Αικαιάρχου μύριους μ€ν €ΐπ6ντος τους έπΙ Έ^τηΚας 

^ That is, Hermes in his capacity as god of travel. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 2 

man too — could have travelled such distances by sea 
and by land; and that, though Eratosthenes was 
wholly at a loss whether he should believe these 
stories, nevertheless he has believed Pjrtheas* ac- 
count of Britain, and of the regions about Gades, 
and of Iberia ; but he says it is far better to believe 
Euhemerus, the Messenian, than Pjrtheas. Euhe- 
merus, at all events, asserts that he sailed only to 
one country, Panchaea, whereas Pytheas asserts that 
he explored in person the whole northern region of 
Europe as far as the ends of the world — an assertion 
which no man would believe, not even if Hermes ^ ^ λ » 
made it. And as for Eratosthenes — adds Pooeidonius 6^ δΐΑ|1^ι.. 
— though he calls Euhemerus a Bergaean,^ he be- 
lieves Pytheas, and that, too, though not even 
Dicaearchus believed him. Now that last remark, 
"though not even Dicaearchus believed him," is 
ridiculous; as if it were fitting for Eratoothen e o to ff(£^«^•^ 
use as a standard the man against whom he himself 
directs so many criticisms. And I have already 
stated that Eratosthenes was ignorant concerning 
the western and northern parts of Europe. But 
while we must pardon Eratosthenes and Dicaear- 
chus, because they had not seen those regions with 
their own eyes, yet who could pardon Polybius and 
Poseidonius? Nay, it is precisely Polybius who 
characterises^ as "popular notions** the statements 
made by Eratosthenes and Dicaearchus in regard to 
the distances in those regions and many other 
regions, though he does not keep himself free from 
the error even where he criticises them. At any 
rate, when Dicaearchus estimates the distance from 

2 That is, like Antiphanes, the notorious romancer of 
Berge, in Thrace ; see p. 173, and footnote. 





άτΓο τή<ζ ΤΙέλοποννησον σταΒίον^;, ττλβιου? δέ τού- 
των τους 67Γ4 τον ^ΑΒρίαν μέχρι του μυχον, τον 
δ* iirl Έ,τηΚας το μέχρι τον Ώορθμον τρισχιλίονς 
άτΓοΒόντο^;, ως yiveaOai το Χοιπον ίτττακισχιΚίον^; 
το άπο ΤΙορθμον μέχρι %τη\ων• τον? μ€ν τρισχι- 
Χίους iav φησιν, €Ϊτ βδ Χαμβάνονται €Ϊτ€ μη, 
τον<ζ δ' έτΓταχισχιΧίονς ονΒετέρως, ovBk την τταρα- 
Χίαν €κμ€τρονντι, οντ€ την Bih μέσον τον ireKa- 
70V9. την μβν yhp ιταραΧίαν έοικέναι μαΚιστ 
άμβΧεία γωϊ /ta, βββηκνία βττί τ€ τον ΤΙορθμον 
fcal των ΧτηΧων, κορνφην δ' έχονστ) 'ϋάρβωνα* 
ωστ€ σννίστασθαι τρί^ωνον βάσιν ίχον την Bict, 
τον ireXayovf; evOeiav, irXevph^ δέ τά? την ^γωνίαν 
ΊΓΟίονσας την Χβχθβΐσαν, ων ή μβν άιτο τον 
ΤΙορθμον μέχρι ^άρβωνο<ζ μνρίων ^στί κάΙ irXeio- 
νων ή Βιακοσίων iirl τοις χιΧίοις, ή δέ Χοιττη 
μικρφ ^ ίΚαττονων η οκτακισχΟάων καΧ μην 
ττΧβΐστον μ^ν Βιάστημα άττό της Ενρώττης βττΙ την 
Αιβνην ομοΧο^Βίσθαι κατά το Ύνρρηνικον ττέΧα- 
γο9 σταΒίων ον ττΧβιόνων ή τρισχιΧίων, κατά το 
Έ,αρΒόνιον ^ δέ Χαμβάνειν σνναηω^ην, αλλ' βστω, 
φησί, καΧ ^κύνο τρισχΟάων, ττροβιΧηφθω δ' iirl 
τούτοις ΒισχιΧίων σταΒίων το τον κοΧττον βάθος 
τον κατά Νάρβωνα, ώς &ν κάθβτος άττο της κορν- 
φής ΙτγΙ τί)ν βάσιν τον άμβΧντγωνίον* ΒήΧον oiv, 

* XoiTOVy Corais suspects, after μικρφ ; Groskurd deletes ; 
Meineke, Forbiger, Tardieu, following ; C. Miiller approving. 
^ 'ZaptavioVf Meineke, for ^αρΖώνιον, 

* That is, the altitude of the triangle drawn from the 
vertex at Narbo to the base line ; thus an allowance of 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 2 

the Peloponnesus to the Pillars at ten thousand 
stadia, and from the Peloponnesus to the recess of 
the Adriatic Sea at more than this, and when, of 
the distance to the Pillars, he reckons the part up 
to the Strait of Sicily at three thousand stadia, so 
that the remaining distance — the part from the 
Strait to the Pillars — becomes seven thousand stadia, 
Polybius says that he will let pass the question 
whether the estimate of three thousand is correctly 
taken or not, but, as for the seven thousand stadia, he 
cannot let the estimate pass from either of two 
points of view, namely, whether you take the 
measure of the coast-line or of the line drawn 
through the middle of the open sea. For, says he, 
the coast-line is very nearly like an obtuse angle, 
whose sides run respectively to the Strait and to 
the Pillars, and with Narbo as vertex ; hence a tri- 
angle is formed with a base that runs straight through 
the open sea and with sides that form the said angle, 
of which sides the one from the Strait to Narbo 
measures more than eleven thousand two hundred 
stadia, the other a little less than eight thousand 
stadia ; and, besides, it is agreed that the maximum 
distance from Europe to Libya across the Tyrrhenian 
Sea is not more than three thousand stadia, whereas 
the distance is reduced if measured across the 
Sardinian Sea. However, let it be granted, says 
Polybius, that the latter distance is also three 
thousand stadia, but let it be further assumed as 
a prior condition that the depth of the gulf opposite 
Narbo is two thousand stadia, the depth being, as it 
were, a perpendicular let fall from the vertex upon 
the base of the obtuse-angled triangle ^ ; then, says 

1,000 stadia is made for the remaiDing distance to Libya, 
measured on the produced altitude. 

D D 2 



φησίν, ifc της τταίΒικης μβτρησβως, οτι ή σύμπασα 

τταραΧία ή άττο τον ΊΙορθμοΰ iirl Χτηλας ϊηηιστα 

ύ7Γ€ρέχ€ΰ της 8ih του irekayov^ βύθβίας ττερτακο- 

σίοις σταΒίοίς, ττροστβθεντων δέ των άττο της 

ΤΙβΧοποννησου iirl τον ΤΙορθμον τρισχιΧίων, οι 

σνμτΓαντβς ίσονται στά8ιοι, αντοί οΐ hr ενθβίας, 

ττΤ^ίονς ή ΖίττΧάσιον &ν Αικαίαρχος ehre* ττΧβίονς 

δέ τούτων τους iirl τον μυχον τον ^ASpiaTifcbv 

8€ήσ€ΐ, φησί, τιθέναί κατ ixeivov. 

3. Άλλ' ώ φί7<£ ΙΙο\ύβΐ€, φαίη τις αν, ωσττβρ 

τούτου του ψβύσματος ivapyrj τταρίστησι τον 

eXeyxov ή ireipa έξ αύτων, &ν εΐρηκας αυτός, 

€ΐς μ^ν ΑβυκάΒα ifc ΤΙέΚοττοννήσου επτακόσιους, 

ivTeOOev δέ τους ϊσους βίς Ιίορκυραν, καΐ πάΧιν 

εντεύθεν βίς τά Ίίβραύνια τους ϊσους, καΐ iv 

Ββξια βίς την ^ΙαπυΒίαν,^ άπο Se των Κβραυ- 

νίων, την ^ΐΧΧυρικην παραΧίαν σταΒίων έξα- 

κισχιλίων έκατον πεντήκοντα* οΰτως κάκβΐνα 

•^βύσματα €στιν άμφ6τ€ρα, καΐ ο Αικαίαρχος 

€ΐπ€, το άπο ΤΙορθμοΰ €πϊ Χτήλας etvai σταΒίων 

ίπτακισχιΧίων, καΐ ο συ Βοκβΐς άποΒβΐξαι, ομο- 

Χο^γοΰσι yhp οί πΧβΐστοι Χέγοντβς το Bik πβΧώγους 

μυρίων eivai καϊ ΒισχιΧίων, συμφωνεί Be τούτο καϊ 

^ *ΙοΐΓΐ;δίο»', Jones, for ^lavvyiav ; Miiller-Dubner suggest 
*lavoUav ; see Groskurd's critical note on 6. 3. 10 (vol. i. 
p. 502). 

^ By computation the actual result is 436 stadia. 

2 By computation the actual result is 21,764 stadia. 

" That is, more than 21,764 stadia; for Dicaearchus had 
reckoned the recess of the Adriatic to be farther away from 
the Peloponnesus than the Pillars were. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 2-3 

Polybius, it is clear from the principles of elementary 
geometry that the total length of the coast-line from 
the Strait to the Pillars exceeds the length of the 
straight line through the open sea by very nearly 
five hundred ^ stadia. And if to this we added the 
three thousand stadia from the Peloponnesus to the 
Strait, the sum total of the stadia, merely those 
measured on a straight line, will be more than 
double 2 the estimate given by Dicaearchus. And, 
according to Dicaearchus, says Poly bi us, it will be 
necessary to put the distance from the Pelopon- 
nesus to the recess of the Adriatic at more than this 

3. But, my dear Polybius, one might reply, just 
as the test based upon your own words makes evident 
the error of these false reckonings, namely, '' from 
the Peloponnesus to Leucas, seven hundred stadia ; 
from Leucas to Corcyra the same ; and, again, from 
Corcyra to the Ceraunian Mountains the same ; and 
the Illyrian coast-line to lapydia on your right hand 
side,* if you measure from the Ceraunian Mountains, 
six thousand one hundred and fifty stadia," so also 
those other reckonings are both false — ^both that 
made by Dicaearchus when he makes the distance 
from the Strait of Sicily to the Pillars seven thousand 
stadia, and that which you think yOu have demon- 
strated; for most men agree in saying that the 
distance measured straight across the Sea is twelve 
thousand stadia, and this estimate agrees with the 

* Polybius thus characterises the distance from the Cerau- 
nian Mountains to the head of the Adriatic Gulf — apparently 
disregarding the Istrian coast, just as does Strabo in 6. 3. 10. 
lapydia was the name both of the country and the chief city 
of the lapydes. Strabo thinks Polybius* estimate is too 




τ^ άτΓοφάσβι rfj ire pi του μήκους της οικουμένης, 
C 106 μάΧιστα yoLp elvai φασι μυριάδων ίτττώ τούτου 
δέ το ζσττέριον τμήμα το άττο του *Ισσικοΰ κοΚττου 
μέχρι των άκρων της ^Ιβηρίας, άττβρ Βυσμικώτατά^ 
€στι, μικρόν άποΧάττβιν των τρισ μυρίων, συντι- 
θβασι δ' οΰτως' άττο μεν του ^Ισσικοΰ κοΧττου 
μέχρι της 'ΡοΒίας ΐΓ€ντακισχιΚίους*^€νθέν8* iirl 
^αΧμώνιον της Κρήτης, οττερ €στΙ το €φον άκρον, 
χιΚίους• αυτής Se της Κρήτης μήκος τρΚεΙους η 
ΒισχιΧίους βττΐ Κριού μέτωττον evredOev δ' ίττΧ 
Ήάχυνον της ^ικεΚίας τ€τρακισχΐΚίους καΐ πεντα- 
κόσιους,^ ατΓο ΤΙαχύνου δε iirl ΤΙορθμον ηΧείους 
ή χίλιους' €ΐτα το Βίαρμα το iwl Έ,τηλας άπο 
ΤΙορθμοΰ μύριους ΒισχιΧίους'^ άπο ΧτηΧων δέ βττΐ 
τα τελευταία του Ίε/οοΟ ακρωτηρίου της ^Ιβηρίας 
ΤΓβρΙ τρισχιΧίους, καΧ ή κάθετος δε ου καΧως 
€ΪΧη7Γται, eiirep η μεν Νάρβων εττΐ του αυτού 
ΊΓαραΧΧηΧου σχβΒον τι ΪΒρυται τψ 8ιά Μασσα- 
Χίας, αύτη τε τ^ 8ιά Βυζαντίου, καθάττερ καΧ 
'Ίππαρχος πείθεται, η δέ hih του πεΧα/γους επΧ 
του αυτού εστί τφ 8ιά ΤΙορθμού καΧ της ^Ρο8ίας, 
άπο δέ της 'ΡοΒίας εις Βυξάντιον ώς αν επΧ τού 
αυτού μεσημβρινού κειμένων άμφοΐν περΧ πεντα- 
κισχιΧίους^ είρηκασι σταΒίους* τοσούτοι yap &ν 
είεν καΧ οι της είρημένης καθέτου. επεΧ δέ καΧ 

* Βυσμικ<&τατα, Corais, for ζυσμικώτ^ρα ; editors following. 
2 καί, Meineke deletes, before άνό ; C. Muller approving. 
^ δί(Γχιλίοι;$, Gosselin, for τρισχιλίου5 ; editors following. 
^ &$, Madvig deletes, before dfyiiKaai, and punctuates as in 
the text. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 3 

opinion rendered in regard to the length of the 
inhabited worlds For they say that this length is 
about seventy thousand stadia, and that the western 
section thereof, that is, from the Gulf of Issus to the 
capes of Iberia, which are the most westerly points, 
is a little less than thirty thousand stadia. They 
arrive at this result in the following way : From the 
Gulf of Issus to Rhodes the distance is five thousand 
stadia ; thence to Salmonium, which is the eastern 
Cape of Crete, one thousand stadia ; and the length 
of Crete itself, from Salmonium to Criumetopon, 
more than two thousand stadia ; thence, from Criu- 
metopon to Pachynum in Sicily, four thousand dve 
hundred stadia ; and from Pachynum to the Strait of 
Sicily, more than one thousand stadia ; then, the sea- 
passage from the Strait of Sicily to the Pillars, twelve 
thousand stadia ; and from the Pillars to the extreme 
end of the Sacred Cape^ of Iberia, about three 
thousand stadia. And Polybius has not taken even 
his perpendicular properly, if it be true that Narbo 
is situated approximately on the same parallel as that 
which runs through Massilia and (as Hipparchus also 
believes) Massilia on the same as that through 
Byzantium, and that the line which runs through 
the open Sea is on the same parallel as that through 
the Strait and Rhodes, and that the distance from 
Rhodes to Byzantium has been estimated at about 
nve thousand stadia on the assumption that both 
places lie on the same meridian ; for the perpendicular 
in question would also be five thousand stadia in 
length.^ But when they say that the longest passage 

1 1. 4. 5. 2 Cape St. Vincent. 

' For "parallels comprehended between parallels are 




το μβ^γιστον Βίαρμα του Ίτέλώγους τούτον το άπο 
ττγ; Έιύρώττη^; iirl την Αιβνην πβντακισχιΚίων 
που σταΒίωρ Xayovaiv άττο του μυχοϋ του Γαλα- 
τικοΰ κολτΓου, Βοκεΐ μοι ττβττλαι/ι^/ι^ι/ως XeyeaOav 
τούτο, fj ττοΧύ την Αίβύην κατά, τοΰτο το μέρος 
ττρονβύβιν ^ €7γΙ τί)ν αρκτον καϊ συνάιττ^ν τφ Βια 
των ^τηΧών παραΧΚήΧφ, καΐ τοΰτο ουκ €υ 
λβγβταί, το Ίτλησιον της Έ,αρΒονος την Χβχθβΐσαν 
καθετον τεΧβυταν ου yap παραπΧησιον, αλλά 
τΓολύ Βυσμίκώτερόν έστι^ το οίαρμα τοΰτο της 
ΧαρΒονος, οΧον σχεΒον τι άττοΧαμβάνον iv τφ 
μεταξύ ττρος τφ ^αρΒονίφ το AiyvaTiKov 7ΓεXayoς, 
καΐ της τταραΧίας Bk τα μήκη ττεπΧεοναστάι, 
ττΧην ουκ επί τοσοΰτον yε. 

4. Έ^ ^9 δέ τά του ^Έιρατοσθένους εττανορθοΐ, τά 
μ^ν εΰ, του Bk χείρον Χ&γων η εκείνος, εξ ^Ιθάκης 
μεν yhp εΙς Κορκυραν τριακόσιους είττοντος, 
ττΧείους ώησϊν είναι των εννακοσίων εξ 'Ελγ^- 
Βάμνου Βε εις θεσσαΧονίκειαν εννακοσίους άττο- 
Βόντος, ΊΓΧείους των ΒισχιΧίων φησί• ταΰτα μεν 
εΰ. άτΓο Βε Μασσαλίας εττι ΖτηΧας Xkyovτoς 
ετττακισχιΧίους, άπο δέ ΐΐυρηνης εξακισχιΧίους, 
αύτος Xεyει χείρον πΧείους η εννακισχιΧίους τους 
άπο ΜασσαΧίας, άπο Βε ΤΙυρηνης μικράν ίΧάττους 
η οκτακισχιΧίους' εyyυτέpω yap της άΧηθείας 
εκείνος εϊρηκεν. οι yap νΰν 6μoXoyoΰσιv, ει τις 
τάς των οΒων άνωμαΧιας ύποτέμνοιτο, μη μείζω 
των έξακισχιΧίων σταΒίων είναι το μήκος την 
C 107 σύμπασαν ^Ιβηρίαν άπο ΤΙυρηνης εως της εσπε- 

^ vpoveiuv, Cascorbi, for νροσν^ύ^ν ; Α. Vogel, C. Frick, 
* ίση, Madvig, for thai, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 3-4 

across this sea from Europe to Libya, reckoned from 
the head of the Galatic Gulf, is approximately five 
thousand stadia, it seems to me that they make an 
erroneous statement, or else that in that region 
Libya projects far to the north and reaches the 
parallel that runs through the Pillars. And Polybius 
is again not right when he says that the perpendicular 
in question ends near Sardinia ; for the line of this 
sea-passage is nowhere near Sardinia, but much farther 
west, leaving between it and Sardinia not only the 
Sardinian Sea, but almost the whole of the Ligurian 
Sea as well. And Polybius has exaggerated the length 
of the seaboard also, only in a lesser degree. 

4. Next in order, Polybius proceeds to correct the 
errors of Eratosthenes ; sometimes rightly, but some- 
times he is even more in error than Eratosthenes. 
For instance, when Eratosthenes estimates the 
distance from Ithaca to Corcyra at three hundred 
stadia, Polybius says it is more than nine hundred ; 
when Eratosthenes gives the distance from Epi- 
damnus to Thessalonica as nine hundred stadia, 
Polybius says more than two thousand ; and in these 
cases Polybius is right. But when Eratosthenes 
says the distance from Massilia to the Pillars is 
seven thousand stadia and from the Pyrenees to the 
Pillars six thousand stadia, Polybius himself makes a 
greater error in giving the distance from Massilia as 
more than nine thousand stadia and that from the 
Pjn-enees a little less than eight thousand stadia; 
for Eratosthenes* estimates are nearer the truth. 
Indeed, modern authorities agree that if one cut off 
an allowance for the irregular windings of the roads, 
the whole of Iberia is not more than six thousand 
stadia in length from the Pyrenees to its western 




ρίον ττΧβυράς, 6 δ' αύτον τον Tayov ττοταμον 
οκτακισγιΧιων τίθησι το μήκο^ άττο τή<ζ ττη^η^ζ 
μέχρι των €κβό\ων, ου 8η ττου το συν Toh σκοΧίώ- 
μασιν {ου yap ^βω^ραφικον τούτο), αλλ' βττ' 
βύθβίας λβγωι/, καίτοι ye άττο ΤΙυρηνης αί του 
Ταγού τΓίγγαΙ ττλέον 8ί€χουσιν ή χιΧιους στα8ίου<;, 
ΊτάΧιν Se τοΰτο μ^ν ορθώς αποφαίνεται, οτι ayvoei 
τά ^Ιβηρικά 6 *Ερατοσθ€νη<ζ, καΐ Βιότι ττβρί αυτής 
ίσθ^ οτΓου τά μαχόμενα άττοφαίνεται* ος ye μέχρι 
Γα8είρων ύττο ΤαΧατων irepioiKelaOai φησας 
τα ίξωθεν αυτής, ei ye τά ττρος Βύσιν τής Έύρώ- 
ττης μέχρι ΤαΒείρων εχουσιν εκείνοι, τούτων 
εκΧαθόμενος κατά, την τής ^Ιβηρίας ττερίοΒον των 
ΓαΧατών ούΒαμοΰ μέμνηται, 

5. Το τε μήκος τής Έίύρώττης οτι εΧαττόν εστί 
του συνάμφω της τε Λιβύης καΐ τής ^ Ασίας 
εκθείς, ουκ ορθώς την σύy κρίσιν ποιείται• το μεν 
yap στόμα το κατεί ΧτηΧας ώησίν, οτι κατά την 
ίσημερινην Βύσιν εστίν, ό όε Ύάναΐς pel άττο 
θερινής άνατοΧής• εΧαττοΰται Βη του συνάμφω 
μήκους τφ μεταξύ τής θερινής άνατοΧής καΐ τής 
Ισημερινής' τοΰτο ycip ή \\σία ττροΧαμβάνει ττρος 
την ίσημερινην άνατοΧην του ττρος τίις άρκτους 
ήμικυκΧίου, χωρίς ycip του ττερισκεΧοΰς εν ττ/οαγ- 

1 The Don. 

^ Polybius' abstruse comparison of the length of Europe 
with that of Libya and Asia combined is not extant, but his 
general method is clear enough. Draw a line {PP') parallel 
to the equator from the Pillars to the eastern coast of India 
—that is, at about 36 J° latitude. On this line as a chord 
describe a semicircle which will have for diameter a line 
{00') drawn on the equator. From some point (-4) west of 
Asia on the chord (Strabo says in § 7 below that this point is 
a variable) draw a line to the outlet (T) of the Tanai's River ; 
produce this line in ^ north-easterly direction along the 


Geography, 2. 4. 4-5 

side. But Polybius reckons the river Tagus alone at 
eight thousand stadia in length from its source to its 
mouth — without reckoning in the windings of the 
river, of course (for this is a thing geography does 
not do) — but estimating the distance on a straight 
line. And yet from the Pyrenees the sources of the 
Tagus are more than one thousand stadia distant. 
On the other hand, Polybius is right when he asserts 
that Eratosthenes is ignorant of the geography of 
Iberia, that is, for the reason that he sometimes makes 
conflicting statements ; at any rate, after he has said 
that the exterior coast of Iberia as far as Gades is 
inhabited by Gauls — if they really hold the western 
regions of Europe as far as Gades — he forgets that 
statement and nowhere mentions the Gauls in his 
description of Iberia. 

5. Again, when Polybius sets forth that the length 
of Europe is less than the combined length of Iberia 
and Asia, he does not make his comparison 
correctly. The outlet at the Pillars, he says, is in 
the equinoctial west, whereas the Tanais ^ flows from 
the summer rising of the sun, and therefore Europe 
is less in length than the combined length of Libya 
and Asia by the space between the summer sunrise 
and the equinoctial sunrise ; for Asia has a prior 
claim to this space of the northern semicircle that 
lies toward the equinoctial sunrise.^ Indeed, apart 

course of the river to the source {T) of it (but the source is 
unexplored) ; then produce the river-line {TT') to the cir- 
cumference at 8, which may represent the summer rising. 
Drop a perpendicular {TB) upon the chord PP\ Then we 
have a segment {BT'SP') of the semicircle, which belongs to 
Asia (but we are compelled to fix Τ and Β inaccuratelv, 
inasmuch as the source of the Tanais was unexplored). 
According to Polybius, Europe is less in length than Libya 
and Asia combined by the line BP' (which is a variable). 




μασιν βναττοΒοτοι^ καΐ ψβΰΒό^ βστί το άττο θερινής 
ανατολής τον Ύάναϊν peiv άπαντες yct,p οι έμ- 
πειροι των τόπων άπο των άρκτων ρεΐν φασιν εΙς 
την Μαιωτιν, ώστε τα στόματα τον ποταμού και 
το της ΜαιώτιΒος καΐ αντον τον ποταμον, βφ' 
όσον γνώριμος εστίν, επΙ του αύτοΰ μεσημβρινού 

6. Ουκ άξιοι 8ε \oyov οΐτινες ^ εΐπον άπο 
των κατ€ί τον "Ιστρον τόπων αντον τείς άρχίίς 
ίχειν και άπο της εσπέρας, ονκ ίνθνμηθ^ντες ως 
μεταξύ 6 Ύνρας καΐ Βορνσθενης καΧ "Ύπανις, 
μεγάΧοι ποταμοί, ρεονσιν εις τον ΤΙόντον, 6 μεν 
τφ "Ιστρψ παράΧΚηΧος, οι 8ε τφ Ύανάϊ8ι• οντε 8ε 
τον Ύνρα των πηγών κατ ωπτ εν μένων, οντε του 
Έορνσθένονς, οντε^ τον 'Ύπάνιος, ποΧν &ν εϊη 
άγ^ωστότερα Tci εκείνων άρκτικώτερα• ωσθ* ο 
8ι εκείνων αγωι/ τον Ύάναιν, είτ επιστρέφων άττ 
αντων επΧ την ^αιωτιν^ (αϊ yhp εκβοΧαΙ φανερως 
εν τοις προσαρκτίοις μέρεσι της Χίμνης 8είκνννται, 
καΧ τούτοις τοις εωθινωτάτοις), πΧαστος αν τις 
εϊη καΧ απέραντος Χογος, ως δ' αντως απέραντος 
καΧ 6 8ici τον Κανκάσον προς αρκτον φησας ρεΐν, 
εΐτ επιστρέφειν εΙς την Μαιωτιν εϊρηται yctp 
καΧ τοντο. άπο μέντοι της άνατόΧής ον8εΧς εϊρηκε 
την ρνσιν* καΧ yap ει ερρει όντως, ονκ &ν νπεν- 

^ oXrivts tlvov for rivts ^Ίτον ot μ4ν ; so Ino ; Siebenkees, 
Corais, following. 

^ οϋτ€ . . . οϋτ€, Corais, for oM . . . ού94 ; Meineke following ; 
C. Miiller approving. 

' Α-γων rhy TavaiVy c7t' 4ΊΓΐστρ4ψων itv* αχηων iit\ r^v HiouStriVj 
Sterrett, for iiyuv Μ τ^ν Μαιωτιν rhv Ύάναϊν, cTt' 47ηστρ4φων 
4ίτ* ahriiv. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 5-6 

from the abstruseness which characterises Polybius 
when he is discussing matters that are easy of explan- 
ation, his statement that the Tanais flows from the 
summer rising of the sun is also false ; for all who 
are acquainted with those regions say that the Tanais 
flows from the north into Lake Maeotis, and in such 
wise that the mouth of the river, the mouth of Lake 
Maeotis, and the course of the Tanais itself, so far as 
it has been explored, all lie on the same meridian. 

6. Unworthy of mention are those writers who 
have stated that the Tanais rises in the regions on 
the Ister^ and flows from the west, because they 
have not reflected that the Tyras,^ the Borysthenes,' 
and the Hypanis,* all large rivers, flow between those 
two rivers into the Pontus, one of them parallel to 
the Ister and the others parallel to the Tanais. And 
since neither the sources of the Tyras, nor of the 
Borysthenes, nor of the Hypanis, have been explored, 
the regions that are farther north than they would 
be far less known ; and therefore the argument that 
conducts the Tanais through those regions and then 
makes it turn from them to the Maeotis Lake (for 
the mouths of the Tanais are obviously to be seen 
in the most northerly parts of the Lake, which are 
also the most easterly parts) — such an argument, I 
say, would be false and inconclusive. Equally incon- 
clusive is the argument that the Tanais flows through 
the Caucasus towards the north and then turns and 
flows into Lake Maeotis ; for this statement has also 
been made. However, no one has stated that the 
Tanais flows from the east ; for if it flowed from the 
east the more accomplished geographers would not 

* The Danube. 2 The Dniester. 

3 The Dnieper. * The Bog. 




C 108 αντίως τφ ΝείΧφ καΐ τροττον rivh κατίυ Std- 
μετρον pelv αύτον άτΓβφαίνοντο οΐ γαριέστβροι, ώς 
Αι/ €7γΙ ταντον μεσημβρινού ή 7Γαρακ€ΐμ€Ρον τίνος 
τή<ζ ρύσεως οΰση<ζ ίκατέρφ ττοταμφ, 

7. 'Ή τ€ τον μήκους τη$ οίκου μΑνη^ μάτρησις 
κατά ΐΓαραΧΧηλου τφ Ισημερινφ βστιν, iireiStf 
καΐ αύτη ίττΐ μήκο^ όντως €κτ€ταταί* ωστβ κα\ 
των ητΓβίρων εκάστης οντω Ββΐ Χαμβάνβίν το 
μήκο'ζ μεταξύ μεσημβρινών Svelv κβίμενον. τά 
τ€ μέτρα των μήκων σταΒίασμοί είσιν, ούς θη- 
ρενομεν fj Βν αυτών ίκβίνων Ιοντες η των ττα- 
ραΧΚηΚων οΒων ή ιτορων, 6 Be τούτον άφ€ΐ<ζ τον 
τροτΓον καινον άσά^βι το μβταξύ της τε θερινής 
άνατοΧης καΧ της Ισημερινης τμήμα τι^ τον αρκτι- 
κού ήμικνκΧίον, ττρος δέ τά άμετάιττωτα ούΒεΙς 
κανόσι καΙ μέτροις χρήται τοις μετατττώτοις ούΒε 
τοις κατ* αΧΧην καΐ αΧΧην σχεσιν Χε^ομενοις 
ττρος τά καθ* αυτά καΐ άΒιάφορα.^ το pkv ούν 
μήκος άμετάτττωτον καΐ καθ* αύτο λβγβτα^, άνα- 
τοΧη δ' ισημερινη καΐ Βνσις, ώς δ' αντως θερινή 
τε καΐ χειμερινή, ού καθ* αυτήν, αλλά ττρος ήμας• 
ήμων δ' αΧΧοτ aXXrj μεταχωρονντων, αΧΧοτ 
αΧΧοι τοτΓΟί καΐ Βνσεών είσι καΐ άνατοΧων Ιση- 
μερινων τε καΐ τροπικών, το δέ μήκος μένει ταύτον 
τής ήττείρου, ΎάναΙν μεν ούν και Τ^εΐΧον ούκ 

^ τμ^μά η, Tyrwhitt, for τμ'ήματι ; MuUer-Diibner, Meineke, 

2 αδιάφορα, Kramer, for ^ιαψοράν {ουκ Ιχοντο?) ; Α. Vogel 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 6-7 

be asserting that it flows in a direction contrary to, 
and in a sense diametrically opposed to, that of the 
Nile — ^meaning that the courses of the two rivers 
are on the same meridian or else on meridians that 
lie close to each other. ^ 

7. The measurement of the length of the inhabited 
world is made along a line parallel to the equator, 
because the inhabited world, in its length, stretches 
in the same way the equator does ; and in the same 
way, therefore, we must take as the length of each 
of the continents the space that lies between two 
meridians. Again, the measure employed for these 
lengths is that by stadia; and we seek to discover 
the number of the stadia either by travelling through 
the continents themselves, or else along the roads or 
waterways parallel to them. But Polybius abandons 
this method and introduces something new, namely, 
a certain segment of the northern semicircle, which 
lies between the summer sunrise and the equinoctial 
sunrise. But no one employs rules and measures 
that are variable for things that are non-variable, 
nor reckonings that are made relative to one position 
or another for things that are absolute and imchang- 
ing. Now while the term "length" is non- variable 
and absolute, "equinoctial rising" and "setting" and, 
in the same way, "summer sunrise" and "winter 
sunrise," are not absolute, but relative to our indi- 
vidual positions ; and if we shift our position to dif- 
ferent points, the positions of sunset and sunrise, 
whether equinoctial or solstitial, are different, but 
the length of the continent remains the same. 
Therefore, while it is not out of place to make the 
Tanai's and the Nile limits of continents, it is some- 

* Compare 11. 2. 2. 




ατοτΓον Trepan 7Γ0ΐ€Ϊσθαί, θβρινην δ* άνατοΚην tj 
Ισημερινην καινόν. 

8. Τίροπ€7Γτωκνία^ Be της Έίύρώττης ακραις 
ττλβίοσί, βέΧτίον μεν ούτος €Ϊρηκ€ν ττερΧ αύτων 
^Έίρατοσθένονς, ονττω δέ ίκανως, εκείνος μλν yhp 
τρεις εφη, την εττΐ τείς Έ,τηλας καθήκουσαν, εφ^ 
ής ή ^Ιβηρία, καΐ την εττΐ τον ΤΙορθμον, εφ* ^9 ή 
'Ιταλία, καΐ τρίτην την κατίυ Μαλβα?, εφ* ^9 
τά μεταξύ του *ΑΒρίον καϊ τον Έ^ύξείνου ττάντ 
έθνη καΙ του ΎανάΐΒος, ούτος Βε τίυς μεν Βνο 
τά,ς πρώτας ομοίως εκτίθεται, τρίτην Bk την κατά, 
Μαλ^α? καϊ Xovviov, εφ* ^9 ή Έλλά9 ττασα καΐ 
η *ΐ\ΧυρΙς καΐ της %ρψκης τινά, τετάρτην Βε την 
■κατίυ %ρακίαν γερρονησον, εφ* ^9 τά κατά Χηστον 
καϊ "ΑβνΒον στενά, εχουσι Β* αύτην θράκες• 
ττέμτΓτην Bk t)jv κατά τον Ίίιμμερι,κον βοσττορον 
καΧ το στόμα της 'Μ.αίώτιΒος• τίυς μ^ν οΰν Βύο 
τάς ττρώτας Βοτέον ά7ΓλοΑ9 ydp τισν ττερίΧαμβά- 
νονται κοΚτΓΟίς, η μεν τφ μεταξύ της ΊίαΚττης 
καΐ του Ίεροΰ ακρωτηρίου, εν φ τά ΤάΖειρα, 
καϊ τφ μεταξύ ΧτηΧων καϊ της ^ικεΧίας ττελά- 
γε*• η δέ τοιίτ^ τε καΧ τφ *ΑΒρία, καίτοι ή y€ 
C 109 των *1α'πύ^ων άκρα τταρεμττίτττουσα καΐ -την 
*1τα\ίαν Βικορυφον ττοιοΰσα εγει τίνα άντέμφα- 
σνν αΐ λοίτταΐ Β* ίτι εναρ^εστερον ττοικίΧαι καΐ 
ΤΓοΧυμερεΐς οΖσαι ζητοΰσιν αΧΚην Βιαίρεσιν, ως 
Β* αΰτως ίχει καϊ ή εΙς ^ξ Βιαίρεσις την ομοίαν 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 7-8 

thing new to use the summer, or the equinoctial, 
sunrise for this purpose. 

8. Since Europe runs out into several promontories, 
Polybius' account of them is better than that of Era- 
tosthenes, but it is still inadequate. For Eratosthenes 
spoke of only three promontories : ^ first, the pro- 
montory that juts down to the Pillars, on which is 
Iberia; secondly, that to the Strait of Sicily, on 
which is Italy; and, thirdly, that which ends at 
Cape Malea, on which are all the nations that dwell 
between the Adriatic, the Euxine, and the Tana'is. 
But Polybius explains the first two promontories in 
the same way and then makes a third of the pro- 
montory which ends at Cape Malea and Sunium, on 
which are all Greece, and Illyria, and certain parts 
of Thrace, and a fourth of the Thracian Chersonese, 
where the strait between Sestus and Abydus is, in- 
habited by Thracians ; and still a fifth of the pro- 
montory in the region of the Cimmerian Bosporus 
and of the mouth of Lake Maeotis. Now we must 
grant the first two, because they are encompassed 
by simple gulfs : one of them, by the gulf that lies 
between Calpe and the Sacred Cape (the gulf on 
which Gades is situated) and also by that portion of 
the sea that lies between the Pillars and Sicily ; the 
other, by the last-mentioned sea and the Adriatic — 
although, of course, the promontory of lapygia, since 
it thrusts itself forward on the side and thus makes 
Italy have two crests, presents a sort of contradiction 
to my statement ; but the remaining three promon- 
tories, which still more clearly are complex and com- 
posed of many members, require further division. 
Likewise, also, the division of Europe into six parts 
1 See 2. 1. 40. 


VOL. I. Ε Ε 



βνστασιν άκοΧούθω^ ταΐ<ζ ακραι<: Βί€ίΧημμ€ΐτη. 
ΤΓουησομεθα δ' ημεΐ<ζ iv 7οΐ<ξ καθ* βκαστα την 
ττροσηκουσαν ίττανορθωσιν καΐ τούτων καΐ των 
αλΧων, οσα ev τε Ty Εύρωτττ} Βιημάρτηταί καΧ 
iv Tjj της Αφύη<: Trepvoheia. νυν δ' αρκέσει ταΰτα 
Χεχθέντα ττρος τους ττρο ήμων, όσους φήθημεν 
Ικανούς elvai ιταρατεθέντας βκμαρτυρβΐν ήμϊν, 
ΟΤΙ Βίκαίως ττροβίΧομεθα κα\ αύτοΙ το αύτο τούτο 
€pyov, τοσαύτης έττανορθώσεως καϊ ττροσθηκης 

1. 'ΕτΓβΙ Be τοις ττρος εκείνους Xόyoiς συνεχής 
εστίν η ίγχείρησις της ημετέρας υποσχέσεως, 
Χαβόντες αρχήν ετέραν Χέτγωμεν οτι Βεΐ τον 
χωρογραφεΐν εττίχεφοΰντα ττολλά των φυσικώς 
τε καϊ μαθηματικως Χε^^ομένων ύττοθέσθαι, καϊ 
ιτρος την εκείνων υττονοιάν τε καϊ ιτίστιν τα 
έξης ττρα^ματεύεσθαι, εϊρηται yctp οτι ουδ' οίκο- 
Βόμος, ούΒ* αρχιτέκτων οΐκίαν ή ττοΧιν ίΒρΰσαι 
καΧως οΙός τε ^ένοιτ αν, άπρονοητως έχων κΧι- 
μάτων τε καϊ ^ των κατ€ί τον ούρανον καϊ σχημά- 
των τε καϊ με'^εθων καϊ θάΧττους καϊ ψύχους καϊ 
αΧΚων τοιούτων, μη τι yε την οΧην οίκουμένην 
τοτΓοθετων, αύτο yhp το εις εττίττεΒον '^ράφειν 
ετΓΐφάνειαν μίαν καϊ την αύτην τά τε ^Ιβηρικά 

^ τ€ Λαί, Groskurd, for τ€ ; Forbiger following. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 4. 8-5. ι 

is open to similar objection, since it has been made 
in accordance with the promontories. However, in 
my detailed account I shall make the suitable cor- 
rections, not only of these mistakes, but also of all 
the other serious mistakes that Polybius has made, 
both in the matter of Europe and in his circuit of 
Libya. But, for the present, I shall rest satisfied with 
what I have here said in criticism of my predecessors 
— that is, of so many of them as I have thought 
would, if cited, make enough witnesses to prove that 
I too am justified in having undertaken to treat this 
same subject, since it stands in need of so much 
correction and addition. 

1. Since the taking in hand of my proposed task 
naturally follows the criticisms of my predecessors, let 
me make a second beginning by saying that the person 
who attempts to write an account of the countries 
of the earth must take many of the physical and 
mathematical principles as hypotheses and elaborate 
his whole treatise with reference to their intent and 
authority. For, as I have already said,i no architect 
or engineer would be competent even to fix the site 
of a house or a city properly if he had no conception 
beforehand of " climata ** and of the celestial phe- 
nomena, and of geometrical figures and magnitudes 
and heat and cold and other such things — much less 
a person who would fix positions for the whole of the 
inhabited world. For the mere drawing on one and 
the same plane surface of Iberia and India and the 

1 Page 25. 

Ε c 2 



καΧ τά Ίι/δί^ά καΐ τά μέσα τούτων, καϊ μηΒ^ν 
fjTTov Βύσ€ΐ,ς καϊ ανατολάς άφορίζειν καϊ μέσου- 
ρανησ€ΐ<ζ, ώ? αν κοινας ττασι, τω μεν ττροετηνοή, 
σαντι την τον ουρανού Βιάθεσίν τ€ καΐ κινησιν, 
και Χαβοντι οτι σφαιρική μέν εστίν ή κατ άΧη- 
θειαν τ% 7^ επιφάνεια, πΧάττεται Be νυν εττί- 
ΤΓβδο? ττρος την όψιν, ^βω^ραφικην εγει την 
τταράΒοσιν, τφ δ' αΧΧως, ου ^εω^ραφικην, ου 
ηάρ, ωστΓβρ Βια ιτεΒίων Ιουσι μετ^άΧων, οίον των 
ΈαβυΧωνίων, ή Bici ττεΧώγους ιταρίσταται τα 
Ίτρόσω πάντα καΐ τά κατόπιν καΐ εκ ττΧα^γίων 
εττίττεΒα, καϊ ούΒεμίαν άντεμφασιν παρέχει προς 
τα ουράνια καϊ τας τον ηλίου κινήσεις καϊ σχέσεις 
προς ημάς κα\ των αΧΧων άστρων, οΰτω καϊ 
^εω^ραφοϋσιν παρίστασθαι άεΧ ΒεΙ τά όμοια. 6 
μεν yctp πεΧα^ίζων η^ οΒεύων Bih χώρας πεΒιά- 
Βος κοιναΐς τισι φαντασίαις άγεται, καβ* Κς κάΧ 
ο άπαιΒευτος καϊ 6 πολιτικός ενεργεί ταύτα, άπει- 
ρος ων των ουρανίων, καϊ τά? προς ταύτα άντεμ- 
C 110 φάσεις άγνοων, ανατέλλοντα μεν ycip όρα ηλιον 
καΧ Βύνοντα καϊ μέσου ρανοΰντα, τίνα δέ τρόπον, 
ούκ επισκοπεί' ούΒε yap χρησιμον αύτφ προς το 
προκείμενον, ωσπερ ούΒ^ το παράλληλον εστάναι 

* ff, Corais, for καΐ before 6Μων ; Meineke following ; 
C. Muller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. ι 

countries that lie between them and, in spite of its 
being a plane surface, the plotting of the sun's 
position at its settings, risings, and in meridian, as 
though these positions were fixed for all the people 
of the world — merely this exercise gives to the man 
who has previously conceived of the arrangement 
and movement of the celestial bodies and grasped 
the fact that the true surface of the earth is spherical 
but that it is depicted for the moment as a plane 
surface for the convenience of the eye — merely this 
exercise, 1 say, gives to that man instruction that is 
truly geographical, but to the man not thus qualified 
it does not. Indeed, the case is not the same with 
us when we are dealing with geography as it is when 
we are travelling over great plains (those of Babylonia, 
for example) or over the sea : then all that is in front 
of us and behind us and on either side of us is presented 
to our minds as a plane surface and offers no varying 
aspects with reference to the celestial bodies or the 
movements or the positions of the sun and the other 
stars relatively to us ; but when we are dealing with 
geography the like parts must η ever present themselves 
to our minds in that way. The sailor on the open sea, 
or the man who travels through a level country, is 
guided by certain popular notions (and these notions 
impel not only the uneducated man but the man of 
affairs as well to act in the self-same way), because he 
is unfamiliar with the heavenly bodies and ignorant 
of the varying aspects of things with reference to 
them. For he sees the sun rise, pass the meridian, 
and set, but how it comes about he does not con- 
sider; for, indeed, such knowledge is not useful to 
him with reference to the task before him, any more 
than it is useful for him to know whether or not his 




τφ Ίταρεστωτι fj μη' τάχα δ* €7ΓίσκοΊΓ€Ϊ μέν, άντί- 
Βοξβΐ Bk^ το?9 μαθηματικών λβγο/^ι/ο^?, καθάττβρ 
οι έτΓίχώριοί' ίχ€ΐ yctp 6 τοττος τοιαύτα Βιατττώ- 
ματα, 6 δέ ^£ω^ραφικον ουκ έττιχωρίφ γ6ωγ/>α- 
φ€Ϊ, ovSe ΤΓοΧιτικφ τοιοντφ, οστι<ζ μηΒεν €φρόντισ6 
των ΧβΎομένων ιΒίω^ μαθημάτων ουδέ γά/) θερι- 
σττ) και σκαττανβΐ, άΧΧΛ τφ ττβισθήναι Βυναμέρφ 
την γην (ίχ€ΐν οΰτω την οΧην, ώ? οι μαθηματικοί 
φασι, καΐ τά α\\α τα ττρος την ύττόθεσιν την 
τοιαύτην. κβΧεύει τ€ τοί? ττροσιοΰσιν, €Κ€Ϊνα 
Ίτροενθυμηθεΐσι τά €^^9 βφοράν* €κείνοιν γά/ο τά 
άκοΚουθα epeivy ώστε μαΧΚον ττοιήσασθαι των 
ιταραΒιΒομένων ασφαλή την γρήσιν τον<ζ &τυγχα- 
νονταν, &ν άκούωσι μαθηματικω<ζ, το?9 δ' αλλω9 
ίχρυσιν ου φησι Ύ€α^γραφ€Ϊν, 

2. Ύον μ^ν Βη ^€ω^γραφονντα ιτιστβύσαι Bel 
irepi των βχόντων αύτφ τάξιν αρχήν τοις άνα- 
μετρησασι την ολην ^γήν ^εωμίτραις, τούτους Bk 
Τ0Ϊ9 αστρονομικοί^, €Κ€ίνου<ζ Be τοις φυσικοΐς, ή 
δέ φυσική apeTrj τις* τας δ' άρετείς άνυττοθέτους 
φασίν €ξ αυτών ^ ηρτημένας, καΐ iv αυταΐς ^ έχού- 

^ ίττισκοττ^Χ μ«ν, iivriho^u 5e, Madvig, for ^ττισκοχοΐ μ€ν &ν τί, 
^όξίΐ δ' 4ν ; Cobet, Α. Vogel, approving. 

• αυτών and avroiSf Corais, for αυτών and ούτοΓί ; Groskurd, 
Meineke, Forbiger, Tardieu, following; C. Μ tiller approving. 

^ That is, a kind of ** supreme excellence." Plutarch says 
that the Stoics recognized three ** supreme excellences" 
{Arctai) among the sciences— namely, physics, ethics, and 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 1-2 

body stands parallel to that of his neighbour. But 
perhaps he does consider these matters, and yet 
holds opinions opposed to the principles of mathe- 
matics — just as the natives of any given place do ; 
for a man's place occasions such blunders. But the 
geographer does not write for the native of any par- 
ticular place, nor yet does he write for the man of 
affairs of the kind who has paid no attention to the 
mathematical sciences properly so-called ; nor, to be 
sure, does he write for the harvest-hand or the ditch- 
digger, but for the man who can be persuaded that 
the earth as a whole is such as the mathematicians 
represent it to be, and also all that relates to such 
an hj^othesis. And the geographer urges upon his 
students that they first master those principles and 
then consider the subsequent problems ; for, he 
declares, he will speak only of the results which follow 
from those principles; and hence his students will 
the more unerringly make the application of his 
teachings if they listen as mathematicians ; but he 
refuses to teach geography to persons not thus 

2. Now as for the matters which he regards as 
fundamental principles of his science, the geographer 
must rely upon the geometricians who have measured 
the earth as a whole ; and in their turn the geome- 
tricians must rely upon the astronomers ; and again 
the astronomers upon the physicists. Physics is a 
kind of Arete ^ ; and by Aretai they mean those 
sciences that postulate nothing but depend upon 
themselves, and contain within themselves their own 

logic ; and that they regarded all three as the expedient arts 
for the exercise of philosophy in the acquirement of know- 
ledge — which is wisdom. 




σα9 τα? τ€ άρχίί^ και τά? irepl τούτων ττίστβις, 
τά μεν ονν τταρά τώι/ φυσικών Ββικνύμενα τοιαύτα 
€στΐ' σφαιρο€ΐΒη<; μλν 6 κόσμοι κα\ 6 ουρανοί, ή 
ροττη δ' eVl το μέσον των βαρέων irepl τοΰτο τ€ 
συνβστωσα η yrj σφαιροβιΒως ομόκεντρο^: τφ phf 
ούρανφ μένει seal αύτη καΐ 6 Βι αύτή^ άξων καϊ 
του ουρανού μέσου τεταμένος, 6 δ' ουρανοί περι- 
φέρεται ττερί τε αύτην καϊ ττερϊ τον άξονα αττ 
άνατοΧή^ εττϊ Βύσιν, συν αύτφ Βε οι άττΧανεΐς 
αστέρες όμοταχεΐς τφ ττολφ, οι μεν ούν άπΧανεΐς 
αστέρες κατά τταραΧΧηΧων φέρονται κύκΧων 
τταράΧΧηΧοι S* εισΐ Ύνωριμώτατοι 6 τε ισημερινός 
καϊ οι τροτΓίκοΙ Βύο καϊ οι αρκτικοί' οι Βε ττΧα- 
νητες αστέρες καϊ ήΧιος καΐ σεΧηνη κατά Χοξών 
τίνων, των τετα^μίνων εν τω ζωΒιακφ, τούτοις 
δέ πιστεύσαντες ή πασιν ή τισιν οι αστρονομικοί 
τά έξης ττρα^γματεύονται, κινήσεις καϊ ττεριοΒους 
καΧ εκΧείψεις καΐ μ&γέθη καϊ αποστάσεις καΐ 
άΧΧα μυρία* ως δ' αΰτως οι την γην οΧην άνα- 
μετροΰντες 'γεωμέτραι προστίθενται ταΐς των 
φυσικών καϊ των αστρονομικών Βοξαις, ταΐς Βέ 
των ^εωμετρων παΧιν οι 'γεωγράφοι, 
cm 3. ΪΙεντάξωνον μεν jap ύποθέσθαι Βεΐ τον ού- 
ρανόν, πεντάζωνον δέ καϊ την γην, ομώνυμους Βέ 
καϊ τάς ζώνας τάς κάτω ταΐς άνω' τάς δ' αίτιας 
είρηκαμεν της εΙς τάς ζώνας Βιαιρέσεως. Βιορί- 
ξοιντο δ* &ρ αί ζωναι κύκΧοις παραΧΧηΧοις τφ 
Ισημερινφ γραφομένοις εκατέρωθεν αυτού, Βυσϊ 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 2-3 

principles as well as the proofs thereof. Now what 
we are taught by the physicists is as follows : The 
universe and the heavens are sphere-shaped. The 
tendency of the bodies that have weight is towards 
the centre. And, having taken its position about 
this centre, the earth is spherically concentric with 
the heavens, and it is motionless as is also the axis 
through it, which axis extends also through the 
centre of the heavens. The heavens revolve round 
both the earth and its axis from east to west; and 
along with the heavens revolve the fixed stars, with 
the same rapidity as the vault of the heavens. Now 
the fixed stars move along parallel circles, and the 
best known parallel circles are the equator, the two 
tropics, and the arctic circles ; whereas the planets 
and the sun and the moon move along certain oblique 
circles whose positions lie in the zodiac. Now the 
astronomers first accept these principles, either in 
whole or in part, and then work out the subsequent 
problems, namely, the movements of the heavenly 
bodies, their revolutions, their eclipses, their sizes, their 
respective distances, and a host of other things. And, 
in the same way, the geometricians, in measuring the 
earth as a whole, adhere to the doctrines of the phy- 
sicists and the astronomers, and, in their turn, the 
geographers adhere to those of the geometricians. 

3. Thus we must take as an hypothesis that the 
heavens have five zones, and that the earth also has 
five zones, and that the terrestrial zones have the 
same names as the celestial zones (I have already 
stated the reasons for this division into zones ^). The 
limits of the zones can be defined by circles drawn 
on both sides of the equator and parallel to it, 

1 See 2. 3. 1. 




μβν τοΐ^ άτΓοΧαμβάνονσι την Βιακβκαυμένην, Sval 
Sk τοις μ€τλ τούτου^:, οί ττρος μβν rfj Βιακεκανμέντ} 
τα? εύκρατου^; Svo ττοίοΰσι, ττρος Be ταΐ<; βύκράτοις 
τά? κατ€τ>^υ^μ€νας> νποτητττει δ' ίκάστφ των 
ουρανίων κύκλων 6 €πΙ γ?}9 ομώνυμος αύτφ, καΐ ή 
ζώνη δέ ωσαύτως τ^ ζώνη. ei κράτους μεν οΰν 
φασι τ^ς οίκβίσθαι Βυναμένας, άοικητους Bk τά? 
αΧλας, την μ\ν Bik καΰμα, τας Be Sta ψΰχος. 
τον δ' αύτον τροττον καΧ ττερΧ των τροττίκων καΐ 
των αρκτικών, τταρ ο\ς βίσιν αρκτικοί, Βιορίξονσιν 
ομώνυμους ^ τοις ανω τους iirl yής ττοιοΰντες, καΐ 
τους ίκάστοις ύίΓΟτηιττοντας. του δ' ισημερινού 
Βίχα τέμνοντος τον 6\ον ούρανον, καΐ την yijv 
ανάγκη Βιαφ€Ϊσθαι ύπο του iv αύττι Ισημερινού. 
καΧΛται Be των ημισφαιρίων εκάτερον των τε 
ουρανίων καΧ των επί γης το μ^ν βόρειον, το δέ 
νοτιον ούτως Βε καΐ της Βιακεκαυμενης ύττο του 
αυτού κύκ\ου Βίχα Βιαιρουμένης το μεν εσται 
βόρειον αυτής μέρος, το δέ νοτιον. Βηλον Β' οτι 
και των ευκράτων ζωνών ή μεν εσται βόρειος, ή 
Βε νότιος, όμωνύμως τφ ήμισφαιρίφ εν φ εστί. 
καΧεΐται Βε βόρειον μ^ν ήμισφαίριον το την ευ- 
κρατον εκείνην ττεριέχον εν y άττο της άνατοΧής 
βλεποντι εττΐ την Βύσιν εν Βεξια μεν εστίν ό 
ττόΧος, εν αριστερά δ' ό ισημερινός, ή εν ω ττρος 

^ 6μωνύμον5, Corais, for 6μωνύμω5 ; Groskurd following. 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 3 

namely, by two circles which enclose the torrid zone, 
and by two others, following upon these, which form 
the two temperate zones next to the torrid zone and 
the two frigid zones next to the temperate zones. 
Beneath each of the celestial circles falls the cor- 
responding terrestrial circle which bears the same 
name : and, in like manner, beneath the celestial 
zone, the terrestrial zone. Now they call " temper- 
ate" the zones that can be inhabited; the others 
they call uninhabitable, the one on account of the 
heat, and the other two on account of the cold. 
They proceed in the same manner with reference 
to the tropic and the arctic circles (that is, in countries 
that admit of arctic circles ^) : they define their limits 
by giving the terrestrial circles the same names as ] 
the celestial — and thus they define all the terrestrial 
circles that fall beneath the several celestial circles. 
Since the celestial equator cuts the whole heavens 
in two, the earth also must of necessity be cut in 
two by the terrestrial equator. Of the two hemi- 
spheres — I refer to the two celestial as well as the 
two terrestrial hemispheres — one is called '' the 
northern hemisphere " and the other ^^ the southern 
hemisphere '* ; so also, since the torrid zone is cut in 
two by the same circle, the one part of it will be the 
northern and the other the southern. It is clear that, 
of the temperate zones also, the one will be northern 
and the other southern, each bearing the name 
of the hemisphere in which it lies. That hemisphere 
is called ^^ northern hemisphere" which contains that 
temperate zone in which, as you look from the east 
to the west, the pole is on your right hand and the 
equator on your left, or in which, as you look towards 

1 See 2. 2. 2 and footnote. • 


y Google 


μβσημβρίαν βΧέπουσιν iv Ββξια μέν €<m Svai^, 
iv apiarepa δ' άνατόΧη^ νότιον δέ το εναντίων 
Ιχον ωστ€ SrjXov οτι ημείς εσμεν iv θατέρφ των 
ημισφαιρίων, καΐ τφ βορβίφ ye, iv άμφοτέροις S* 
ούχ οίον Τ€. 

μέσσψ yap μετ/άΚοί ποταμοί, 
^Πκεανος μ^ν πρώτα, (Od, 11. 157) 

ίπειτα ή Βίακεκανμένη, οΰτ€ Be ώχβανος iv μίσφ 

της καθ* ημάς οικουμένης εστί τέμνων οΚην, ούτ 

οΰν Βιακ€κανμ€νον 'χωρίον ουδέ δ^ μέρος αυτής 

ευρίσκεται τοις κΧίμασι υπεναντίως (ίχον τοις 

Χεχθεΐσιν iv τ§ βορείφ εύκράτφ. 

4. Ααβών οΰν ταΰθ* 6 ^εωμέτρης, προσχρησά- 

μενος τοις ^νωμονικοΐς καΧ τοις αΚΚοις ^ τοις υπο 

του αστρονομικού Βεικνυμένονς, εν οίς οι τε παράΧ- 

ΧηΤ^Όΐ τφ Ισημερινφ ευρίσκονται οΐ καθ^ εκάστην 

την οϊκησιν και οι προς ορθας τέμνοντες τούτους, 

'γραφομενοι δέ hih των πόΧων, καταμβτρεΐ την μ^ν 

οίκησιμον έμβατεύων, την δ' αΧΧην ix του X6yoυ 

των αποστάσεων, οΰτω δ' αν ευρίσκοι, ποσόν &ν 

C 112 εϊη το άπο του ισημερινού μέχρι ποΧου, όπερ 

iστl τέταρτη μοριον τού μετ^ίστου κύκΧου της yής' 

έχων δέ τοδτο έχει καΐ το τετραπΧάσιον αυτού, 

τούτο δ' ίστιν η περίμετρος της yής, ωσπερ ούν 

ο μεν την yrjv άναμετρων πάρει τού άστρονομούν- 

τος εΧαβε τας αρχάς, 6 Be αστρονόμος παρίι τού 

φυσικού, τον αύτον τρόπον χρη καΐ τον yεωy ράφον 

^ The words rots Ύνωμονικοί! καί rots &\\οΐ5 were omitted 
by Kramer and Meineke without comment. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 3-4 

the south, the west is on your right hand and the 
east on your left; and that hemisphere is called 
"southern hemisphere," in which the opposite is 
true ; and hence it is clear that we are in one of the 
two hemispheres (that is, of course, in the northern), 
and that it is impossible for us to be in both. " Be- 
tween them are great rivers; first, Oceanus", and 
then the torrid zone. But neither is there an Oceanus 
in the centre of our whole inhabited world, cleaving 
the whole of it, nor, to be sure, is there a torrid spot 
in it ; nor yet, indeed, is there a portion of it to 
be found whose " climata " are opposite to the 
"climata'*^ which I have given for the northern 
temperate zone.*-* 

4. By accepting these principles, then, and also by 
making use of the sun-dial and the other helps given 
him by the astronomer — by means of which are found, 
for the several inhabited localities, both the circles 
that are parallel to the equator and the circles that 
cut the former at right angles, the latter being 
drawn through the poles — the geometrician can 
measure the inhabited portion of the earth by visit- 
ing it and the rest of the earth by his calculation 
of the intervals. In this way he can find the dis- 
tance from the equator to the pole, which is a fourth 
part of the earth's largest circle ; and when he has 
this distance, he multiplies it by four; and this is 
the circumference of the earth. Accordingly, just 
as the man who measures the earth gets his principles 
from the astronomer and the astronomer his from 
the physicist, so, too, the geographer must in the 

^ See footnote 2, page 22. 

^ If such were the case, such a portion would have to fall 
within the southern hemisphere. 




7Γα/}ά του άναμεμ^τρηκότο^ δ\ην την yrjv ορμη- 
θέντα, τΓίστβύσαντα τοντφ καΐ oh eiriareuaev 
οντο^, ττρωτον μλν εκθέσθαι την οίκουμένην καθ* 
ήμας, πόση τίς καϊ ποία το σχήμα καΐ την φνσιν 
οία εστί καΐ πως βγουσα προς την ολην γήν 
iSiov yap του ^βω^γράφου τούτο• €π€ΐτα περί των 
καθ^ €καστα των Τ€ κατίί yrjv καϊ των κατ^ 
θαΚατταν ποιησασθαι τον προσήκοντα \oyov, 
παρασημαινόμβνον δσα μη ίκανως βϊρηται τοις 
προ ημών τοις μαΚιστα πβπιστβυμένοις άρίστοις 
yey ονέναι περί ταύτα. 

5. 'Ύποκβίσθω 8η σφαιροειΒης ή yrj συν τ§ 
θαΧάτττ), καϊ^ μίαν καϊ την αύτην έπιφάνβιαν 
ϊσγρυσα τοΙς π€\άy€σι, συyκpύπτoLτo yctp &ν το 
εξέχον της yής iv τφ τόσούτφ μετ/ίθει μικρόν ον 
καϊ \ανθάνειν Βυνάμενον, ώστε το σφαιροειΒες επΙ 
τούτων ούχ ώς &ν εκ τόρνου φαμέν, ούδ' ώς 6 
yεωμετpης προς λόγοι/, αλλά προς αϊσθησιν, και 
ταύτην παχυτέραν, νοείσθω 8η πεντάζωνος, καϊ 6 
ισημερινός τετay μένος εν αύττ} κύκλος, καΐ αλλθ9 
τούτφ παρά\\η\ος, ορίζων την κaτε^|rυyμέvηv εν 
τφ βορείφ ήμισφαιρίφ, και Bih των ποΚων τις 
τέμνων τούτους προς ορθάς, του ίη βορείου ημι- 
σφαιρίου Βύο περιέχοντος τεταρτημόρια της yης, 
α ποιεί 6 Ισημερινός προς τον Bici των πόλων, εν 

^ καΐ, Groskurd inserts, before μίαν, 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 4-5 

same way first take his point of departure from the 
man who has measured fhe eartli as a whole, having 
confidence in him and in those in whom he, in his turn, 
had confidence, and then explain, in the first instance, 
our inhabited world — its size, shape, and character, 
and its relations to the earth as a whole ; for this is 
the peculiar task of the geographer. Then, secondly, 
he must discuss in a fitting manner the several parts 
of the inhabited world, both land and sea, noting in 
passing wherein the subject has been treated in- 
adequately by those of our predecessors whom we 
have believed to be the best authorities on these 

5. Now let us take as hypothesis that the earth 
together with the sea is sphere-shaped and that the 
surface of the earth is one and the same with that 
of the high seas; for the elevations on the earth's 
surface would disappear from consideration, because 
they are small in comparison with the great size of 
the earth and admit of being overlooked ; and so we 
use "sphere-shaped" for figures of this kind, not as 
though they were turned on a lathe, nor yet as the 
geometrician uses the sphere for demonstration, but 
as an aid to our conception of the earth — and that, 
too, a rather rough conception. Now let us conceive 
of a sphere with five zones, and let the equator be 
drawn as a circle upon that sphere, and let a second 
circle be drawn parallel thereto, bounding the frigid 
zone in the northern hemisphere, and let a third 
circle be drawn through the poles, cutting the other 
two circles at right angles. Then, since the north- 
em hemisphere contains two-fourths of the earth, 
which are formed by the equator with the circle 
that passes through the poles, a quadrilateral area is 




ίκατέρφ τούτων άττόλαμβάνεταί t€t pairXjevpov 
γωριον, ου η μβν βορβως ifkevph ήμισυ του ττρος 
τφ ττόΧφ τταραΧΚηΚου €στίν, ή δβ νοτίος του Ιση- 
μερινού ήμισυ, αΐ Be ΧοιπαΙ ττΚευραΧ τμήματα 
βίσι του δίά των ττοΧων, άντικείμβνα ά\\ή\οις, 
ίσα το μήκος, iv θατέρω Βή των τβτραττλεύρων 
τούτων {οτΓοτίρφ δ* ovBev αν Βιαφέρβιν Βοξειβν) 
ιΒρΰσθαί φαμεν την καθ* ήμας οίκουμ^νην, ττερί- 
κΚυστον θαΧάτττ) καϊ έοικυΐαν νήσφ* εϊρηται yhp 
δτι 'kaX τή αίσθήσει καϊ τω λόγω Βείκνυται τοΰτο• 
el δ' άτΓίστεΐ τις τφ \6yφ τούτφ, Βιαφέροι αν 
ττρος την 'γεω'γραφίαν ούΒεν νήσον ττοιεΐν, ή οττερ 
€κ της πείρας ελάβομεν, τούτφ συγχωρεϊν, οτι 
καϊ άττο της ήοΰς εκατέρωθεν περίπΧους εστί καΐ 
άπο της εσττερας, ττλήν οΤύ^ων των μέσων χωρίων• 
ταϋτα S* ου Βιαφέρει θαΧάτττ) ττερατοΰσθαι ή η^ 
αοικήτφ' 6 yap 'γεωγράφων ζητεί τά γνώριμα 
μέρη της οΙκουμενης είττεΐν, τά δ' άγνωστα ia, 
C 113 καθάττερ καϊ τά εξω αυτής, αρκέσει δ' εττιζεύ- 
ξασιν ευθείαν γραμμήν εττΐ τά ύστατα σημεία του 
εκατέρωθεν τταράττλου το παν εκπΧηρωσαι σχήμα 
τής Χ&γομένης νήσου, 

6. Ώροκείσθω Βή^ ή μεν νήσος εν τω Χεχθέντι 
τετ ραπΧεύρφ, Βεΐ δέ Χαβεΐν το μέγεθος αυτής 
^ δ^, Spengel, for Β4 ; Meineke following. 

* See page 17. 

* That is, one could circumnavigate the inhabited world 
by setting out in any one of four ways — either north or south, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 5-6 

cut off in each of the two fourths. The northern 
side of the quadrilateral is half of the parallel next 
to the pole ; the southern side is half of the equator ; 
and the two remaining sides are segments of the 
circle that runs through the poles, these segments 
lying opposite to each other and being equal in 
length. Now in one of these two quadrilaterals (it 
would seem to make no difference in which one) we 
say that our inhabited world lies, washed on all sides 
by the sea and like an island ; for, as I have already 
said above,^ the evidence of our senses and of reason 
prove this. But if anyone disbelieves the evidence 
of reason, it would make no difference, from the 
point of view of the geographer, whether we make 
the inhabited world an island, or merely admit what 
experience has taught us, namely, that it is possible 
to sail round the inhabited world on both sides, from 
the east as well as from the west,^ with the exception 
of a few intermediate stretches. And, as to these 
stretches, it makes no difference whether they are 
bounded by sea or by uninhabited land; for the 
geographer undertakes to describe the known parts 
of the inhabited world, but he leaves out of con- 
sideration the unknown parts of it — just as he does 
what is outside of it. And it will suffice to fill out and 
complete the outline of what we term ^^the island" 
by joining with a straight line the extreme points 
reached on the coasting-voyages made on both sides 
of the inhabited world. 

6. So let us presuppose that the island lies in the 
aforesaid quadrilateral. We must then take as its 

from either the Pillars or the eastern coast of India — were it 
not for the few intermediate stretches that prevent it. Com- 
pare page 17. 


VOL. I. F F 



TO φαννομ^νον, άφελοντας άττο μ€ν του οΧον με- 
γέθους της 7^ "^^ ημισφαίριου το καθ* ημάς, άττο 
hi τούτου το ήμισυ, άττο δ' αδ τούτου πάΚιν το 
τ€τράτΓΧευρον, iv ω 8η την οΙκουμΑνην κβΐσθαί 
φαμεν, αναΚοηον δε καί irepX του σχήματος 
υτΓοΧαβεΐν hel, το φαινομένου τοις ύττοκειμένοις 
εφαρμοττοντα, αλλ' εττειΒη το^ μεταξύ του 
Ισημερινού καΐ του Χηφθέντος παραΧΧηΧου τούτφ 
προς τφ ττοΚφ τμήμα του βορείου ημισφαιρίου 
σττόνΒυΧος εστί το σχήμα, 6 δέ Sici του ττοΧου 
Βίχα τέμνων το ήμισφαίριον Βίχα τέμνει και τον 
σπόνΒυΧον και ποιεΐ το τετ ράττΧευρον, εσται 
ΒηΧονοτι στΓονΒύΧου επιφανείας ήμισυ το τετρά- 
πΧευρον φ επίκειται το ^ΑτΧαντικον πέΧαγος' 
ή δ* οικουμένη χΧαμυΒοειΒής εν τούτφ νήσος, 
εΤ^Λττων ^ ή ήμισυ του τετραπΧβύρου μέρος οΰσα. 
φανερον δέ τούτο εκ τε γεωμ€τρίας καΐ του πΧή- 
θους τής περικεχυ μένης θαΧάττης, καΧυπτούσης 
τά άκρα των ηπείρων εκατέρωθ€ν και συναγούσης 
εΙς μύουρον^ <^χήΗ^9 ι^οΧ τρίτου του μήκους καΐ 

* τλ . . . τμήμα, Kramer, for τον . . . τμ4ίματο$ ; editors 

^ ίκάττων, Caeaubon, for ίΚαττον ; Siebenkees, Gorais, 

' μύουρον, Meineke restores, the reading before Kramer ; 
C. Miiller approving. 

* Strabo has assumed that the earth is sphere-shaped and 
that the inhabited world is an island within a certain 
spherical quadrilateral. Then, after conforming the in- 
habited world to the limits of the quadrilateral, which 
represents only the obvious, or apparent, size and shape, he 
proceeds by argument to define more accurately both the 
size and the shape within the limits of the quadrilateral. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 6 

size the figure that is obvious to our senses, which is 
obtained by abstracting from the entire size of the 
earth our hemisphere, then from this area its half, 
and in turn from this half the quadrilateral in which 
we say the inhabited world lies ; and it is by an an- 
alogous process that we must form our conception of 
the shape of the island, accommodating the obvious 
shape to our hypotheses.^ But since the segment 
of the northern hemisphere that lies between the 
equator and the circle drawn parallel to it next to 
the pole is a spinning-whorl 2 in shape, and since the 
circle that passes through the pole, by cutting the 
northern hemisphere in two, also cuts the spinning- 
whorl in two and thus forms the quadrilateral, it 
will be clear that the quadrilateral in which the 
Atlantic Sea lies is half of a spinning-whorl's surface ; 
and that the inhabited world is a chlamys-shaped ^ 
island in this quadrilateral, since it is less in size than 
half of the quadrilateral. This latter fact is clear 
from geometry, and also from the great extent of the 
enveloping sea which covers the extremities of the 
continents both in the east and west and contracts 
them to a tapering shape ; and, in the third place, it 

^ Approximately a truncated cone. 

' That is, mantle-shaped — a common designation fpr the 
shape of the inhabited world in Strabo's time. The skirt 
of the chlamys was circular ; and the collar was cut in a 
straight line, or else in a circle with a larger radius and a 
shorter arc than the skirt. If the comparison be fairly 
accurate, then according to Strabo's description of the in- 
habited world we must think of the ends of the chlamys 
(which represent the eastern and western extremities of the 
inhabited world) as tapering, and so much so that a line 
joining the corners of the skirt passes through the middle of 
the chlamys. (See Tarbell, ClasdcaZ Philology, vol. i. 
page 283.) 

F F 2 



ττΧάτους του μ€τ/ίστον ων το μα/ Ιτττά μνριάΒων 
σταΒίων βστίν, ώς iirX το ττόλύ ιτβρατούμενον 
θαΧάτττ) μηκέτι ττΧβϊσθαι Βυναμέντ) Sih το μέ- 
yeOo^ κ(ά την έρημίαν, το δ' βΚαττον τριών μυριά- 
δων οριζομενον τφ άοικητφ Zih θάΧπος ή ψΰχο^^, 
αύτο yap το δ^ά ^άλττο? άοίκητον του τ€τρα- 
ττΧεύρου, ττλάτος μ^ν €χον οκτακισγιΧίων καί 
οκτακοσίων σταΒίων, μήκο<; δέ το μέ^γιστον 
μυριάδων ΒώΒεκα καΐ βξακισ'χ^ιΧίων, όσον εστίν 
ήμισυ του ισημερινού, [μβΐζον εστί του ή μίσους 
της οικουμένης, καΐ €τι] ^ ττΧέον &ν εΐη το Χοιττόν. 

7. Τούτοις δε συνφΒά πώς εστί και τά ύπο 
Ίππαρχου Χεγομενα* φησί ycip εκείνος, υποθέ- 
μένος το μέγεθος της γης όπερ είπεν ^Ερατο- 
σθένης, εντεύθεν 8εΐν ποιεΐσθαι την της οικου- 
μένης άφαίρεσιν ου yhp ποΧύ Βιοίσειν προς τά 
φαινόμενα των ουρανίων καθ" εκάστην την οϊκησιν 
οΰτως εγειν την άναμέτρησιν, rj ώς οΐ ύστερον 
άποΒεΒώκασιν. οντος Βη κατ ^Ερατοσθένη του 
Ισημερινού κύκΧου σταΖίων μυριάδων πέντε καΐ 
είκοσι καΐ ΒισχιΧίων, το τεταρτημοριον εϊη αν εξ 

^ The words in brackets are inserted by Groskurd ; 
Kramer, 0. Miiller, Tardieu, approving. 

^ The large quadrilateral in question is composed of (1) the 
inhabited world, (2) a strip one half the width of the torrid 
zone and 180" long, and (3) **the remainder." **The re- 
mainder " consists of two small quadrilaterals, one of which 
is east, the other west, of the inhabited world. By actual 
computation the strip of the torrid zone is more than half 
of the inhabited world, and " the remainder " is still more. 
Therefore the inhabited world covers less than half of the 
large quadrilateral in question. To illustrate the argument, 
draw a figure on a sphere as follows : Let A Β he 180' of the 

y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 6-7 

is clear from the maximum length and breadth. Now 
the length of the inhabited world is seventy thousand 
stadia, being for the most part limited by a sea which 
still cannot be navigated because of its vastness and 
desolation ; the breadth is less than thirty thousand 
stadia, being bounded by the regions that are un- 
inhabitable on account either of heat or cold. For 
merely the part of the quadrilateral that is un- 
inhabitable on account of the heat — since it has a 
breadth of eight thousand eight hundred stadia and 
a maximum length of one hundred and twenty six 
thousand stadia, that is, half the length of the 
equator — is more than half the inhabited world, and 
the remainder of the quadrilateral would be still more 
than that.^ 

7. In essential accord with all this are the views 
of Hipparchus. He says that, having taken as 
hypothesis the measurement of the earth as stated 
by Eratosthenes, he must then abstract the inhabited 
world from the earth in his discussion ; for it will not 
make much difference with respect to the celestial 
phenomena for the several inhabited places whether 
the measurement followed is that of Eratosthenes or 
that given by the later geographers. Since, then, 
according to Eratosthenes, the equator measures two 
hundred and fifty two thousand stadia, the fourth 

equator ; let CD be 180** of the parallel through the northern 
limit of the inhabited world ; join A and (7, and Β and D ; 
and then draw an arc of 180** parallel to the equator at 
8,800 stadia north of the equator, and also two meridian- 
arcs from CD to A Β through the eastern and western limits, 
respectively, of the inhabited world. Thus we have the 
large quadrilateral A CDB, and, within it, four small quadri- 
laterals, which constitute the three divisions above-men- 




μυριάΒβς fcai τρίσχίΧίοι• τούτο Se iari το άττο 
τον ισημερινού εττΐ τοι^ ποΚον ττεντβκαίΖβκα ίξη- 
κοντάΒων, οίων ίστίν 6 Ισημερινός ίξηκοντα. το 
S* άτΓΟ τον ισημερινού εττΐ τοι; θερινον τροττικον 
C 114 τεττάρων οντο<; δ' εστίν 6 Sicl Χνηνης '^ραφο- 
μένος τταράλΧηΧος, συΧΚο^ίζεται Ζη τά καθ 
ίκαστα διαστήματα εκ των φαινομένων μέτρων 
τον μεν yhp τροττικον κατ^ ^νηνην κείσθαι σνμ- 
βαίνει, Βιότι έντανθα κατίι τά? θερινές τροττας 
ασκιος εστίν 6 ^νώμων μέσης ημέρας, 6 δέ hih 
της Χνηνης μεσημβρινός ^γράφεται μάΚιστα Sia 
της τον ΝείΧον ρύσεως άττο Μερόης εως ^ΑΧεξαν 
Βρείας* στάΒιοι δ' είσΐν ούτοι ττερι μνρίονς• κατά 
μέσον δε το Βιάστημα την ^νηνην ιΒρνσθαι σνμ- 
βαίνει, ωστ εντεύθεν εττι Μεροην πεντακισχίΧιοι' 
ττροιοντι δ' eV* ευθείας όσον τρισχιΧίονς σταϋονς 
€7γΙ μεσημβρίαν, ονκέτ οικήσιμα ταΧΧά εστί δίά 
κανμα' ώστε τον 8ια τούτων των τόττων τταράΧ- 
ΧηΧον, τον αύτον οντά τφ 8ια της Κινναμω- 
μοφορον, πέρας καΐ αρχήν Ζει τίθεσθαι της καθ^ 
ημάς οίκονμενης ττρος μεσημβρίαν, εττεί ονν 
ττεντακισχίΧιοι μέν είσιν οι άττο Χνηνης εις 
Μερόην, αΧΧοι Ζε ττροσ^ε^όνασι τρισχίΧιοι, εΐεν 
civ οι πάντες εττΧ τονς ορονς της οικονμένης 
οκτακισχίΧιοι. εττι Ζέ yε τον ισημερινον άττο 
^νήνης μύριοι εξακισχίΧιοι οκτακόσιοι (τοσοντοι 
yap είσιν οι των τεττάρων εξηκοντάΖων, τβ- 

^ Eratosthenes divided the circumference of the earth into 
sixty intervals, one interval being equal to 6°. Hipparchus 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 7 

part of it would be sixty three thousand stadia ; and 
this is the distance from the equator to the pole, 
namely, fifteen sixtieths of the sixty intervals into 
which the equator is divided.^ And the distance 
from the equator to the summer tropic is four 
sixtieths ; and the summer tropic is the parallel 
drawn through Syene. Now the several distances 
are computed from the standard measures that are 
obvious to our senses. The summer tropic, for 
instance, must pass through Syene, because there, 
at the time of the summer solstice, the index of the 
sun-dial does not cast a shadow at noon. And the 
meridian through Syene is drawn approximately along 
the course of the Nile from Meroe to Alexandria, and 
this distance is about ten thousand stadia ; and Syene 
must lie in the centre of that distance ; so that the 
distance from Syene to Meroe is nve thousand stadia. 
And when you have proceeded about three thousand 
stadia in a straight line south of Meroe, the country is 
no longer inhabitable on account of the heat, and there- 
fore the parallel through these regions, being the 
same as that through the Cinnamon-producing 
Country, must be put down as the limit and the 
beginning of our inhabited world on the South. 
Since, then, the distance from Syene to Meroe is five 
thousand stadia, to which we have added the other 
three thousand stadia, the total distance from Syene 
to the confines of the inhabited world would be eight 
thousand stadia. But the distance from Syene to 
the equator is sixteen thousand eight hundred stadia 
(for that is what the four sixtieths amounts to, since 
each sixtieth is estimated at four thousand two 

seems to have been the first to divide the earth into three 
hundred and sixty degrees. 




θβίσης εκάστης τ€Τ ρακίσχιΚίων και Ζιακοσίων), 
ώστε ΧοΐΊΤοϊ elev &ν άττο των ορών τη^ οΙ- 
κονμένης iirl τον Ισημβρινον οκτακισγΐΚιοι οκτα- 
κόσιοι, ατΓο δέ ^ AXe^avhpeia^; Βισμύριοι γΙΧιοι, 
οκτακόσιοι, ττάΚιν δ' άττο τη^ ^ΑΚεξανΒρείας iw 
βύθβία^ζ Tfj ρνσ€ΐ τον Νείλου ττάντβς όμοΧο^οΰσι 
τον €7γΙ ^Vohov ttXcvv κάντβΰθεν hk τον τη^ Κα- 
ρία^ irapaifKovv καΧ *Ιωνίας μέχρι της Ύρωά8ος 
καΐ Βυζαντίου και Βορυσθένους. Χαβόντβς ουν 
τά Βιαστή ματα γνώριμα καϊ ττΚ^όμβνα σκοττοΰσι 
τά ύτΓ^ρ του Βορυσθένους iw βύθείας ταύττ} Tjj 
^γραμμτ) μέχρι τίνος οικήσιμα έστι, καΐ ττβρα- 
τουται ^ τά ττροσάρκτια μέρη της οικουμένης, 
οίκοΰσι δ' ύττέ/ο του Βορυσθένους ύστατοι των 
γνωρίμων ^κυθών 'ΡωξοΧανοί, νοτιώτεροι οντβς 
των ύπ^ρ της Βρβττανικής έσχατων ^νωριζομένων 
η8η δε τάττέκ€ΐνα Sih ψύχος άοίκητά έστί' νοτιώ- 
Tcpoi δε τούτων καΐ οι ύπβρ της Μ,αιώτιΒος Έ,αυρο- 
μάται καΧ Χκύθαι μέχρι των έωων Χκυθων. 

8. Ό μέν οΰν ΜασσαΧιώτης ΤΙυθέας τά irepi 
%ού\ην την βορειοτάτην των ΒρβττανίΒων ύστατα 
λ^γεί. Trap* οίς ο αυτός έστι τφ άρκτικφ ό θβρινος 
τροπικός κύκΧος' iraph δε των άΧΧων oύSh/ 
ιστορώ, οΰθ* δτι &ού\η νήσος €στι τις, οΰτ ei τά 
μέχρι Ββΰρο οΙκησιμά έστιν, οπού ο θερινός 
* xfparoDrai, Madvig, for τ^ρατοΊ. 

* That is, at Thule the variable arctic circle has the fixed 
value of the summer tropic. Hence, according to Pytheas, 
the latitude of Thule would be the complement of that of 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 7-8 

hundred stadia), and therefore we should have eight 
thousand eight hundred stadia left as the distance 
from the confines of the inhabited world to the 
equator, and from Alexandria twenty-one thousand 
eight hundred. Again, all agree that the route by 
sea from Alexandria to Rhodes is in a straight line 
with the course of the Nile, as also the route thence 
along the coast of Caria and Ionia to the Troad, 
Byzantium, and the Borysthenes. Taking, therefore, 
the distances that are already known and sailed over, 
geographers inquire as to the regions beyond the 
Borysthenes that lie in a straight course with this 
line — as to how far they are inhabitable, and how 
far the northern parts of the inhabited world have 
their boundaries. Now the Roxolanians, the most 
remote of the known Sc3rthians, live beyond the 
Borysthenes, though they are farther south than the 
most remote peoples of whom we have knowledge 
north of Britain ; and the regions beyond the Roxo- 
lanians become at once uninhabitable because of the 
cold ; and farther south than the Roxolanians are the 
Sarmatians who dwell beyond Lake Maeotis, and 
also the Scythians as far as the Eastern Scythians. 

8. Now Pytheas of Massilia tells us that Thule, 
the most northerly of the Britannic Islands, is far- 
thest north, and that there the circle of the summer 
tropic is the same as the arctic circle.^ But from the 
other writers I learn nothing on the subject — neither 
that there exists a certain island by the name of Thule, 
nor whether the northern regions are inhabitable up 
to the point where the summer tropic becomes the 

the terrestrial tropic. Assuming that Pytheas pla,ced the 
latter at 24° (as aid Eratosthenes and Strabo), he placed 
Thule at 66'. 




τροπικοί αρκτικός yiverat. νομίζω δέ ττολυ etvat 
νοτιωτβρον τούτου^ το της οικουμένης πέρας το 
C 115 ττροσάρκτιον• οί ycip νυν ίστορονντες περαιτέρω 
της ^Ιέρνης ovSkv βχρνσι \eyeiv, τ) προς αρκτον 
πρόκειται της Έρεττανικής πΧησίον, αγρίων τ€- 
\έως ανθρώπων καϊ κακώς οίκονντων Sih ψvyoςy 
ωστ ενταύθα νομίζω το πέρας etvai θβτβον, 
του δε παραΧΧηΧου του Bih Έυζαντίου δίά Μασ- 
σαλίας πως Ιόντος, ως φησιν 'Ίππαρχος πιστβύ- 
σας ΤΙυθέα (φησί yhp iv Έυζαντίφ τον αύτον 
είναι \6yov του γϊ^ώ/ιοι/ο? προς την σκιάν, ον 
βίπεν 6 ΤΙυθέας iv ΜασσαΧία), του Be 8ια 
Έορυσθένους άπο τούτου Βιέχοντος περί τρισ- 
χιΧίους καΐ οκτακόσιους, εϊη αν εκ του διαστή- 
ματος του άπο ΜασσαΧίας επΙ την Έρεττανικην 
ενταύθα που πίπτων 6 δίά του Έορυσθένους κύ- 
κΧος, πανταγρΰ άλΧαχοΟ ^ δε πα ρακρουό μένος 
τους ανθρώπους 6 ΤΙυθέας κανταύθά που Βιέψευ- 
σται, το μεν yhp την άπο ΧτηΧων ^ραμμην επΙ 
τους περί τον ΪΙορθμον καϊ ^Αθήνας καϊ ΎοΒον 
τόπους επΙ του αύτοΰ παραΧΧηΧου κεΐσθαι 
ώμοΧό^ηται πάρα πόΧΧων όμόΧο^εΐται 8ε οτι καϊ 
hih μέσου πως του πεΧά^ους εστίν ή άπο ^τηΧων 
επΙ τον ΤΙορθμόν, οι τε ^ πΧέοντές φασι^ το 
μέ^ιστον Βίαρμα άπο της ΚεΧτικής επΙ την Αιβύην 
είναι το άπο του ΓαΧατικοΰ κόΧπου σταΒίων πεν- 
τακισγιΧίων, τούτο δ' είναι καΐ το μέ^ιστον πΧάτος 
τού πεΧώγους, ωστ εϊη αν το άπο της Χεχθείσης 

* τούτου, Β. Niese, for τούτο ; Α. Vogel approving. 
^ ίλλαχοΰ, Α. Jacob, for ιτολλαχου. 

' οί τ€, Α. Jacob, for ot δ^, reporting that oX re is the 
reading of A, B, and C. 

* φασι, Madvig ins^r^i?, softer vXiovTts, 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 8 

arctic circle. But in my opinion the northern limit of 
the inhabited world is much farther to the south than ^^^,^^^^ 
where the summer tropic becomes the arctic circle, ζ^ . , 
For modern scientific writers are not able to speak of Vi ' wa* *^^ 
any country north of leme, which lies to the north 6#- 
of Britain and near thereto, and is the home of men jP^a^ 
who are complete savages and lead a miserable exist- 5[ϊ2Γθ'^^ 
ence because of the cold ; and therefore, in my ^ 
opinion, the northern limit of our inhabited world 
is to be placed there. But if the parallel through 
Byzantium passes approximately through Massilia, as 
Hipparchus says on the testimony of Pytheas (Hip- 
parchus says, namely, that in Byzantium the relation 
of the index to the shadow is the same as that which 
Pytheas gave for Massilia), and if the parallel through 
the mouth of the Borysthenes is about three thou- 
sand eight hundred stadia distant from that parallel, 
then, in view of the distance from Massilia to Britain,^ 
the circle drawn through the mouth of the Borys- 
thenes would fall somewhere in Britain. But 
Pytheas, who misleads people everywhere else, is, I 
think, wholly in error here too; for it has been 
admitted by many writers that all the line drawn 
from the Pillars to the regions of the Strait of Sicily 
and of Athens, and of Rhodes, lies on the same 
parallel ; and it is admitted that the part of that line 
from the Pillars to the strait runs approximately 
through the middle of the sea. And further, sailors 
say that the longest passage from Celtica to Libya, 
namely, that from the Galatic Gulf, is five thousand 
stadia, and that this is also the greatest width of the 
Mediterranean sea, and therefore the distance from 

1 That is, 3,700 stadia. 




Ύραμμής iirl τον μνχον τον κολττον σταΒίων Βισ- 
χιλίων ΐΓ€ντακοσίων, iirl Be. ΜασσαΚίαν βλατ- 
τόνων νοτιωτέρα yap βστιν ή Μασσαλία τον 
μνχρν τον κολττον, το Si ye άττο τή^ξ ΎοΒία^ eirl 
το 3νζάντιόν €στί Τ€τ ρακισχιλίων ττον καΐ ivvaxo- 
σίων σταΒίων^ ωστ€ ττοΧν αρκτικώτβρο^ &ν €Ϊη 6 Bici 
Βνζαντίον τον Bta Μασσαλίας» το δ' έκβΐθεν inl 
τηνΈρ€ττανικην Βνναται σνμφωνεΐν τφ άττο Βνζαν- 
τίον €7γΙ Βορνσθένη• το δ' βκβΐθβν βττΐ την ^Ιέρνην 
ονκ€τι yvwptpOV, πόσον αν Tt<; θβίη, ονΒ^ el ττβραι- 
τίρω €τι οικήσιμα έστιν, ovBe Bet φροντίζβιν τοις 
έττάνω Χβχθβΐσί προσέχοντας.^ προς τ€ yctp βπιστψ 
μην αρκύ το λαββΐν, δτι,^ καθάπερ ίπΐ των νοτίων 
μβρων, νπβρ Μβρόης μέχρι τρισχιλίων σταΒίων 
προέλθόντι της οίκησίμον τίθβσθαι πέρας * προσ- 
ήχβν {ρνχ ως &ν τούτον άκριβεστάτον πέρατος 
όντος, αλλ' iyyvς ye τάκριβονς), οντω κάκ€Ϊ τονς 
νπ^ρ της Βρβττανικής ον πΧείονς τούτων θβτέον tj 
μικρφ πλείονς, οίον τετρακισχίλίονς, προς τ€ τάς 
ηyeμovικaς χρείας ovBev &ν €Ϊη πλεονέκτημα τας 
τοιαύτας yvωpίζeιv χώρας κα\ τονς ένοικονντας, 
καΐ μάλιστα el νήσονς οίκοΐεν τοιαύτας, at μήτε 
λνπείν μητ ώφελεΐν ημάς Βύνανται μηΒεν Bik το 
άνεπίπλεκτον, καΐ yctp την Βρεττανικην εχειν 
Βννάμενοι Ύωμαΐοι κατεφρόνησαν, ορωντες οτι 
οντε φόβος εξ αντων ονΒε εΐς εστίν {ον " yctp 

^ ιτροσ4χοντα$, Corais conjectures ; editors following. 
2 Groskurd transposes tin from a position before virtp to a 
position before καθάιτ^ρ. 
' v4pas, Corals inserts ; editors following. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 8 

the line in question to the head of the gulf would 
be two thousand five hundred stadia and less than 
that to Massilia; for Massilia is farther south than 
the head of the gtrif. But the distance from Rhodes 
to Byzantium is about four thousand nine hundred 
stadia, and therefore the parallel through Byzantium 
would be much farther north than that through 
Massilia. And the distance from Massilia to Britain 
may possibly correspond to that from Byzantium to 
the mouth of the Borysthenes ; but the distance that 
should be set down for the stretch from Britain to 
lerne is no longer a known quantity, nor is it known 
whether there are still inhabitable regions farther 
on, nor need we concern ourselves about the question 
if we give heed to what has been said above. For, 
so far as science is concerned, it is sufficient to 
assume that, just as it was appropriate in the case 
of the southern regions to fix a limit of the habit- 
able world by proceeding three thousand stadia 
south of Meroe (not indeed as though this were 
a very accurate limit, but as one that at least ap- 
proximates accuracy), so in this case too we must 
reckon not more than three thousand stadia north of 
Britain, or only a little more, say, four thousand 
stadia. And for governmental purposes there would 
be no advantage in knowing such countries and their 
inhabitants, and particularly if the people live in 
islands which are of such a nature that they can 
neither injure nor benefit us in any way because of 
their isolation. For although they could have helJ 
even Britain, the Romans scorned to do so, because 
they saw that there was nothing at all to fear from 
the Britains (for they are not strong enough to cross 




C 1 1 6 Ισχύονσί τοσούτον, ωστ εττιΒιαβαίνβιν ήμΐν), οΰτ* 
ωφέΚβια τοσαύτη Τ49, ei KaTaa)(pi€V, irkeov γά/ο 
Βη ^ €κ των τέλων 8οκ€Ϊ ττροσφέρεσθαι, νυν, ή 6 
φ6ρο<; BvvaLT αν ^ σνντέΧεΐν, αφαιρούμενης τή^ 
€49 το στρατιωτίκον Βαττάνης το φρούρησαν καΐ 
φοροΧο'γήσον την νήσον ττοΧν S* αν €τι yivoiTO ^ το 
αχρηστον βττΐ των αλΧων των irepl ταύτην νήσων. 

9. ΈαΙ he ττροστβθείη τφ άττο ττγ; *Vohia^ /^ΧΡ* 
^ορυσθίνους Βιαστηματί το άττο Βορνσθ€νον<; iirl 
τάς άρκτους των τ€τρακισχιλίων σταΒίων Βίά- 
στημα, yiv€Tai το πάν μύριοι ΒισχίΧιοι επτακό- 
σιοι στάΒιοι, το δ' άπο της 'ΡοΒίας €πΙ το νοτιον 
πέρας εστί της οικουμένης μύριοι έξακισχίΧιοι 
εξακόσιοι, ωστ€ το σύμπαν πΧάτος της οίκον- 
μένης βίη &ν ίΧαττον των τρισμυρίων άπο νότου 
προς αρκτον. το Βέ ye μήκος περί έπτα μυριάΒας 
Χέγεται, τούτο δ' εστίν άπο Βύσεως επΙ τας άνα- 
τοΧάς το άπο των άκρων της ^Ιβηρίας επΙ τά άκρα 
της ^ΙνΒικής, το μεν όΒοΐς, το Bk ταΐς ναυτιλίαις 
άναμεμετρημένον. οτι S* εντός του Χεχθέντος τε- 
τ ραπΧεύ ρου το μηκός εστί τούτο, εκ του Xόyoυ των 
παραΧΧηΧων^ προς τον ίσημερινον ΒήΧον, ωστ€ 
πΧέον ή ΒιπΧάσιόν εστί του πΧάτους το μήκος. 
XAyeTai Βε καΐ χΧαμυΒοειΒές πως το σγτιμα* 
ποΧΧη yap συvayωyη του πΧάτους προς τοις 
ακροις ευρίσκεται, καΐ μάΧιστα τοις εσπερίοις, τά 
καθ^ έκαστα έπιόντων ημών, 

10. ^υνΐ μεν ουν επιyεypάφaμev επΙ σφαιρικής 

* δή, Α. Jacob, for &ν. 

* Βύναιτ^ άΐ', Cobet, for δύναται. 

^ ίτι yhoiTOy Corais, for itnyiyoiTO. 

* τών, Kramer suspects, after τταραλλ-ίιλων ; Meineke 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 8-10 

over and attack us), and that no corresponding 
advantage was to be gained by taking and holding 
their country. For it seems that at present more 
revenue is derived from the duty on their commerce 
than the tribute could bring in, if we deduct the 
expense involved in the maintenance of an army 
for the purpose of guarding the island and collecting 
the tribute ; and the unprofitableness of an occupa- 
tion would be still greater in the case of the other 
islands about Britain. 

9. Now if to the distance from Rhodes to the 
mouth of the Borysthenes we add the distance of 
mur thousand stadia from the mouth of the Borys- 
thenes to the northern regions, the sum total amounts 
to twelve thousand seven hundred stadia, but the 
distance from Rhodes to the southern limit of the 
inhabited world is sixteen thousand six hundred 
stadia, and therefore the total breadth of the in- 
habited world would be less than thirty thousand 
stadia from south to north. Its length, however, is 
estimated at about seventy thousand stadia; and 
this is, from west to east, the distance from the capes 
of Iberia to the capes of India, measured partly by 
land journeys and partly by sea voyages. And that 
this length falls within the quadrilateral mentioned 
above is clear from the relation of the parallels to the 
equator ; hence the length of the inhabited world is 
more than double its breadth. Its shape is described 
as about like that of a chlamys ; for when we visit 
the several regions of the inhabited world, we dis- 
cover a considerable contraction in its width at 
its extremities, and particularly at its western 

10. We have now traced on a spherical surface the 




βτηφανβία^ το χωρίον iv φ φα μεν ιΒρΰσθαι την 
οίκονμένην καϊ Set τον βγγυτάτω hik των χεψο- 
κμητων σχημάτων^ μιμούμενον την αΚηθειαν ττοιη- 
σαντα σφαϊραν την yrjv, καθάττβρ την Κρατητ€ίον, 
iirl ταύτης άττοΧαβόντα το τ€Τ ράπΧβυρον, εντός 
τούτον τιθέναί τον ττίνακα της '^βω^ραφιας, άλ\' 
έττειΖη μβ'γαΚης Sec σφαίρας, ωστβ ιτοΧΚοστη μό- 
ρων αυτής υπάρχον το XeyOkv τμήμα ίκανον 
γενέσθαι Βέξασθαι σαφώς τα προσήκοντα μέρη 
τής οικουμένης, καΐ την οίκβίαν παρασχεΐν 6ψιν 
τοις επιβλέπουσι, τφ μεν Βυναμενφ κατασκεύασα- 
σθαι τηΧίκαύτην οΰτω ποιεΐν βέλτιον έστω ίε 
μη μείω Βέκα ποΒών έχουσα την ΖιΛμετρον* τφ Sk 
μη Βυναμένφ τηΧικαυτην ή μη ποΧΚψ ταιίτι;9 
ενΒεεστέραν εν επιπεΒφ κατα^ραπτεον πινάκι 
τουΚάχιστον βτττά ποΒων. Βιοίσει γάρ μικρόν, εάν 
άντΧ των κύκΧων, των τε παραΧΚηΧων καΐ των 
μεσημβρινών, οΐς τά τε κΧίματα καϊ τους άνεμους 
Βιασαφοΰμεν καϊ τάς άΧΚας Βιαφοράς καϊ τάς 
σχέσεις των τής ^ής μέρων προς αΧΚηΧά τε καϊ 
τα ουράνια, ευθείας 'γράφωμεν, των μεν παραΧΚη- 
Χων παραΧΧηΧους, των 8ε ορθών προς εκείνους 
C 117 ορθάς, τής διανοίας ραΒίως μεταφέρειν δυναμένης 
το υπο τής όψεως εν επιπέΒφ θεωρούμενον επι- 
φάνεια σχήμα καϊ μέ^^εθος έπΙ την περιφερή τε 
καϊ σφαιρικην. avaXoyov δέ καϊ περί των Χοξων 
κύκΧων καϊ ευθειών φαμεν, εΐ δ' οι μεσημβρινοί 
οι παρ* εκάστοις hih του πόΧου ^ραφόμενοι πάντες 
συννεύουσιν εν ττ} σφαίρα προς hf σημεΐον, αλλ' 

^ σχημάτων^ Corais, for οικημάτων ; Groskurd, Meineke, 
Tardieu, following ; C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. ίο 

area in which we say the inhabited world is situated ^ ; 
and the man who would most closely approximate 
the truth by constructed figures must needs make 
for the earth a globe like that of Crates, and lay off 
on it the quadrilateral, and within the quadrilateral 
put down the map of the inhabited world. But since 
there is need of a large globe, so that the section in 
question (being a small fraction of the globe) may be 
large enough to receive distinctly the appropriate 
parts of the inhabited world and to present the 
proper appearance to observers, it is better for him 
to construct a globe of adequate size, if he can do so ; 
and let it be no less than ten feet in diameter. But 
if lie cannot construct a globe of adequate size or not 
much smaller, he should sketch his map on a plane 
surface of at least seven feet.^ For it will make 
only a slight difference if we draw straight lines to 
represent the circles, that is, the parallels and 
meridians, by means of which we clearly indicate 
the *' climata," the winds and tlie other differences, 
and also the positions of the parts of the earth with 
reference both to each other and to the heavenly 
bodies — drawing parallel lines for the parallels and 
perpendicular lines for the circles perpendicular to 
the parallels, for our imagination can easily transfer 
to the globular and spherical surface the figure or 
magnitude seen by the eye on a plane surface. And 
the same applies also, we say, to the oblique circles 
and their corresponding straight lines. Although 
the several meridians drawn through the pole all 
converge on the sphere toward one point, yet on our 

* That is, the quadrilateral. 

^ In length apparently ; thus the scale would suit 70,000 
stadia, the length of the inhabited world. 


VOL. I. Ο G 



iv τφ ίττίττέΖω ye ου Βιοίσβι ττίνακί τά? βύθβία^ 
μικρά ^ συνν€υούσα<ζ ττοιεΐν μόνον τά9 μβσημβρι- 
νάς, ουδέ yap ττοΧΚαχρν τοντ avayKoiov, ονδ' 
€κφανιγ; έστιν ωσττβρ ή ττβριφέρβία οΰτω καί ή 
σύννβνσις, μεταφερομένων των ypaμμωv eh τον 
ττίνακα τον iniireSov καΧ ypaφoμevωv ευθειών, 

1 1 . ΚαΙ δ^ καΧ τον εξή^ \oyov ώς εν ετηττέΒφ 
ττίνακί τη^ ypaφής yιvoμεvη^ εκθήσομεν, εροΰμεν 
Βη tjv^ μεν εττέΚθοντε^ αύτοΧ τή<: γη<; καΧ θάλάτ- 
της, ττερΧ 7ι<ζ δέ τηστεύσαντες τοις είττοΰσιν ή 
ypaylraaiv, εττηΚθομεν δέ iirX Βύσιν μεν άττο τ^ 
Αρμενίας μέχρι των κατά ΧαρΒόνα τόττων της 
Ύυρρηνίας, εττι μεσημβρίαν Βε άττο του Έίύξείνου 
μέχρι των της Αιθιοπίας ορών ούΒε των αΧΧων 
δέ ουδέ εϊς &ν εύρεθείη των yεωy ραφησάντων ιτοΧύ 
τι ημών μαΧΚον εττέΚηΧυθως των Χεχθέντων Βια- 
στημάτων, αλλ' οί ττΧεονάσαντες ττερΧ τα Βυσμικά 
μέρη των προς ταϊς άνατοΧαΐς ου τοσούτον ήψαν- 
το, οί δέ ττερΧ τάναντία των εσττερίων υστέρησαν 
ομοίως δ' έχει καΧ ττερΧ των ττρος νότον καΧ τάς 
άρκτους, το μεντοι-ττΧεον κάκεΐνοι καΧ ημείς aKofj 
τταραΧαβόντες συντίθεμεν καΧ το ^ σχήμα καΧ το 
μέyεθoς καΧ την αλΧην φύσιν, οττοία καΧ οττοση, τον 
αυτόν τροττον ονττερ η Βιάνοια εκ τωναΐσθητων συν- 
τίθησι^ τα νοητά' σχήμα yap καΧ χρόαν καΧ μέyεθoς 
μηΧου καΧ οΒμην καΧ άφην καΧ χυμον άτταγγελ- 
Χουσιν αί αισθήσεις, εκ Βε τούτων συντίθησιν ή 
Βιάνοια την του μηΧου νοησιν καΧ αύτων Βε των 

^ μικρά, Madvig, for μικράε, 

* ^Vy Capps, for τ^ν. 

3 τ€, Kramer suspects, before σχήμα ; Meineke deletes. 

* συντίθησι, Casaubon, for τίθησι ; editors following. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. lo-ti 

plane-surface chart it will not be a matter of im- 
portance merely to make the straight meridian lines 
converge slightly ^ ; for there is no necessity for this 
in many cases, nor are the converging straight lines^ 
when the lines of the sphere are transferred to the 
plane chart and drawn as straight lines, as easily 
understood as are the curved lines on the sphere. 

11. And so in what I have to say hereafter I shall 
assume that our drawing has been made on a plane 
chart. Now I shall tell what part of the land and sea 
I have myself visited and concerning what part I 
have trusted to accounts given by others by word of 
mouth or in writing. I have travelled westward 
from Armenia as far as the regions of Tyrrhenian 
opposite Sardinia, and southward from the Euxine 
Sea as far as the frontiers of Ethiopia. And you 
could not find another person among the writers on 
geography who has travelled over much more of the 
distances just mentioned than I ; indeed, those who 
have travelled more than I in the western regions 
have not covered as much ground in the east, and 
those who have travelled more in the eastern countries 
are behind me in the western ; and the same holds 
true in regard to the regions towards the south and 
north. However, the greater part of our material 
both they and I receive by hearsay and then form 
our ideas of shape and size and also other character- 
istics, qualitative and quantitative, precisely as the 
mind forms its ideas from sense impressions — for our 
senses report the shape, colour, and size of an apple, 
and also its smell, feel, and flavour ; and from all this 
the mind forms the concept of apple. So, too, even 

^ That is, in view of the fact that no attempt is made to 
indicate curvature. 2 Tuscany. 

ο ο 2 



/^γαλωρ αγημάτων τα μέρη μλν αϊσθησι^ ορα, το 
S* δ\ον €κ των οραθέντων ή Biavota συντίθησιν. 
οΰτω δέ καΐ οι φίΧομαθεΐς avSp€<;, ωσπ€ρ αισθη- 
τηρίου^ τηστεύσαντε^ Toh ίΒονσιν καϊ ττλανηθβΐσιν 
0^9 €τνχ€ τόπους, αλΧθί<; κατ αλΧα μέρη τήζ γ?)?, 
σνντιθέασίν eh ^ν Βιώγραμμα την της οΧης οίκου- 
μένης όψιν. βττβΐ καϊ οί στρατη'^οΐ ττάντα μβν 
αύτοΙ ττράττονσίν, ου ττανταγον Se irdpeiaiv, άλ\ά 
ττΧεΐστα κατορθονσι 8ί* ετέρων, άγγελοι? ττιστεύον- 
Τ€9 καϊ 7Γρο9 την άκοην ΒίαπέμτΓοντες οΙκείω<ί τα 
ττροστά^ματα, 6 S* άξιων μόνους eiSevai τους 
ΙΒόντας αναιρεί το της ακοής κριτηριον, ήτις ττρος 
ετηστημην οφθαΧμοΰ ττοΧύ κρειττων εστί. 

12. ΜάΤαστα δ' οί νυν αμεινον εχοιεν αν τι 
Xέyείv ττερί των κατά, Έρεττανούς καϊ Γερμανούς 
C 118 καϊ τους ττερΙ τον "Ιστρον τους τε εντός καϊ τους 
εκτός, Τέτας τε καϊ Ύυρε'^έτας καϊ Βαστάρνας, 
ετι Be τους ττερϊ τον Καύκασον, οίον ^ΑΧβανούς 
καϊ "Ιβηρας* άττηγγεΧται δ* ημΐν καϊ ύττο των 
τά ΤΙαρθίκά συyy ραψάντων, των ττερϊ Άττολλό- 
Βωρον τον ^ Αρτεμιτηνόν, α ττοΧΧων εκείνοι μάΧΧον 
άφώρισαν, τά ττερΙ την 'Ύρκανίαν καϊ την Βα- 
κτριανήν. των τε Ύωμαίων καϊ εΙς την εύΒαίμονα 
^Αραβίαν εμβαΧόντων μετά στρατιάς νεωστί, ?5ν 
η'γεΐτο άνηρ φίΧος ημΐν καϊ εταίρος ΑΪΧιος Γάλ- 
λος, καϊ των εκ της ^ ΑΧεξανΒρείας εμπόρων στο- 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 11-12 

in the case of large figures, while the senses perceive 
only the parts, the mind forms a concept of the whole 
from what the senses have perceived. And men 
who are eager to learn proceed in just that way: 
they trust as organs of sense those who have seen or 
wandered over any region, no matter what, some in 
this and some in that part of the earth, and they 
form in one diagram their mental image of the 
whole inhabited world. Why, generals, too, though 
they do everything themselves, are not present 
everywhere, but they carry out successfully most of 
their measures through others, trusting the reports 
of messengers and sending their orders around in 
conformity with the reports they hear. And he who 
claims that only those have knowledge who have 
.actually seen abolishes the criterion of the sense of /| 
hearing, though this sense is much more important / 
than sight for the purposes of science. — t 

1 2. In particular the writers of the present time 
can give a better account^ of the Britons, the 
Germans, the peoples both north and south of the 
Ister, the Getans, the Tyregetans, the Bastarnians, 
and, furthermore, the peoples in the regions of the 
Caucasus, such as the Albanians and the Iberians.^ 
Information has been given us also concerning 
H3rrcania and Bactriana by the writers of Parthian 
histories (ApoUodorus of Artemita and his school), 
in which they marked off those comitries more 
definitely than many other writers. Again, since the 
Romans have recently invaded Arabia Felix with an 
army, of which Aelius Gallus, my friend and com- 
panion, was the commander, and since the merchants 

^ That is, better than their predecessors. Compare 
1. 2. 1. 2 The ♦* Eastern Iberians.» See page 227. 




λοίς ^ ηΒη πΚζόντων hih του VieiXov χαΐ τον Ά/3α- 
βίου κοΚτΓου μέχρι της ^ΙνΒιχης, ^ττόλν μα\\ον 
zeal ταύτα €^νωσται τοϊς νυν ή toU ττρο ημών. 
οτ€ yoOv Γάλλθ9 iirrjpxe της Αΐ^ύτττου, σννόντβς 
αύτφ καΧ συναναβάντβς μέχρι Χνηνης teal των 
ΑΙΘιοτηκων ορών ίστοροΰμβν οτι καΐ ίκατον καΐ 
€Ϊκοσι νή€ς irT^oiev i/c Μυός όρμου ττρος την 
^ΙνΒικήν, 7Γρ6τ€ρον €7γΙ t&v ΤΙτοΧβμαϊκ&ν βασι- 
Χέων ολίγων τταντάττασι θαρρούντων ττΧβΐν καΐ 
τον ^IvSiKOV έμ7Γορ6ύ€σθαι φορτον, 

13. Τα μ^ν οΰν ττρωτα καΐ κυριώτατα καΧ ττρος 
έτηστ'ήμην καί προς τάς χρείας τας ττοΤατικάς 
ταύτα, σχήμα καΐ μΑ'γ^θος elireiv ως αττΧούστατα 
Ιηχειρύν το ττΐτττον €ΐς τον 'γεω^ραφικον ττίνακα, 
σνμτταραΒηΧοΰντα καΐ το ττοΐόν τι καί ττόστον 
μέρος της οΧης Ύης ioTr τούτο μ€ν yhp οίκ€Ϊον 
τφ Ύ€ωτ/ράφφ, το Sk καί irepX δ\ης άκριβοΧο- 
ηβΐσθαι της 'γης κα\ ττβρί τοΰ σττονΒνΧον τταντος 
^ς iXiyopev^ ζώνης ά\\ης τιvhς έτηστημης βστίν, 
οίον el 7Γ€ριοικ€Ϊται καϊ κατίι θάτβρον τ€ταρτη•• 
μόρων ό σπόνΒυΧος• καϊ yhp el όντως ^€ΐ, ούχ 
ντΓο τούτων ye olKeiTai των τταρ ή /uv, αλλ' έκ€ί' 
νην αΧΧην οίκονμένην θ€Τ€ον, oirep έστΙ πιθανόν, 
ήμΐν δέ τά iv αύτη ταύτη ^ XeKTUov, 

14. Έστ4 Βη τι χKaμvSoeιSkς σχήμα της γης 
της οίκον μένης, ο ν το μίν πλάτος vπoypάφeι το 

1 OTOKoiSf Tyrwhitt, for στ6Κο$ ; editors following. 
" A, before πολύ, Paetz deletes ; editors following. 

* 4\4Ύομ€ν, Corais, for λίγωμ^ν. 

* τοί5τ|7, Tyrwhitt, for τάρτα ; editors following, 


y Google 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 12-14 

of Alexandria are already sailing with fleets by way 
of the Nile and of the Arabian Gulf as far as India, 
these regions also have become far better known to 
us of to-day than to' our predecessors. At any rate, 
when Gallus was prefect of Egypt, I accompanied 
him and ascended the Nile as far as Syene and the 
frontiers of Ethiopia, and I learned that as many as 
one hundred and twenty vessels were sailing from 
Myos Hormos to India, whereas formerly, under the 
Ptolemies, only a very few ventured to undertake 
the voyage and to carry on traffic in Indian 

13. Now my first and most important concern, both 
for the purposes of science and for the needs of the 
state, is this — to try to give, in the simplest possible / 
way, the shape and size of that part of the earth [ 
which falls within our map, indicating at the same > y 
time what the nature of that part is and what portion 

" it is of the whole earth ; for this is the task proper 
of the geographer. But to give an accurate account / 
of the whole earth and of the whole "spinning- 
whorl " ^ of the zone of which I was speaking is the 
function of another science — for instance, take the 
question whether the " spinning- whorl " is inhabited 
jn its other fourth also. And, indeed, if it is inhabited, 
it is not inhabited by men such as exist in our fourth, 
and we should have to regard it as another inhabited 
world — which is a plausible theory. It is mine, 
*liowever, to describe what is in this our own in- 
habited world. 

14. As I have said, the shape of the inhabited 
world is somewhat like a chlamys, ^ whose greatest 
breadth is represented by the line that runs through 

1 See 2. 5. 6. 
. 455 


^ V 




μ&^ίστον η hik του NetXou γραμμή» Χαβουσα την 
αρχήν άτΓΟ τον Bch τή^ Κίνναμωμοφόρον τταραΧ- 
\ή\ου καϊ τη<; των ΑΙ'γυτττίων των φvyάSωv νή- 
σου μέχρί τον Sia τή^ ^Ιίρνης παραΧΧήΧον, το 
Se μήκο^ η ταύττι ττρο<; ορθάς άττο τή<; ίσττέρας 
Sih ΧτηΧών καΐ τον ^ικβΧικον ττορθμοϋ μ€χρι 
τη^ 'ΡοΒία^ καϊ του ^Ισσικου κόΧιτου, iraph τον 
Ύαΰρον Ιοϋσα τον Βιβζωκοτα την *Ασίαν καΐ 
κατ αστρβφ οντά iirl την έωαν θάΧατταν μεταξύ 
^ΙνΒων καϊ των υττ^ρ τη^ Βακτριανής Χκυθών. 
Set Βη νοήσαι παραΧΧηΧό'^ραμμον τι, iv φ το 
χΧαμυΒοβιΒ^ς σχήμα iyyeypairTac οΰτω<;, ωστ€ 
το μήκος τφ μήκ€ί ομοΧο^βίν καϊ ϊσον elvac το 
μβ^ιστον, καΧ το ττΧάτος τω ττΧάτβί. το μεν 8η 
χΧαμυΒοεώες σχήμα οικουμένη εστί' το he ττλά- 
Τ09 ορίζεσθαι ^φαμεν αυτής ταΐς εσχάταίς πα- 
C 119 ραΧΧήΧοις ττΧευραΐς, ταΐς Βωριζούσαις το οίκή- 
σιμον αυτής κα\ το άοίκητον εφ^ εκάτερα. αίται 
δ' ήσαν ττρος αρκτοις μεν ή δίά τής ^λίρνης^ ττρος 
Sk τ^ Βιακεκαυμεντ) ή Bih τής Κινναμωμοφόρον 
aJfTat Βη ττροσεκβαΧΧόμεναι επί τε τας άνατοΧάς 
καΐ εττΐ τείς Βύσεις μέχρι των άνταϊροντων μέρων 
τής οίκου μενης ττοιήσουσί τι τταραΧΧηΧό^γραμμον 
προς τας επιζευ^νυ ούσας Βια των άκρων αύτάς> 
ΟΤΙ μεν ουν εν τούτω εστίν ή οικουμένη, φανερον 
εκ του μήτε το πΧάτος αυτής το μέ^ιστον εξω 
πίπτειν αύτον μήτε το μήκος* οτι δ' αυτής 

^ The Sembritae, who revolted from Psammetichus in the 
seventh century B.C. and fled to an island of the Nile, north 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 14 

the Nile, a line that begins at the parallel that runs 
through the Cinnamon-producing Country and the 
island of the fugitive Egyptians,^ and ends at the 
parallel through lerne ; its length is represented by 
that line drawn perpendicular thereto which runs 
from the west through the Pillars and the Strait of 
Sicily to Rhodes and the Gulf of Issus, passes along 
the Taurus Range, which girdles Asia, and ends at 
the Eastern Sea between India and the country of 
those Scythians who live beyond Bactriana. Ac- 
cordingly, we must conceive of a parallelogram in 
which the chlamys-shaped figure is inscribed in such 
a way that the greatest length of the chlamys 
coincides with, and is equal to, the greatest length 
of the parallelogram, and likewise its gi'eatest breadth 
and the breadth of the parallelogram. Now this 
chlamys-shaped figure is the inhabited world ; and, 
as I said, its breadth is fixed by the parallelogram's 
outermost lines, which separate its inhabited and its 
uninhabited territory in both directions.^ And these 
sides were : in the north, the parallel through leme ; 
in the torrid region, the parallel through the Cinna- 
mon-producing Country ; hence these lines, if pro- 
duced both east and west as far as those parts of the 
inhabited world that *' rise opposite to '^ " them, will 
form a parallelogram with the meridian-lines that 
unite them at their extremities. Now, that the 
inhabited world is situated in this parallelogram is 
clear from the fact that neither its greatest breadth 
nor its greatest length falls outside thereof; and 

of Meroe. See Strabo 16. 4. 8. and 17. 1. 2. Heroilotus 
speaks of them as " voluntary deserters " (2. 30). 

'^ North and south. 

3 That is, that *' lie on the same parallel." See page 254. 




χΚαμν8θ€ΐΒ€<ζ το σχήμα iariv, i/c τον τά άκρα 
μυονρίζαν τά του μήκους βκατίρωθεν^ κΧνζόμενα 
ύπο^ της θάλάττης, καΙ άφαφβΐν του ττΧάτους* 
τούτο δέ ^ηΚον €κ των τΓβριττλευσάντων τά τ€ 
ίφα μέρη καί τά Ζυσμίκίί €κατ€ρωθ€ν. της τ€ 
yap ^ΙνΒικής νοτίωτέραν ττοΧύ την Ύαττροβάνην 
καΧονμένην νήσον αττοφαίνουσιν, οίκονμένην €τι, 
καί άνταίρουσαν τ^ των ΑΙ^υτττίων νήσφ καΐ τ§ 
το κίννάμωμον φβρονστ} yfj' την yhp κρασιν των 
αέρων τταραττλησίαν είναι• της τ€ μ€τ^ τους 
^ΙνΒούς Χκυθίας της ύστατης άρκτικώτβρά έστι 
τα κατά το στόμα της 'Ύρκανίας θαΧάττης καΐ 
ίτι μαΧΚον τά κατά την ^Ιέρνην, ομοίως Se καΐ 
irepl της ίξω Έ,τηΧων \4y€Tar Βυσμικώτατον μεν 
yhp ση μείον της οικουμένης το των ^Ιβήρων 
άκρωτήριον, h καΧοΰσιν ^Ιερον κείται δέ κατά 
την 'γραμμήν ττως ^ την hih ΤαΒείρων τε και 
ΧτηΧών καί του ΧικεΧικοΰ ττορθμοΰ καΐ της 
'Ροδ/α9. συμφωνεΐν yap καΐ τά ώροσκοττεΐα καΐ 
τους ανέμους φασί τοι;ς εκατέρωσε φόρους καΐ τά 
μήκη των μεyiστωv ήμερων τε καϊ νυκτών ίστι 
yap τεσσαρεσκαίΒεκα ωρών Ισημερινών καϊ ήμί- 
σους ^ ή μεyiστη των ήμερων τε καϊ νυκτών, εν 
τε Τ'ρ^ τταραΧία τ^ κατά ΤάΒειρα Κάβειρους * ττοτέ 
ορασθαι. ΤΙοσειδώνιος δ' εκ τίνος ύψηΧής οικίας 
εν ΊτόΧει Βιεχούστ) των τόπων τούτων όσον τετρα- 

^ ύ-ιτό^ Oorais, for δ' itv6 ; Meineke, Forbiger, following ; 
0. Miiller approving. 

^ TTpoSf Pletho, Corais, delete, before riiv ; Meineke 

' καϊ ιιμίσου$, Groskurd inserts, from a suggestion by 
Gosselin ; all subsequent editors and translators following. 

* Kafieipovs, Meineke, for κάΙ "ijSiipos ; Forbiger, Tardieu, 
following ; A. Vogel, C. MuUer, Tozer, approving. 


y Google 

GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 14 

that its shape is like a chlamys is apparent from the 
fact that the extremities of its length, being washed 
away by the sea, taper off on both sides ^ and thus 
diminish its width there ; and this is apparent from 
the reports of those who have sailed around the 
eastern and western parts in both directions. ^ For 
these navigators declare that the island called 
Taprobane is considerably south of India, inhabited 
nevertheless, and that it ''rises opposite to" the 
Island of the Egyptians and the Cinnamon-bearing 
Country ; and that, indeed, the temperature of the 
atmosphere is much the same as that of these latter 
places; and the regions about the outlet of the 
Hyrcanian Sea are farther north than outermost 
Scythia beyond India, and the regions about lerne 
are farther north still. A similar report is also 
made concerning the country outside the Pillars, 
namely, the promontory of Iberia which they call 
the Sacred Cape is the most westerly point of the 
inhabited world ; and this cape lies approximately on 
the line that passes through Gades, the Pillars, the 
Strait of Sicily, and Rhodes. At all these points, 
they say, the shadows cast by the sun-dial agree, and 
the winds that blow in either direction come from 
the same direction,^ and the lengths of the longest 
days and nights are the same ; for the longest day 
and the longest night have fourteen and a half 
equinoctial hours. Again, the constellation of the 
Cabeiri is sometimes seen along the coast near Gades. 
And Poseidonius says that from a tall house in a city 
about four hundred stadia distant from these regions 

* See note on Chlamys, § 6 (preceding). 

■ That is, north and south. 

' Strabo is referring to the periodic winds. 




κοσίονς σταΒίονς, φησϊν ISeiv αστέρα, ον τβκμαί- 
peaOat τον Κάνωβον αντον ifc τον Τ€ τούς^ μικρόν 
€Κ της ^Ιβηρίας ττροβλθόντας iirl την μεσημβρίαν 
opOXoyelv άφοραν αυτόν, και €κ τή<ζ ίστορία<ζ της 
iv Κνί8φ• την yap Έ>ν86ξον σκοττην ου ττοΧύ των 
οΙκησ€ων νψηΧοτέραν etva^, XiyeaOat S* δτι ivTCv- 
Oev €Κ€Ϊνος άφεώρα τον Κάνωβον αστέρα, είναι 
δ' errX του ΎοΒιακοΰ κΧίματος την JiviSov, €φ* 
ου καΐ τα TdBeipa καΐ ή ταύττ/ τταραΧία, 

15. ^Εντεύθεν Bk ττρος βΐ€ν τα νότια μέρη ττΧέ- 
ουσιν η Αιβύη κβΐταΐ' ταύτης δέ τα Βυσμικώτατα 
μικρφ των ΤαΒείρων πρόκειται μαΧΧον, €Ϊτ άκραν 
ΐΓΟίησαντα στενην αναχωρεί προς ίω καΐ νότον, 
C 120 και πΧατύνεται κατ oXiyov, ίως αν τοΐς έσπερ- 
ίοις Αίθίοψι συνάψτ/, ούτοι S* υπόκεινται των 
περί ΚαρχηΒόνα τόπων ύστατοι, συνάπτοντες Ty 
iia της Κινναμωμοφόρου ypaμμf|, εΙς Bk ταναντία 
πΧέουσιν άπο του Ίεροΰ ακρωτηρίου μέχρι των 
^Αρτάβρων καΧου μένων ο πΧούς εστί προς αρκτον, 
εν Βεξια εχουσι την Αυσιτανίαν είτ 6 Χοιπος 
προς εω πάς άμβΧεΐαν yωvίav ποιών μέχρι των 
της ΤΙυρηνης άκρων των τεΧεντώντων εις τον 
ωκεανόν. τούτοις δε τά εσπερία της Έρεττανικής 
αντίκεινται προς αρκτον, ομοίως δέ και ταΐς 
*Αρτάβροις αντίκεινται προς αρκτον αΐ Καττί- 
τερίΒες καΧούμεναι νήσοι πεΧώγιαι κατά το 
Βρεττανικόν πως κΧίμα ίΒρυμέναι. ώστε ΒήΧον 
εφ* όσον συvάyετaι τα άκρα της οικουμένης κατΰΐ 

^ του τ€ τούί, Corais, for τούτου τβ ; Groskurd, Forbiger, 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 14-15 

he saw a star which he judged to be Canopus itself, so 
judging from the fact that those who had proceeded 
but a short distance south of Iberia w^ere in agreement 
that they saw Canopus, and also from scientific 
observations made at Cnidus ; for, says he, the 
observatory of Eudoxus at Cnidus is not much 
higher than the dwelling-houses, and from there, 
it is said, Eudoxus saw the star Canopus; and, 
adds Poseidonius, Cnidus lies on the parallel of 
Rhodes, on which lie both Gades and the coastline 

15. Now as you sail to the regions of the south 
you come to Libya ; of this country the westernmost 
coast extends only slightly beyond Gades ; then tKis 
coast, forming a narrow promontory, recedes towards 
the southeast and gradually broadens out to the 
point where it reaches the land of the Western 
Ethiopians. They are the most remote people south 
of the territory of Carthage, and they reach the 
parallel that runs through the Cinnamon-producing 
Country. But if you sail in the opposite direction 
from the Sacred Cape until you come to the people 
called Artabrians, your voyage is northward, and you 
have Lusitania on your right hand. Then all the 
rest of your voyage is eastward, thus making an 
obtuse angle to your former course, until you reach 
the headlands of the Pyrenees that abut on the 
ocean. The westerly parts of Britain lie opposite 
these headlands towards the north; and in like 
manner the islands called Cassiterides,^ situated in 
the open sea approximately in the latitude of Britain, 
lie opposite to, and north of, the Artabrians. There- 
fore it is clear how greatly the east and west ends of 

1 ** Tin Islands " ; now Scilly. 




μήκος ύττο τον ττερικεχυμενου ireXayovf; eh 

16. Ύοιοντου Se 6ντο<; του καθόλου σχήματος, 
γρησιμον φαίνεται 8ύο Χαββΐν ευθείας, αΐ τέμνον- 
σαι ττρος ορθάς άΧλήΧας, ή μεν Bicb του μήκους 
ήξεί του μετ/ίστου παντός, ή Βε Sta του ττλάτους, 
καϊ ή μέν των παραΧΚηλων εσται μία, η 8ε των 
μεσημβρινών εττειτα ταύταις τταραΧΚηΧους 
επινοοΰντας εφ* εκάτερα Ζιαιρεΐν κατίί ταύτας την 
γην καϊ την θαΚατταν, ρ χρώμενοι τυγχάνομεν. 
κα\ yhp το σχήμα μαΧΚον αν καταφανές γένοιτο, 
οποίον είρηκαμεν, κατίί το μ&γεθος των γραμμών, 
αΧΚα καϊ α\\α μέτρα εχουσων, των τε του μή- 
κους καΐ του πΧάτους, καϊ τα κλίματα άποΖηλω- 
θήσεται βελτιον, τά τε εωθινίυ καΐ τά εσπερία, ώς 
S' αΰτως τά νότια καϊ τά βόρεια, επεί 8ε 8ιά 
γνωρίμων τόπων "λαμβάνεσθαι Ζεΐ τας ευθείας 
ταύτας, αί μέν ελήφθησαν ή8η, \έyω Sk τά? μεσας 
8ύο, την τε του μήκους καΐ του πλάτους, τά? 
Χεχθείσας πρότερον, αί δ' αΧλαι ραΒίως ^γνωρί- 
ζοιντ &ν Sia τούτων τρόπον yap τίνα στοιχείοις 
χρώμενοι τούτοις τά παράλληλα μέρη συνεχ- 
όμεθα και τά? αλλάς σχέσεις των οικήσεων τάς 
τ' επΙ yής καϊ προς τά ουράνια, 

17. Πλείστοι/ δ' ή θαλαττα yεωy ραφεΐ καϊ 
σχηματίζει την yήv, κόλπους άπεpyaζoμέvη καϊ 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 15-17 

the inhabited world have been narrowed down by 
the surrounding sea. 

16. Such being the general shape of the inhabited 
world, it is clearly helpful to assume two straight 
lines that intersect each other at right angles, one of 
which will run through the entire greatest length 
and the other through the entire greatest breadth of 
the inhabited world ; and the first line will be one of 
the parallels, and the second line one of the meri- 
dians ; then it will be helpful to conceive of lines 
parallel to these two lines on either side of them 
and by them to divide the land and the sea with 
which we happen to be conversant. For thereby the 
shape of the inhabited world will prove more clearly 
to be such as I have described it, being judged by 
the extent of the lines, which lines are of different 
measurements, both those of the length and those of 
the breadth ; and thereby too the " climata " will be 
better represented, both in the east and in the west, 
and likewise in the south and in the north. But 
since these straight lines must be drawn through 
known places, two of them have already been so 
drawn, I mean the two central lines mentioned above, 
the one representing the length and the other the 
breadth ; and the other lines will be easily found by 
the help of -these two. For by using these lines as 
"elements,"^ so to speak, we can correlate the regions 
that are parallel, and the other positions, both geo- 
graphical and astronomical, of inhabited places. 

17. It is the sea more than anjrthing else that 
defines the contours of the land and gives it its 

^ Or, as we would say, ** axes of co-ordinates." (Strabo 
has in mind something similar to our system of co-ordinates 
in analytical geometry.) 




ητέΚώγη και 7Γορθμον<ζ, ομοίως δέ ισθμούς καί χερ- 
ρονήσους καί άκρας* ττροσΧαμβάνουσι he ταύτη 
καϊ οΐ τΓΟταμοΙ καΐ τά δρη. 8ια yap των τοιούτων 
ηπβιροί τ€ καϊ ίθνη και ττολβων θέσεις βύφνβΐς 
ένενοηθησαν καϊ τίΧΚα ττοικίΧματα, όσων μεστός 
εστίν 6 γωρο^ραφικος ττίναξ, iv δέ τούτοις και το 
των νήσων 'ττΧήθός εστί κατεστταρμενον εν τε τοις 
ττεΧά^βσι καϊ κατά τήν τταραΧίαν ττασαν, ά\\ων 
S* ^ άΧΧας άρετάς τε και κακίας καϊ τάς άττ' 
C 121 αύτων χρείας iiriSeiKw μένων fj Βνσχρηστίας, 
τάς μ€ν φύσει, τάς Be έκ κατασκευής, τάς φύσει 
Sei Χέ^ειν Βιαμένονσι ydp, αΐ δ' έττίθετοι Βέχονται 
μεταβο\άς. καϊ τούτων Βε τάς ττΧειω χρόνον σνμ- 
μένειν Βνναμένας εμφανιστέον, ή^ μη ττολν μέν, 
α\\ως δ' εττιφάνειαν μεν έχουσας Tivct και Βοξαν, 
ή προς τον ύστερον χρόνον παραμένουσα τρόπον 
τίνα συμφυή τοις τόποις ποιεί καί μηκέτι οΰσαν 
κατασκευήν ώστε ΒήΧον οτι Βει και τούτων 
μεμνήσθαι. περί ποΧλων yhp βστι πόλεων τοΰτ 
ειπείν, δπερ είπε Δημοσθένης επι των περί 
"ΟΧυνθον, &ς οΰτως ήφανίσθαι φησίν^ωστε μηΒ^ 
ει πώποτε ωκήθησαν yv&vai αν τίνα έπελβόντα, 
αλλ' όμως καΐ εις τούτους τους τόπους και εις αΧ- 
Χους άφικνοΰνται ασμενοι, τα y ϊχνη ποθουντες 
ΙΒεΐν των οΰτω Βιωνομασ μένων εpyωv, καθάπερ καϊ 
τους τάφους των ένΒόξων άνΒρων, ούτω Be καΧ νο- 

^ δ*, Corais inserts, after άλλων ; generally followed. 

2 fi, Corais inserts ; Groskurd, Kramer, Forbiger, following. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 17 

shape, by forming gulfs, deep seas, straits, and like- 
wise isthmuses, peninsulas, and promontories ; but 
both the rivers and the mountains assist the seas 
herein. It is through siieh natural features that we 
gain a clear conception of continents, nations, favour- 
able positions of cities, and all the other diversified 
details with which our geographical map is filled. 
And among these details are the multitude of islands 
scattered both in the open seas and along the whole 
seaboard. And since different places exhibit differ- Λ 
ent good and bad attributes, as also the advantages \ 
and inconveniences that result therefrom, some due 
to nature and others resulting from human design, 
the geographer should mention those that are due to 
nature ; for they are peraianent, whereas the adven- 
titious attributes undergo changes. And also of the 
lattA• attributes he should indicate such as can 
persist for a long time, or else such as can not persist 
for long and yet somehow possess a. certain distinc- 
tion and fame, whiclj, by enduring to later times, 
make a work of man, even when it no longer exists, 
a kind of natural attribute of a place ; hence it is , 
clear that these latter attributes must also be men- 
tioned. Indeed, it is possible to say concerning / 
many cities what Demosthenes said ^ of Olynthus and 
the cities r^nd about it,^ which have so completely ' 
disappeared; he says, that a visitor could not know i 
even whether they had ever been founded. But 
nevertheless men like to visit these places as well as 
others, because they are eager to see at least the traces \ / 

of deeds so widely famed, just as they like to visit the 
tombs of illustrious men. So, also, I have mentioned 

1 PhUippicsS. 117. 

2 Methone, ApoUonia, and thirty-two other cities. 


VOL. I. Η Η 




μίμων καϊ iroXirei&v μβμνημβθα των μηκέτι ού- 
σων, βντανθα και της ώφβΧβίας ιτροκαΧουμένης 
τον αυτόν τρόττον ονττβρ καΐ iirX των πράξεων η 
yhp ζήλου χάριν, ή ίττοτροττής των τοιούτων. 

18. Λβγο/Αβκ δ' άναΧαβοντες αττο της πρώτης 
ύποτυττώσεως, οτι η καθ* ημάς οικουμένη yij ττερίρ- 
ρυτος ούσα λέγεται κόλπους εις εαυτην άπο της 
εξω θαλάττης κατίι τον ώκεανον ποΧλούς, μετγί- 
στους δέ τετταρας* ων 6 μεν βόρειος Κασπία 
καλείται θάλαττα, οι S* 'Ύρκανίαν προσα^ορεύου- 
σιν 6 δέ ΤΙερσικος καϊ ^Αράβιος άπο της νοτιάς 
άναγεονται θαλάττης, 6 μεν της Κασπίας κατ 
αντικρύ μάλιστα, 6 δέ τ^9 ΤΙοντικης* τον Βε 
τέταρτον, δσπερ πολύ τούτους ύπερβέβληται κατά 
το μϋ^εθος, η εντός καϊ καθ* ημάς λεγομένη θάλατ- 
τα απεργάζεται, την μεν άρχην άπο της εστ^ίρας 
λαμβάνουσα καϊ του κατά τάς Ηρακλείους στη- 
λας πορθμού, μηκυνομένη δ' εις το προς ?ω μέρος 
εν άλλφ και αλλφ ^ πλάτει, μετά δέ ταύτα σχιζο- 
μένη καϊ τελευτωσα εις Βύο κόλπους πελα^γίους, 
τον μεν iv αριστερά, ονπερ Εΰξεινον πόντον προσ- 
α^ορεύομεν, τον δ έτερον τον συ^κείμενον ίκ τε 
του Αιγυπτίου πελάγους καΧ του ΊΙαμφυλίου 
καϊ του *Ισσικοΰ. άπαντες δ' οί λεχθέντες κόλποι 
άπο της εξω θαλάττης στενον 9χουσι τον 
εϊσπλουν, μάλλον μεν ο τε *Αράβιος καϊ 6 
κατά Χτηλας, fJTTOv δ' οί λοιποί, ή Βε περι- 
κλείουσα αυτούς γη τριχή νενέμηται, καθά- 
περ εϊρηται. ή μεν οΰν Έιύρώττη πολυσχημονε- 
στίίτϊ; πασών εστίν, η δέ Αιβύη τάναντία 
πέπονθεν, η δβ Άσ/α μέσην πως άμφοΐν έχει 

. ^ καϊ ίλλφ, Casaubon conjectures ; editors following. 


GEOGRAPrtY, 2.5.17-18 

customs and constitutions that no longer exist, for 
the reason that utility urges me in their case just as 
it does in the case of deeds of action ; that is, either^ 
to incite emulation or else avoidance of this or that. 
18. I now resume my first sketch of the inhabited 
world and say that our inhabited world, being girt 
by the sea, admits into itself from the exterior sea 
along the ocean many gulfs, of which four are very 
large. Of these four gulfs the northern one is 
called the Caspian Sea (though some call it the 
Hyrcanian Sea) ; the Persian Gulf and the Arabian 
Gulf pour inland from the Southern Sea, the one 
about opposite the Caspian Sea and the other about 
opposite the Pontus ; and the fourth, which far 
exceeds the others in size, is formed by the sea 
which is called the Interior Sea, or Our Sea ; it takes 
its beginning in the west at the strait at the Pillars 
of Heracles, and extends lengthwise towards the 
regions of the east, but with var3ring breadth, and 
finally divides itself and ends in two sea-like gulfs, 
the one on the left hand, which we call the Euxine 
Pontus, and the other consisting of the Egyptian, 
the Pamphylian, and the Issican Seas. All these 
aforesaid gulfs have narrow inlets from the Exterior 
Sea, particularly the Arabian Gulf and that at the 
Pillars, whereas the others are not so narrow. The 
land that surrounds these gulfs is divided into three 
parts, as I have said. Now Europe has the most 
irregular shape of all three ; Libya has the most 
regular shape ; while Asia occupies a sort of middle 


Η Η 2 



C 122 την hiaOeaiv αττασαι δ* i/c της βντος τταρα- 
Χίας €χονσί την αΐτίαν του τ€ ττοΚυσχημονος καΧ 
του μη, ή δ' €λτο9 ττΧην των Χβχθβντων κοΧττων 
άττΧη καΧ γΧαμυΖοέιίη^ ίστιν, ώς ^Ittov, τάς δ 
αΧΧας iv μίκρφ Βιαφοράς βατίον oihkv yhp iv 
τοί? /Α€γάλοί9 Το μΐίίρόν* en δ* βττβΐ κατίί την 
^(ίω'^ραφί,κην ίστορίαν ου (Τχηματα μόνον ζητοΰμβν 
/cal μβ^γέθη τοττων^ αλλά καΐ (Τχ€(Τ€ΐς ττρο^ αΧΧηΧα 
αυτών, ωσττερ βφαμβν, καΐ βνταΰθα το ττοίκίΧον η 
ivTo^ τταραΧία τταρέχβται μαΧΧον ή ή €κτ6ς, ττοΧύ 
δ' έστΙ καΐ το γνώριμον καΐ το εΰκρατον καί το 
τΓοΧεσν καϊ eOveaiv €ύνομουμ€νοις συνοικούμβνον 
μαΧΧον ενταύθα η €/c€i. ττοθούμεν Τ€ eihevai 
ταύτα, iv οίς ττΧβίου^; irapaSvSovTai πράξει*; καϊ 
ΤΓοΧιτβΐαί καΐ τέχναι καΙ τ5λλα, δσα eh φρόνησιν 
συν€ρ'^€ΐ, αΧ Τ€ χρβΐαι συνώγουσιν ημα<ξ ττρο^ 
€Κ€Ϊνα, &ν iv iφcκτφ αΐ iTnirXoKaX καϊ κοινωνία^ 
ταύτα δ' €στ\ν οσα οίκβΐται, μαΧΧον δ' οΙκ€Ϊται 
/caX&<;. προς άπαντα δέ τά τοιαύτα, ώς ίφην, ή 
παρ ημίν θάΧαττα πΧεονέκτημα €χ€ΐ pM'ya* καϊ 
Βη καΐ ίνθεν άρκτέον της περιηγήσεως, 

19. Έίϊρηται δέ οτν αρχή τούΒβ τού κοΧπου 
iaTtv 6 κατά τας ΧτηΧας πορθμός' το δέ στενό- 
τατον τούτου περί εβΒομήκοντα στα^ίους Χέζεται* 
παραπΧεύσαντι δέ τον στενωπον εκατόν καϊ εί- 
κοσι σταΒίων οντά Βιάστασιν Χαμβάνουσιν αί 


GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 18-19 

position between the other two in this respect. And 
the cause of their irregularity or their lack of it 
lies in the coastline of the Interior Sea, whereas the 
coastline of the Exterior Sea, with the exception of 
that of the aforesaid gulfs, is regular and, as I have 
said, like a chlamys ; but 1 must leave out of view 
the other slight irregularities, for a little thing is 
nothing when we are dealing with great things. 
And further, since in the study of geography we 
inquire not merely into the shapes and dimensions of 
countries, but also, as I have said, into their positions 
with reference to each other, herein, too, the coast- 
line of the Interior Sea offers for our consideration 
more varied detail than that of the Exterior Sea. 
And far greater in extent here than there is the 
known portion, and the temperate portion, and the 
portion inhabited by well-governed cities and 
nations. Again, we wish to know about those parts 
of the world where tradition places more deeds of 
action, political constitutions, arts, and everjrthing 
else that contributes to practical wisdom ; and our 
needs draw us to those places with which commercial 
and social intercourse is attainable; and these are 
the places that are under government, or rather 
under good government. Now, as I have said, our 
Interior Sea has a great advantage in all these 
respects ; and so with it I must begin my de- 

19. I have already stated that the strait at the 
Pillars forms the beginning to this gulf; and the 
narrowest part of the strait is said to be about 
seventy stadia; but after you sail through the 
narrows, which are one hundred and twenty stadia 
in length, the coasts take a divergent course all at 




ηι6ν€^ άθρόαν, η δ' iv apiarepa μαΧΚον eZr* 
Sslrt^ psyaXov φαίνεται ττβλαγους. ορίζβται δ' 
€Κ μ^ν του he^tov irkevpov τ^ Αιβυκ^ παραΧία 
μβχρι Καρχηδόνος, ifc δέ θατέρου τ^ τ€ * Ιβη- 
ρική} καΐ τη JiekTiK^ κατά ^άρβωνα καϊ Μασ- 
σαΧίαν, kou μ€τα ταύτα τ§ Αίγυστικτ}, τέλβνταία 
Se τ§ ^ΙταΧικτ} μ^χρι τον XixeXi/cov ττορθμον, 
το δ' €φον του ireXar/ov^ πΧευρον η St/ceX^a €στΧ 
teal οί ίκατέρωθβν αυτής ττορθμοί' 6 μέν ττρος Ttj 
Ίταλ/α ίτΓταστάΒιος, 6 Se ττρος ττ} Καρχν^όρι 
γίΧίων καϊ ττβντακοσίων σταδίων, η δ' άττο^ των 
ΖτήΧων €7γΙ το ίπταστάΒιον ^γραμμή μέρος μέν 
έστι της eirX ^Vohov καϊ τον Ύαΰρον, μέσον Βέ πως 
τέμνει το Χεχθ^ν ττβλαγο?• XeycTai δέ σταϋων 
μυρίων καϊ ΒισχιΧίων τοΰτο μεν 8η το μήκος 
του τΓβΧότ/ους, πΧάτος Se το με^ίστον όσον ττεντα- 
κισχιΧίων σταΒίων το άττο του ΤαΧατίκοΰ κόΧττου 
μεταξύ ΜασσαΧίας καϊ ί^άρβωνος έιτϊ την κατ 
αντικρύ Αιβύην. καΧοΰσι 06 το ττρος τ^ Αιβυτ) 
πάν μέρος τής θάΧάττης ταύτης Αιβυκον ΊτέΧα- 
709, το δέ Ίτρος τ§ κατ αντικρύ yn το μεν 
^Ιβηρικόν, το 8ε Αΐ'^/υστικον, το δε %aph6viov^ 
τεΧευταΐον δέ μέχρι τής ΧικεΧίας το Ύυρρηνικόν. 
νήσοι δ' είσϊν εν μλν τ^ τταραΧία τ^ κατά το 
Ύυρρηνικον πέΧα'γος μέχρι τής Αΐ'^υστικής συχναί, 
C 123 μέψσται δέ ΧαρΒω καϊ Κύρνος μετά ^ε την 
'%ικεΧίαν' αΰτη δέ καϊ των αΧΧων εστϊ μεγίστη 
των καθ* ημάς καϊ αρίστη, ττόΧύ δέ τούτων 

^ Trjs, Kramer euspecte, before των :Ζτηλων ; Meineke 
deletes ; C. Miiller approving. 

^ 2ap96vioVf Corais, for ^αρ^ώνιον ; Meineke following ; 
C. Miiller approving. 



GEOGRAPHY, 2. 5. 19 

once, though the one on the left diverges more ; and 
then the gulf assumes the aspect of a great sea. It 
is bounded on the right side by the coastline of 
Libya as far as Carthage, and on the other side, 
first, by Iberia and also by Celtica in the regions of 
Narbo and Massilia, and next by Liguria, and finally 
by Italy as far as the Strait of Sicily, The eastern 
«ide of this sea is formed by Sicily and the straits 
on either side of Sicily ; the one between Italy and 
Sicily is seven stadia in width and the on^' between 
Sicily and Carthage is fifteen hundred stadia. But 
the line from the Pillars to the seven-stadia strait is 
a part of the line to Rhodes and the Taurus Range ; 
it cuts the aforesaid sea approximately in the middle ; 
and it is said to be twelve thousand stadia in length. 
This, then, is the length of the sea, while its great- 
est breadth is as much as five thousand stadia, the 
distance from the Galatic Gulf between Massilia and 
Narbo to the opposite coast of Libya. The entire 
portion of this sea along the coast of Libya they call 
the Libyan Sea, and the portion that lies along the 
opposite coast they call, in order, the Iberian Sea, 
the Ligurian Sea, the Sardinian Sea, and finally, to 
Sicily, the T3n'rhenian Sea. There are numerous 
islands along the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea as far 
as Liguria, and largest of all are Sardinia and 
Corsica, except Sicily ; but Sicily is the largest and 
best of all the islands in our part of the world. 


y Google 


Χειττόμβραι TreXaytat μβν Tlavdarepia^ re καϊ 
ΤΙοντία, irpSayeioi δέ ΑΙΘάλία τ€